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English Puritan & Reformed

A Brief Register Calendar Part 1

William Prynne (1600-1669) · 173,050 words · 769 min

The source for this document is https://quod.lib.umich.edu/e/eebo/A56164.0001.001

Project Note

This is licensed under Creative Commons CC BY-NC-ND. This license allows reusers to copy and distribute the material in any medium or format in unadapted form only, for noncommercial purposes only, and only so long as attribution is given to the creator.

The source of this document is the Early English Books Online (EEBO-TCP) website. Those books were transcribed in a character for character manner and can be very cumbersome to read since there was no standard spelling during that time. Many spelling variations such as "unlesse", "vnlesse", and "vnles" regularly appear.

This project was conceived to clean up those books as much as possible and make them more accessible to the interested reader, leading to the creation of a massive list of variant spellings and their corrections. This was used to clean up the text, but is of course only as complete as the list itself. Because of the nature of the original transcription, some words have missing characters or places where the original language (e.g., Greek) was not transcribed. This effort does not change that. Be aware that the original transcription can also be faulty and in some cases entire sentences may be missing.

Although this is no substitute for a properly compared, proofed, and scholarly edition, I believe that the result is a document which is far more accessible, particularly for searching for terms using standard spelling. The document has been cleaned and presented in what I hope is a pleasing and useful format for the vast majority of Christian brothers and sisters who just want access to read these spiritually nourishing works.

However, a word of warning: The Puritans were a very diverse group of people and their age was characterized with godliness, but also much upheaval, disputation and strife. They disagreed on many doctrines and some of these works contain less orthodox or Scriptural views than others. The reader is strongly advised to read with discernment, particularly if it is unknown whether author is trustworthy.

This project took a huge amount of time and skill to bring to fruition. I would particularly like to thank David Jonescue for the initial list of Puritans he found on EEBO and the concept behind this project as well as the continuous, unceasing efforts toward seeing this complete. Without his labor, this would not be available. Alex Sarrouf was invaluable in providing the initial list of over 7,000 spelling variations he had identified and corrected, as well as continuing to review more than 16,000 additions to that list for any typos.

Logan West
(with David Jonescue and Alex Sarrouf)
www.puritansearch.org

The FIRST PART of a Brief Register, Kalendar and Survey of the several Kinds, Forms of all Parliamentary Writs:

COMPRISING In 3. Sections, all Writs, Forms of Summons to Great Councils, Parliaments, Convocations in the Tower, from the 5 th of King John (1203) till 23 Edw. 4. (1483) to all sorts of Spiritual and Temporal Lord's, Greatmen (Members of,) and the Kings Council (Assistants to) THE HOUSE OF LORD'S: With other Rare Writs, and 4. Exact Alphabetical, Chronological Tables: 1. Of all Abbols, Priors, Masters of Orders, Clergy-men, (except Bishops:) 2. Of all Dukes, Earls, Forreign Kings, Marquesses, Princes of Wales: 3 Of all Lay- Barons, Lord's, Vicounts, Great men: 4. Of all the Kings Council (Justices, Clerks, or other Officers) with the several numbers of each of them, and of Bishops, summoned to every Council, Parliament, and the Years, Rolls, Dorses in every Kings reign, wherein their names are recorded.

Illustrated with choice, useful Annotations, Observations concerning these Writs differences, alterations, entries in the Clause Rolls: the Stiles, Titles, Additions of Patriarcha, Cardinalis, Electus, Confirmatus, Magister, &c. given in them to Spiritual; of Baro, Miles, Dominus, &c. to Temporal Lord's; with their Baronies, Fealty, Homage, Oaths, right of Session, Judicature: The Clergies forms of Procurations; Exemption from Taxes by the Laity: Our Kings Prerogative to call, prorogue, dissolve Parliaments, hold them by a Custos Regni, or Commissioners, by Patents (here cited;) to create Peers, Barons by Patent, special (not general) Writs (here registered;) to summon extraordinary Members, Assistants; Their propriety in Parliaments, dissolved by their deaths; The Power of their Council in, and out of them; The Constitution, Jurisdiction, Proceedings, Privileges, Ends, Duties of English Parliaments, Lord's, Commons; Their inconsistence with armed guards, seclusion of Members (by force, oaths, menaces ) and with Scottish, or Irish Intruders; Their late differences from Councils. Parliamentum, when first used in Writs, Acts, Histories, &c. With other particulars. Publishing more Rarities, rectifying more Errors in vulgar Writers, touching our Parliaments, than any former Treatises of this Subject.

By WILLIAM PRYNNE Esq a Bencher of Lincolns Inn.

Mercurius Trismegistus. In unaquaque art tanta ducimur caecitatis caligine, ut maxima part eorum quae scimus, sit minima pars eorum quae ignoramus.

LONDON Printed for the Author, and sold by Edward Thomas in Little Britain, and Henry Brome in Ivy Lane, 1659.

To the Ingenuous Readers, especicially those of the Long Robe, and more Noble or Generous English Extraction.

T Here are 5. grand Defects of very public concernment, highly tending if not to the dishonor, yet certainly to the great disservice, prejudice of our Kingdom, Parliaments, great Officers of State, Nobility, Gentry, Nation, and more especially of the Professors and Profession of the municipal Laws, which I have for many years last past, not only much admired at, and exceedingly deplored, but also used my best endeavors to get supplied, so far as there was ny probability to effect it.

The 1. is the irreparable loss of all the Parliament olls during the Reigns of our ancient •• t Kings, from William the 1. till 5 E. 2. the first Roll of that kind now extant) and of many other of those Rolls since, during the Reigns of Edw. 2. and 3. with the not publishing in Print those Parliamentary Rolls and Records yet extant by public Order, for the benefit of Posterity, to prevent their suppression, destruction, Embezelling by fire, war, casualties, t e negligence, or present malice of some Jesuitical Furies, or illit rate Animals, instigated thereunto by Hugh Peters his misintituled Pamphlet, Good work for a good Magistrate, printed 1651. p. 96. Where after his proposal of a short new Model for the Law, he subjoins, This being done, I IS VERY ADVISABLE TO BURN ALL THE OLD RECORDS, YEA EVEN THOSE IN THE TOWER, THE MONVMENTS OF TYRANNY: Which desperate bedlam advise of his, I have elsewhere at large refuted, as most pernicious to the public, and to all Corporations and Landed men.

The 2. is the great want of an Exact Collection out of the Clause, Parliament, and Statu'e Rolls, of all Statutes, Ordinances and Acts of Parliament made before the use of Printing them immediately after the Parliaments conclusion, or during their Sessions, came in fashion: all our Statutes at large, and the Abridgments of them, (even Ferdinando Pultons of Lincolns Inn Esq. the best & most refined) having sundry Spurious Impostures printed in them, under the Titles of Acts, Statutes, and Ordinances of Parliament, which in ver ty are neither of them, but only particular Writs or Instuctions of the King to the Justices and other Officers by advise of his Coun l out of Parliament: Such are the St tutes, De circumspecte agatis, said to be made in 13. E. 1. (resolved to be no Statute, but made by the Prelates alone. M. 19. E. 3. Fitz. Jur. 28.) The Statutes of Protections, Champerty, and Conspirators, in 33 E. 1. De conjunctim feoffatis, in 34 E. 1. Ne rector prosternat arbores in caemiterio, in 35 E. 1. The Statute for Knights, 1 E. 2. of Gavelet, 10 E. 2. with sundry others, as the very form, words, & penning of them demonstrate, being transcribed only out of the Clause or Patents not Parliament or Statute Rolls. Besides these there are some forged Acts and Statutes printed in these Statute Books not extant in the Statute Rolls that remain entire: yea, there are sundry misprisions in printed Statutes, varying both in form & substance from the Statute Rolls wherein they are recorded, omitting some material words and clauses, adding and altering others; most of the publishers of our Statutes taking them upon mere trust, as they found them transcribed by others, but never examining them by the Statute Rolls & Original Records, as is most apparent by their mistakes of the very times and dates of some Statutes, by their printing others of them without any date, as made during the reign of King H. 3. Ed. the 1. or 2. BUTUNCERTAIN WHEN, ORIN WHICH OF THEIR TIMES, & by the manifold variances between their Printed Books, and the Statute Rolls, of which I have given you a particular account in my Table to the E act. Abridgement of the Records in the Tower; the Compiler whereof was mistaken in this, That the Statute of 2 R. 2. c. 5. touching tellers of News (or Lyes ) of Noblemen, or Counselors, is not in the Record, nor any mention thereof; it being recorded at large in French in the Statute Roll of the first Parliament that year, wherein it is printed, though not in the second, as I can attest upon my own view of the Statute Roll itself. Besides these Impostures, and Variances, there are many useful Acts in the Parliament and Clause Rolls totally omitted out of all our Printed Statute-Books, some whereof I have heretofore published in my Irenarches Redivivus.

The 3. is the Grand deplorable Deficiency of such an Exact Chronological History of all the Great Councils, Synods, Parliaments of England, with their several Canons, Acts, Ordinances, Proceedings, as I have formerly mentioned in the Epistle to my Plea for the Lord's, my Preface to an Exact Abridgement of the Records in the Tower; and in a printed Title three year since, by which I endeavored to promote it; which would supply all the three precedent Defects.

The 4. is the great lack of diligent faithful Collections and Publications of all the choicest Records, Proclamations, Writs, Letters, Charters, Patents, Commissions, &c. in the Tower, or elsewhere, which concern the Liberties and Properties of the Subject; The just ancient Duties, Customs, Revenues, Jurisdictions of the Kings and Crown of England in times of War and peace; the Coin, Merchandize, Manufactures, Trade, Government, Navy, Forts, Militia of England and Ireland; and the Negotiations, Leagues, Treaties with foreign States: or at leastwise the want of an Exact Table, Repertory to them, whereby they might be readily found out, and made u e of upon all emergent occasions.

The 5. is a Compleat Register or Kalendar of all Parliamentary Writs extant in our Records, which those who have formerly written Discourses touching our English Parliaments, were either totally ignorant of, or not well acquainted with, or else took no care or pains at all to communicate to others, though the very foundations of all our Parliaments and their proceedings; The omission or ignorance whereof hath made most of their Treatises of this subject very imperfect, unsatisfactory, and full of gross misprisions, which pass for current Truths.

It seemed very strange and monstrous to me, that none of our Kings, Parliaments, Great Officers of State, Nobles, but especially none of our reverend Judges, learned Lawye s, nor any of the M sters of the Rolls (to whose beneficial Office, care, diligence, it most prope lie appertained) in so large a tract of time since Printing first grew common, have not hitherto put to their own helping hands, nor encouraged others by Honorary Salaries, to supply these depl rabble, prejudicial Defects, (especially the 3. first) which so much concern the public Government, Justice, Honor, welfare, Laws, Interest of the whole English Nation; when as foreign Kings Parliaments, Statesmen, Lawyers, Advocates (especially in France, Spain, Germany, Denmark ) have been very diligent and laborious in later ages, in searching out, transcribing, publishing to posterity all the Antiquities, Records, Councils, Parliaments, Laws, Edicts, Ordinances, Histories, Transactions of th ir Predecessors, and encouraged their learnedest Scholars by great Offices, Honors, Salaries, and bountiful rewards, to collections and publications of this Nature, to their eternal honor. Whereupon I endeavored the last long Parliament by an Epistle to the Lord's to excite them to contribute their best assistance towards the speedy Publication of all our Parliamentary Rolls and Records, proffering my best endeavors to promote it; but I neither then nor since received the least encouragement from them or others towards this beneficial public undertaking, from which soon after I was both discouraged and disabled by near 3. years close Imprisonment in 3. remote Castles, under armed, strictest guards by Mr. John Bradshaws and his Whitehall Associates warrant, without any accusation, hearing, or particular cause either then or since expressed, of purpose to debar me from publishing anything of this Nature, or against their New Tyrannical usurpations, transcending all in former ages. After my enlargement from these 3. years expensive, as well as tedious restraints, (superadded to my former Imprisonments and Losses under the Prelates and Army-Officers, ) I endeavored to revive this Heroic work, and to encourage all public-Spirited Noblemen, Gentlemen, Lawyers to promote it; both by the publication of many unknown rare Records, in the second Part of my Demurrer to the Jews long discontinued Remitter into England; and Discoveries therein of the Usefulness and excellency of our Records in general, and of those relating to our Parliaments, Laws, Liberties, Properties in particular: Since which, by a printed Paper, I proposed a way, how, in what manner, and by what time this useful Design might probably be effected with no loss at all, but certain gain to those who should contribute only 10 〈◊〉 a piece towards it, for a year or two at most, and should then certainly receive their principal again, together with Books in the interval amounting to treble the interest; which, though some of my friends to whom I communicated these papers, highly approved of, seeming forwards to contribute towards it, yet I found such a general lukewar nness, or rather absolute coldness (in others) really to advance it, as caused me totally to desist from any further prosecution thereof; Whereupon to supply those defects in some degree as much as in me lay, I did with no little pains and cost upon my own private account alone, (without the least assistance, contribution from any others) collect, compile, print and publish to the world, in the 3. First Parts of my Seasonable Historical Vindication, and Chronological Collection of the good old Fundamental Liberties, Rights, Franchises, Laws 〈◊〉 all English Freemen; an Exquisite Epitome of all the Parliamentary Councils, Synods, and State-assemblies held within our Realms upon several Occasions, extant in our Historians, from the Britons first arival therein, till the Coronation of King William the first Anno 1066. containing the space of 2390. years. Which though very useful, seasonable, profitable, containing sundry rarities in them; were looked upon by most men with contempt, like old Almanacs, Clothes or Fashions quite out of d te; whence most of them lie moulding in Warehouses for want of sale. After which in pursuit of these beginnings; I freely contributed my labors, to the publishing of A •• xact Abridgment of the Parli meant Rolls and Records in the Tower of London; from King Edward the 2. till 1 R. 3. rectifying sundry mistakes, supplying divers defects therein, adorning it with a necessary Preface, useful Tables and Marginal Notes, without which it had been in a manner altogether useless▪ Since which, I much enlarged and reprinted pon my own Account alone (for want of assistance by others) my Plea for the Lord's and House of Peers; Wherein I have communicated to the world out of Records and Histories, more Presidents, knowledge, touching the Judicature, Jurisdiction and Proceedings of our Great Councils and Parliaments in former ages, and more fully vindicated the just, ancient Privilege and Hereditary right of the Lord's and Barons of this Realm, to sit, vote, judge in all our English Parliaments, than any others have done in former ages, without the least encouragement, aid, or retribution from any of their Lordships, notwithstanding my manifold sufferings by, from, and under some of them and their ancesters heretofore both in person and estate, without the smallest voted recompense.

These last publications, together with my Sovereign Power of Parliaments and Kingdoms, my Historical Collection of the Great Councils and Parliaments of England; and new published Argument of the Case of the Lord Magwire, having in some measure (though not so fully as I desire) supplied the 4. first premised De ects, I have endeavored by this present Brief Regist •• , 〈◊〉 and Survey of the s veral 〈…〉 , (the only Basis whereon Parliaments are founded, by which they are supported, directed, as well as convened) and by my useful Observations on them, more completely to supply the 5. de ect, than any of the former, so far as my present leisure and ability will extend, without supplies from others; wherein I have with no little pains and diligence, given you a most exact and faithful Account of all the Writs of Summons to Parliaments, Great Councils, and most Convocations in England, extant in the Clause Rolls and Records of the Tower, from the 5. year of King John, till the 23. of Edward the 4th, that I have hitherto met with upon my best search after them, digested into several Sections in a Chronological method, with useful Observations on them; Wherein you have a compendious, yet full and satisfactory Account of all the several Forms and Varieties of writs of Summons during all this tract of time issued to Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Masters of Religious Orders, and all Spiritual Lord's; to the Prince of Wales, Forein Kings, Dukes, Earls, Marquesses, Vicounts, Barons, Temporal Lord's and Great men; to the Kings Council, Judges and other Assistants to the House of Lord's; the Sheriffs of Counties, and particular Corporations made Counties, for electing Knights, Citizens and Burgesses to serve in Parliament, and to the Constable of Dover Castle, Warden of the Cinque-ports, and Ports themselves for electing Barons of those Ports; with the particular Rolls, membranaes, dorses, wherein every of these summons are recorded: Together with a general Account in gross sum , how many Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Earls, Barons, Great men, and Assistants of the Kings Council were summoned to every of these Parliaments and Great Councils, & 4 most useful, accurate, short Alphabetical & Chronological ables, inserted into my Observations on the 3. first Sections of these Different writs: 1. Of the Names of all the Abbots, Priors, Masters of Religious Orders, and other Clergymen (except Bishops) summoned to any Parliament or Great Council from 49 H. 3. till 23 E. 4. with the years, rolls, dorses in each Kings reign, wherein you shall find them summoned, and how oft any of them were summoned, and consequently when omitted out of the lists of summons. 2ly. Of the Names of all the Dukes, Earls, Marquesses, and Princes of Wales. 3ly. Of all the Temporal Viscounts, Lord's, Barons, Peers, and Great men. 4ly. Of all the Kings Council, Judges, Justices, and other Great Officers summoned as Assistants to the Lord's, in every Parliament and Great Council held in England from 49 H. 3. to 23 E. 4. with the particular Roll, year, dorse in every Kings reign, wherein you may find their names and summons entered, and when and how oft any of them or their posterity were thus summoned. Which Tables, as they were very painful and troublesome to me exactly to collect, being enforced to transcribe most of them three times over, before I could digest them into that form as here you find them, consisting of very many figures (which I examined near five times over, to prevent mistakes in any of them) so being thus completed, will be the most useful and delightful Calendar to all Antiquaries, Heralds, Law ers, Noblemen, Gentlemen and others delighting in Antiquities, or Pedegrees, ever yet communicated to the English Nation; rectifying all those mistakes in names, & supplying those manifold defects in my Table of this nature to the Exact Abridgement of the Records in the Tower. If any Noblemen. Lawyers, Gentlemen, or others, would find out and know in a moment, when or how often, or in what Roll and dorse any of their Ancestors, Family, Name, were summoned to any Parliament or Great Council; or when or how often any Abbot or Prior (whose lands they or their Clients now enjoy) were summoned to Parliaments, or of what Order they were, these Tables, compared with the printed Lists before them, will presently resolve them, better than all the Tables and Kalendars to the Records in the Tower, which are very defective, and if they have cause to make use of the Records upon any occasion, these Tables will punctually direct them both to the Number Roll and Dorse too wherein they are recorded, without further search: So as I may conclude them to be greatly beneficial, as well to the Keepers of those Records, as to all those who shall have future occasion to make use of them in any kind.

For the extraordinary writs of summons and others here published at large, I dare aver, that most of the Nobility, Gentry, Lawyers, and Parliament men of the English Nation▪ never so much as once saw, or heard of most of them before this publication; and those few Antiquaries, Lawyers, Gentlemen, who have gottenauy transcripts and Collections of the writs of summons in the Tower, shall meet with many memorable rare writs in this Abridgement, which are totally omitted out of their Folio Volumes, collected to their hands by others; which I have here supplied by my own industry, and likewise digested into method: all those large Coll ctions of writs which I have yet seen, being both defective, confused, fraught with a tedious repetition of those names of Abbots, Priors, Dukes, Earls, Lord's, Barons, which I have contracted into four short Tables in an orderly method. So as I may justly style this Register, Kalendar and Survey, a rich Cabinet, and Compendious Treasury of the chiefest, and most precious Parliamentary Jewels, Rarities, Records, ever yet presented to the world in print.

As for my Observations on, and Collections from these writs, I dare affirm without vainglory, they are for the most part such, as were never yet known nor communicated to the world; and will be of excellent use, not only for the searching, but understanding of Records, and of the true constitution, proceedings, Privileges, Affairs, Ends of the Great Councils and Parliaments of England, and duties of their respective Members; wherein I have discovered, refuted many oversights and mistakes in Sir Edward Cook, and other pretended Antiquaries, who have written of our English Parliaments, and given clearer evidences of the original, beginning, use of the name Parliament in England; of the Authority, Power, use of the Kings Council, Judges in Parliaments; of the Kings general writs of Summons to Temporal as well as Spiritual persons who held not by Barony, not making themselves, nor their Successors, nor posterities, Lord's or Barons, and of sundry other material particulars, relating to the Freedom, Fulness, Summons, Affairs & Proceedings of our Parliaments, than any hitherto have done; out of an unfeigned desire of communicating more knowledge to the present & succeeding Generations, touching our Parliaments, and their affairs, than former times have been publicly acquainted with, that thereby I might restore our Parliaments to their primitive institution, use, splendor, freedom, Honor, that so the may be made medicinal Restoratives, Blessing not Grievances, or Diseases to our 〈◊〉 Church and State, or Physicians of no value. We read of a woman in the Gospel, which had a issue of blood for 12 years, and had suff ed many thi gs of many Physicians, and spent all that she had upon them, even all her living, and yet was nothing better, but rather worse, and could not be heated by any of them. This woman is a true Emble of England, lie •• g for so many years, or more, si k of a bloody issue under the hands of several Physicians, under the Name and Disguise of Parliaments of several Forms and Modells, who (with their armed supporters) have put her to infinite expenses, sufferings, and exhausted all she hath; and yet they have neither healed nor amended her in any kind, but left her in a arr worse condition then they found her, for want of healing skil, or medicins; applying nothing but new corrosives & causticks of steel, instead of astringents and incar natives to her bleeding wounds: yea those very Physicians are now so full of man fold infirmities, distempers, if not gross corruptions, that we may surely say unto them this Proverb, PHYSICIAN HEAL THY SELF, before we can possibly expect any public healing from them either in Church or State. If these few leaves, through God's blessing on them, shall become like to the leaves of the tree of life, for the healing of these Physicians, & our Nations, (one prime end of their publication) I shall bless God for it, and deem my cost and labor well bestowed; however this shall be my comfort; In magnis et voluisse sat est: Etiam non assecutis voluisse abunde pulchrum atque magnisicum est, in such a case as this.

One chief means to make our future Parliaments beneficial, medicinal and restorative to our Nation, is, to restore them to their ancient freedom, and secure them and their Members from all future force and violence; which may be easily effected, 1. By removing all armed Forces, and Soldiers a good distance from the places where they shall be kept, and prohibiting them under severest penalties, not to approach near unto them during their Sessions. 2ly. By defending the wearing of any offensive arms or weapons in or near the Cities where the Parliaments convene. 3ly. By inhibiting all tumultuous popular addresses to them, under color of Petitions or otherwise, and ordering, that no Petitions or Addresses shall be tendered unto them from any County, City, Corporation, or Fraternity upon any occasion by above 12. grave selected persons at most, under pain of being questioned and proceeded against as tumultuous. 4ly. By declaring and enacting all Persons whatsoever to be actual Traitors, and Enemies to the Nation, (as they are by Law ) and to be effectually proceeded against as such; who shall offer any force, violence, assault to the Parliament, or any Member or Members thereof during their attending therein, or in going to or returning from the same, or violently interrupt their proceeding . And that all who shall hereafter be peccant in this kind, & their heirs males shall be forever hereafter disabled to sit in Parliament, or bear any Office whatsoever, Civil or military, or to purchase or re-ceive any Lands, Chattels, Gift, Legacy or bequest whatsoever, or to enjoy the privileges of an English Freeman.

My chief design in this & other late publications, hath been to inform the English Nation of the true Original constitution, uses, ends, Rights, Privileges, Judicarure, and Proceedings of the Great Councils and Parliaments held within our Island, from its original plantation by the Britons, till the Normans ruling in it, which I have already published in a Brief Chr nological manner, and from thence to the end of King Edward the 4th his reign, which I have likewi e in a good measure accomplished in my late enlarged Plea for the Lord's and House of Peers; wherein I have given the Readers a large account of most of the Great Councils held under King Henry the 1. and 2. proving, there were no Knights, Citizens or Burgesses summoned to them in their reigns, as they have been of later times; which may be further evidenced by these Historical Passages and Great Councils which I there omitted.

In the year of Christ 1109. in a Great Council of the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, ET PRINCIPVM totius Regni, there was this Canon made amongst others; Vt nullus Archidiaconus Presbyter, Diaconus, Canonicus uxorem ducat, vel ductam retineat, &c. Vt Presbyter quamdiu illicitam conversationem mulieris habuerit, non sit legalis, nec missam celebret, nec si celebraverit, ejus miss a audiatur: After Anselms banishment very many Priests retaining or resuming their wives contrary to these Decrees, King Henry the 1. thereupon caused his Ministers to indict, and prosecute many Priests for this contempt, only to extort monies from them: but their fines not amounting to so great a sum as the King expected, there was a general Sentence given against all the Priests, as well innocent as nocent, and a fine set upon every Parish Church, which the Priest thereof was to redeem; which some Priests having no money, and others refusing to pay, because it was an unjust innovation, they were thereupon contumeliously seised upon by force, imprisoned and tortured; and when near 200 of them in their Surplices and Priests habits came all together to the Kings place in London barefoot, imploring him with one voice to take pity on them, Ille ad preces orum nulla miseratione permotus est, vel saltem quavis eos, sicut homin s omnis religions expertes, responsi honestate dignatus, suis obtutibus festine abegi praecepit: whereupon they repaired to the Queen, who only wept in pity towards them, but could not relieve them. Anselm upon the other Bishops Letter to him, writ an Epistle to the King touching this proceeding of his, as an innovation, Quod hactenus inauditum et inusitatum est in Ecclesia Dei de ullo Rege, et de aliquo Principe. No enim pertinet secundum legem Dei hujusmodi culpam vindicare isi ad singulos Episcopos per suas parochias, ut si & ipsi Episcopy in hoc negligentes fuerint, ad Archiepiscopum & Primatem, &c. Adding, Dico enim vobis quod valde timere debetis, quod pecunia taliter accepta, ut taceam quantum noceat animae, non tamen cum expendetur, adjuvabit terrena negoti , quantum postea perturbabit. To which the King returned this answer.

Henricus Dei gratia Rex Anglorum, Anselmo Archiepiscopo Cantuariae salutem. In die Sancti Gregorii apud Tunebrigge, mihi fuerunt delatae literae repostae sub tuo sigillo. Et per a mihi mandasti talia unde multum miror, quia quod feci credo me per te fecisse. Et in die Ascensionis Domini HABEBO OMNES BARONES MEOS (without Knights, Citizens or Burgesses) MECUM CONGREGATOS, & PER CONSILIUM EORUM ita convenienter tibi respondebo quod cum tecum loquar non credo te me inde blasphematurum. Et quicquid fiat alias, scito quod tui, quicquid ipsi fecerint, per omnes terras tuas in pace permanserint.

Anno Gratiae 172. King Henry the 2d. Venit OXENFORD, & IN GENERALI CONCILIO ibidem celebrato CONSTITUIT Iohannem filium suum REGEM IN HYBERNIA, concessione & confirmatione Alexandri summi pontificis. Et in eodem Concilio venerunt ad Regem Resus filius Griphini regulus de Su hwales, & David fil s O ain regulus de Northwales; qui sororem ejusdem regis Angliae in uxorem duxerat, & Cadwelanus regulus de Delnain, & Owanus de Keuillian, & G iffinus de Brunfeld, & Madacus ilius Gervetrog: & alii multi de nobilioribus Gualliae, et omnes devenerunt homines regis Angliae patris, & fidelitatem ei contra omnes homines, & pacem sibi & regno suo servandam juraverunt. In eodem autem Concilio dedit dominu Rex Angliae praedicto Reso filio Grifsini terram de Meronith: & David filio Owain terram de Ellesmare. Deditque dominus ex Hugoni de Lasci (ut supradictum est) in Hybernia totam Midam cum pertinentiis suis pro servitio 100. militum, tenendam de ipso et Iohanne filio suo, & chartam suam ei inde fecit. Deditque ibidem Roberto filio Stephani & Miloni de Cogham regnum de Co ch, pro servitio 60. militum, tenendum de ipso et Iohanne filio suo, excepta civitate de Corch, cum uno cantredo, quae dominus rex sibi et haeredibus suis retinuit. Deditque ibidem Hereberto filio Hereberti, et Willielmo fratri Comitis Reginaldi, & Iollano de la Primerai nepoti eorum regnum de Limeric, pro servitio 60. militum, tenendum de ipso et Iohanne filio suo: excepta civitate de Limeric, cum uno cantredo, quae dominus sibi et haeredibus suis retinuit. Trad dit autem dominus rex Willielmo filio Aldelini dapifero suo civitatem Wesesordiae in custodia, cum omn bus pertinentiis suis; & statuit haec subscripta in posterum pertinenda ad servicium Wesefordiae: Harkelou cum pertinentiis suis, Glascarric cum pertinentiis suis; & terram Gilberti de Boisrohard, Ferneg Winal cum pertinentiis suis, Fernes cum pertinentiis suis: & totam terram de Hervei inter Weseforde & aquam de Water orde. Servitium Raimundi de Druna. Servitium de Frodrevelan. Servitium Vimo thi de Leighlerin. Tenementum etiam Machtaloe cum pertinentiis suis. Et Leis terram Gaufridi de Costentin cum pertinentiis suis: & totam terram Orueldi. Tradidit etiam ibidem dominus rex Roberto le Poer marescallo suo in custodia civitatem Water ordiae: cum omnibus pertinentiis suis: et statuit haec subscripta in posterum pertinenda ad servitium Waterfordiae: totam terram quae est inter Waterforde & aquam quae est ultra Lismors, & totam terram de Oiseric cum pertinentiis suis. Tradidit etiam ibidem dominus rex Hugoni de Laci civitatem Diveliniae cum omnibus pertinentiis suis in custodia: & sta it haec subscripta in posterum pertinenda ad Servitium Diveliniae; totam terram de Offelana cum pertinentiis suis, & Kildaran cum pertinentiis suis, & totam terram de Offalaia, cum pertinentiis suis, & Wikechelon cum pertinentiis suis, & servitium de Mida, & servitium quatuor militum, quod Robe tus Poer debet de castello suo de Dunaver. Postquam autem dominus rex apud Oxeneford in praedicto modo terras Hyberniae, et earum servitia divisisset, secit omnes quibus earun emcustodias commis rat homines suos & Johannes silii sui devenire: et jurare e s ligantias et fidelitates de terris Hyberniae. Et ie de m Concilio dedit dominus rex Richardo Priori de Kiteby abbatiam de Witebi. Et Benedicto Priori Ecclesiae sanctae Trinitatis Cantuariae, abbatiam de Burgo, & Richardus Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus benedixit cum in abbatem. Eodem anno praedictus Vivianus Presbyter Cardinalis & Apostolicae sedis legatus, peracta legatione sua in Hyb rnia, rediit in Angliam, & per conductum domini r gis rediit in Scotiam, & celebrato Concilio apu castellum puellarum, susspendit a pontificali officio Christianum Episcopum Candidae casae, quia ad Concilium suum venire noluit; sed Episc. suspensionem illam non tenuit, septus munimine Rogeri Eboracensis Archiepise. cujus suffraganeus ipse erat. Deinde venit dominus Rex us{que} Merleberge: ubi Rex dedit Philippo de Brensa totum regnum de Limeric pro servitio sexaginta mili um, tenendum de ipso & de Iohanne filio suo. Nam Herebertus & Wilhelmus fratres Reginaldi Comi is Cornubiae, & Ioslanus de la Pumerai nepos eorum, regnum illud habere noluerunt, eo quod nondum perquisitum erat: nam occiso a regalibus rege Monodero, qui Rex erat de Limeric, & homo regis Angliae inde suerat, quidam de progeny illius, vir potens et fortis, regnum de Limeric invasit, cepit, et potenter rexit, nullam subjectionem faciens Regi Angliae, nec suis obedire voluit propter infidelitatem eorum, & mala quae faciebant populo Hyberniae sine merito. Rex vero Corcensis & alii multi divites Hyberniae insurrexerunt in Regem Angliae, & suos: & erant novissima eorum pejora prioribus, & se mutuo interfecerunt.

By which president it is evident; that King Henry by the advice of his Great Council of Prelates and Nobles of & in England, disposed both of the Kingdoms, Crowns and Lands in Ireland to his Son, and other subjects of England. The same King Henry the 2. Anno Dom. 1182. aetatis annum inchoans quadragesimum nonum, dum mentis et corporis incolumitate vigeret, dum regnum suum undique tranquillae pacis commoditatibus frueretur, apud Waltham Episcopy Winton, REGNI CONVOCAVIT MAJORES. Itaque pr •• sentibus illis et approbantibus quandam pecuniae partem in causas pias procurans, Qua raginta siquidem duo mili a marcorum argenti, quingentas marcas auri distribuit, &c. After this Pope Lucius An. 1185. sending a Letter to King Henry the 2d. to take the Cross upon him and succor the holy Land, by the P triarch and Master of the Hospital of Jerusalem, who presented it to him, together with the toy. all banner, and Keys of the Lord's Scpulcher, and of the Tower of David, and City of Jerusalem, on the behalf of the King and Princes of the Land, importuning his answer to their requests: Domi us Rex statuit eis terminum suae responsionis primam Dominicam Quadragesimae apud Londonias. Ad quam Dominicam, Dominus Rex & Patriarcha et Episcopy, et Abbates, et COMITES et BARONES ANGLIAE (but no Knights, Citizens or Burgesses thereof, & Willielm. REX SCOTIAE, & David frater ejus, CUM COMITIBUS ET BARONIBUS TERRAE SUAE 〈◊〉 Londoniis: et habito inde cum deliberatione consslio, PLACUIT VNIVERSIS, quod Dominus Rex consuleret inde Dominum suum Philippum Regem Franciae: et sic soluto CONCILIO, Dominus Rex dedit universis hominibus suis, tam Clericis quam Lacis, licentiam capiendi crucem. Unde factum est quod Baldwinus Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus, et Ranulphus Iusticiarius Angliae, & Walterus Rothomagensis Archiepiscopus, et Hugo Dunelmensis Episcopus, et alii quamplures Episcopy transmarini et cismarini: et fere omnes Comites et Barones et Milites Angliae, & Normanniae, & Aquitaniae, & Britanniae, & Andegaviae, & Cenomanniae & Turoniae Crucem ceperunt. Deinde Dominus Rex venit usque Windleshoures et ibi in Dominica ubi cantatur, Laetare Jerusal m, fecit Johannem silium suum militem, & statim misit eum in Hyberniam, & INDE EVM REGEM CONSTITVIT.

To pretermit the Parliamentary Councils under King Richard the 1. of which I have given you some account in my Plea or the Lord's, p. 234. to 242. I shall proceed to those in the beginning of King John's reign.

In the 1. year of King John Anno Dom. 1199. there was a Great Council of the Spiritual and Temporal Lord's and Barons summoned to his Coronation, thus related by Matthew Westminster, though there be no writs of Summons thereunto extant on record; Dux Normanniae Johannes in vigilia Ascensionis Domini London venit, ibi CONGREGATIS ANGLIAE NOBILIBVS, ab H b rto Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo coronatus est, die Ascensionis Domini; which Roger de Hov den thus relates,

Congregatis igitnr apud Lundonias in advent praedicti ducis Huberto Cantuariensi, Johanne Dublinensi, et de Raguse Archiepiscopus, Willielmo Lundoniensi, Gilberto Roffensi, Johanne Norwicensi, Hugone Lincolnensi, Eustachio Eliensi, Godfrido Wintoniensi, Henrico Exoniensi, Sefrido Cicestrensi, Gau rido Coventrensi, Savarico Bathoniensi, Hereberto Salesburiensi, Philippo Dunelmensi, Rogero de sancto Andrea in Scotia, Henrico de Landas Episcopis, Roberto de Leicestre, Richardo de Clare, Willielmo de Tutesburie, Hamelino de Warenne, Willielmo de Salisbirie, Willielmo de Striguil, Walranno de Warewic, Rogero Bigot, Willielmo de Arundel, Ranulfo de Cestre Comitibus, & Baronibus multis: Hubertus Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus coronoavit, et consecravit in regem Angliae prefatum Johannem ducem Normanniae, in Ecclesia sancti Petri Apostoli Westminstriae, sexto Calen . Iunii, feria 5. die Ascensionis Domini; Philippo Dunelmensi Episcopo appellante, ne coronatio illa fieret in absentia Gaufridi Eboracensis Archiepiscopi, totius Angliae Primatis.
Matthew Paris thus records the manner of his Coronation more fully.
CONGREGATIS ita que in adventu ejus, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Comitibus et Baronibus atque aliis omnibus, qui ejus coronationi interesse debuerant, Archiepiscopus staus in medio omnium, dixit; Audit universi. Noverit discretio vestra, quod nullus praevia ration alii succedere habet regnum, nisi ab universitate Regni unanimiter, invocata Spiritus gratia electus, & secundum morum suorum eminentiam praeelectus, ad exemplum et similitudinem Saul primi Regis inuncti, quem praeposuit Dominus populo suo, non Regis filium, nec de Regali stirpe procreatum. Similiter post eum David Sem ei filium: hunc quia strenuum et aptum dignitati regiae, illum quia sanctum et humilem, ut sic qui cunctos in regno supereminet strenuitate, omnibus praesit et potestate et regimine. Verum si quis ex stirpe Regis defuncti aliis praepolleret, pronius et promptius in electionem ejus est consentiendum. Haec idcirco diximus pro inclyto Comite Iohanne, qui praesens est, frater illustrissimi Regis nostri Richardi jam defuncti, qui haerede caruit ab eo egrediente, qui providus et strenuus & manifest nobilis, qnem nos, invocata Spiritus sanctigratia, ration tam meritorum quam sanguinis Regii unanimiter elegimus universi. Erat autem Archiepiscopus vir prosundi pectoris, et in regno singularis columna stabilicatis et sapientiae incomparabilis. Nec ausi erant alii super his adhuc ambigere; scientes quod sine causa hoc non sic diffiniverat. Verum Comes Johannes et omnes hoc acceptaban , ipsumque Comitem in Regem eligentes et assumentes, exclamant dicentes: Vivat rex. Interrogatus autem postea Archiepiscopus Hubertus, quare haec dixisset? respondit se praesaga mente conjecturare, et quibusdam oraculis edoctum & certificatum fuisse, quod ipse Johannes Regnum & Coronam Angliae foret aliquando corrupturus, & in magnam confusionem precipitaturus. Et ne haberet liberas habenas hoc faciendi, ipsum electione non succession haereditaria, eligi debere affirmabat. Archiepiscopus autem imponens capiti ejus coronam, unxit eum in regem ap d Westmor a t rium, sc. in Ecclesia principis Apostolorum, Dominicae ascensionis die, sexto kalendas Junii, Philippo Dunelmensi Episcopo appellante, sed non obtinen e, ne coronatio illa fieret in absentia G. Archiepiscopi Eboracensis. In hac coronatione Rex Johannes triplici involutus est sacramento: Quod videlicet sanctam Ecclesiam et ejus ordinatos diligeret, et eam ab incursione malignantium indemnem conservaret: et quod perversis legibus destructis, bonas substitueret, et rectam justitiam in regno Angliae exerceret. Deinde adjuratus est ab eodem Archiepisc opo ex parte Dei, et district prohibitus, ne honorem hunc accipere praesumeret, nisi in mente habeat opere, quod juraverat, adimplere. Ad hoc ill respondens, promisit se per auxilium Dei, bona fide, ea quae juraverat, servaturum. In crastino autem, homagiis et fidelitatibus acceptis, beatum Albanum Protomartyrem Angliae, orationis gratia, devotus petivit. Et sic brevissimam in Anglia moram faciens, ea quae statuenda erant in regno, cum consilio Magnatum rite peregit.

In the 2. year of (d) King John, Anno 1200. Hub rt Archbishop of Canterbury and Chancellor of England, Generale celebravit Concilium Londini apud Westmona sterium, contra prohibitionem Gawfridi silii Petri, Comitis Essex, tunc temporis summi Iusticiarij Angl ae; In which many Laws and Canons were made touching Ecclesiastical persons and businesses, recorded at large in Roger de Howden. And in the same year the same Author writes, the long su e between William de Stutevil, and William de Moubray, touching the Barony of Moubray, was compremised and ended by an agreement made between them CONSILIO REGNI, & VOLVNTATE REGIS. In which Council of the Realm, it is most probable, Statuta quaedam Johannes Regis, concerning the prises of Wine, registered by Howden, were made. Sed hoc PRIMUM Regis STATUTUM vix inchoatum, statim est adnihilatum, quiae Mercatores hanc Assisam sustinere non poterunt, & data est eis licentia vendendi sextertium de vino albo pro octo denariis, & vini rubri pro sex denariis, & sic repleta est terra potu, & potatoribus. The Writs of Summons for these two General Councils of the Church and Realm this year, are not found extant on record.

The Patent Roll in the 5 of King John, makes mention of an Assise of Beer and Wine, made per Commune Consilium Baronum nostrorum, held the year before at Winchester.

Rex, &c. sciatis, Nos Communi Cons lio Baronum nostrorum constituisse, Quod albus panis factus in Civitate nostra Winton. fit ponderis 3 c Sol. &c. Et unusquisque Pistor sigillum suum pani suo apponat, &c. Et volumus et firmiter praecipimus, quod haec constitutio firmiter teneatur. Facta est autem haec constitutio ad Pascham proximam post obitum Alienorae Reginae matris nostrae, anno regni nostri quinto, Teste G. fil. Petri Com. Essex. apud Freitemnel 15 die Aprilis.

This Ordinance for the Assise of Bread, with the Proclamation and proceedings thereupon, is more at large recorded in Matthew Paris Hist. Angl. Anno 1262, Editione Tyguri 1589. p. 200. where you may peruse it at leisure.

In the 5th. year of his reign (as Met. Paris relates) Rex Johannes in COMITES & BARONES occasiones praetendens, quod ipsuminter hosts reliquerant in partibus transmarinis, unde Castella, & terras suas pro eorum defectu amiserat, caepit ab eis septimam partem omnium mobilium suorum (by grant, as I conceive in a Parliamentary Council) nec etiam ab hac rapina in Ecclesiis conuentualibns manus coercuit violentas. Yet I find no Writ of Summons to this Council in the Rolls of this year.

In the 6 year of his reign, An. 1204. In crastino circumcisionis venerunt ad Colloquium apud Oxoniam Rex & MAGNATES Angliae, ubi concessa sunt Regi auxilia militaria de quolibet scuto, scilcet duae marcae & dimidia. Nec etiam Episcopy & Abbates, sive Ecclesiasticae personae, sine promiss one recesserunt.

In the 8 year of his Regality, as King John celebrated the day of our Savior's Na ivity at Oxford; So it appears he likewise held a Parliamentary Council there, which granted him an aid toward the recovery of his lands in France, and defense of the Realm of England, by these two Records that year.

Claus. 8. Johan. Regis dors. 2. Rex Iustic. auxilii assidendi & Vic. Berks salutem: Sciatis quod Abbas de Abbendon finivit nobiscum pro sexties cent. mar. pro habenda quietantia de dominicis feodis & hominibus omnibus tenentibus suis in Balliva vestra de anxilio Nobis proviso PER CONCILIUM NOSTRUM OXON: et ideo vobis mandamus quod ipse inde quietus sit. Et si quid inde per Nos inc oatum suerit, penitus relax. Tu autem Vic. videas quod securus sis quod habeamus unam medietatem finis illius ad proximum clausum Pasche: Et aliam medi tatem ad ptoximum festum Sancti Johannes Baptistae. Alioquin capietur de firma tua. Et Justitiariis mandatum est & libere tenentibus suis in ballivia tua quod faciant ei praedictum auxilium. Et si quid inde cepisti, id ei sine dilatione reddi fac. T.

Pat. 8. Johan. Rs. m. 1. Rex Archidiacon , Officiali & toti Clero Archiepiscopatus Cantuar. Salutem. Notum satis, quod Archiepiscopi, Episcopy, Abbates, Priores, & Magnates regni nostri auxilium Nobis fecerunt ad defensionem regni nostri & recuperationem terrarum nostrarum. Verum quia de vobis confidimns, quod Nos & onorem nostrum diligitis, & defensionem regni nostri, & recuperationem terrarum nostrarum affectatis, vos rogamus attentius, quatenus tale axilium Nobis exemplo accepto ex parte vestra faciatis, ut inde vobis gratias dare debeamus: Et quod alii Rectores Ecclesiarum intuitu vestri ad auxilium Nobis faciendum exempio vestro facilius inuitentur: t quantitat m auxilii quod nobis quilibet ipsorum sac re voluer it, quilibet vestrum seperatim faciat. Ita quod per ipsos in octabis Sanctae circumcisionis inde possimus testificari. Teste me ipso apud Ebor. 26. die Maii.

This same year the Arch-bishops, Bishops, Abbots, Archdeacons, and Clergy of England by command from Pope Innocent, without the Kings Writ or consent, were called to, and resolved to hold a Council at Saint Albans, to pay Romescot in an unusual manner, and many other unaccustomed exactions, to the great prejudice of the Kingdom, and oppression of the people; whereupon the King upon the general complaint of the universality of the Earls, Barons, Knights, and other Subjects against those exactions & this Council, issued forth this memorable Writ and Prohibirion, in preservation of the rights of the Crown, Kingdom, People, against this Papal usurpation and innovation.

Pat. 8. Johan. Rs. m. 1. Rex Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Archidiaconis, & omni clero apud Sanctum Albanum AD CONCILIVM convocato salutem. Conquerente universitate Comitum Baronum, Militum, & aliorum-fidelium nostrorum, audivimus, quod non solum in lai orum grave praejudicium, sed etiam in totius Regni nostri intolerabile dispendium, super Romescotto praeter consuetudinem soluendo, & aliis pluribus inconsuetis exac ionibus, Autoritate summi Pontisicis CONCILIUM inire, & CONCILIUM celebrare decrevistis. Nos vero licet ob honorem sidie nostrae & debitum reverentiae quod sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae impendere tenemur, voluntatem sancti Patris vestri Domini Papae Innocentiae obtemperare cupimus, tamen omittere non possumus quin quaerelis fidelium & subditorum nostrorum clamantium de jactura sua & timentium, prout necesse est, sibi subveniamus, & mergentib scausis quae indempnitati pacis & unitati regni nostri obviare possunt, quanta decet celeritate & diligentia occurramus. Vobis igitur praecise mandamus & express prohibemus, ne super praedictis vel aliquibus aliis CONCILIUM ALIQUOD anthoritate aliqua in fide qua nobis tenemini teneatis, vel contra regni nostri consuetudinem aliquod novum statuatis, et sicut Nos & honorem nostrum, & communem regni tranquillitatem diligitis à celebratione hujusmodi CONCILII & à praedictis taxationibus ad praesens supersedeatis, quousque cum universitate nostra super hoc COLLOQUIUM habuerimus. Scientes per certo, quod expediet honori sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae & domino Papae & Nobis & Vobis quod istud ad praesens negotium differatur, donec generalem habuimus conferrentiam commodius & honestius explicari. Et quod vobis hoc mandamus pro honor, & commodo sacrosanctae Ecclesiae, & vestri & regni nostri id fecimus: Quia talia audivimus quod hoc ita fieri necessario expedit, sicut vobis dicemus cum vobiscum locuti fuerimus. Teste me ipso apud Ebor. 26. die Maii.

Now because all Elections of Knights of Shiers, are and ought to be made in the next County Court after the Writs for Elections come to the Sheriffs hands; I shall add this memorable exposition of the Statute of Magna Charta, c. 35. made by the King and greater part of the Bishops, Earls, and Barons of the Realm without the Commons, touching the holding of Hundred Courts, Wapentakes, & Court Leets, omitted by Sir Edward Cook in his Commentary thereon, which it better explains than his Annotations upon it.

Claus. 18. H. 3. m. 10. Rex Vic. Linc. salutem. Quia audivimus quod tu & Ballivi tui, & Ballivi aliorum qui Hundredum habent in Comitatu tuo, non intelligitis qualiter Hundreda & Wapentake teneri debeant in Com. tuo, postquam concessimus omnibus de Regno nostro Libertates in cartis nostris quas indo fecimus, dum f imus infra aetatem. Nos eandem Ca •• am nuper legi fecimus in praesentia Dom. CANIUAR. ARCHIEP. & MAJORIS & SANIORIS PARTIS OMNIUM EPISCOPORUM, COMITUM ET BARONUM TO TIUS REGNI NOSTRI, UT CORAM EIS ET PER EOS EXPONERETUR haec clausula contenta in Carta nostra de Libertatibus, viz. Quod nullus Vicecomes vel Ballivus faciat Turnum suum per Hundredum, nisi is in anno, & non nisi loco debito & consueto; viz. semel post Pascham, & iterum post festum sancti Michaelis. Ita scilicet quod qui libet habeat ibertates suas quas habuit & habere consuevit tempore H. Regis avi nostri, vel quas postea perquisivit. Unde à multis ibi dictum suit, quod t •• pore H. Regis avi nostri tam Hundreda et Wapentac, quam curi •• Magnatum Angliae solebant teneri de Quindena in Quindenam; Et licet multum placeret communi utilitati totius regni & indempnitati pauperum providere, quia tamen illi duo Turnii plene non sufficient ad pacem regni nostri conservandam, & ad excessus tam divitibus quam pauperibus illatis corrigendos quae ad Hundredum pertinent, De COMMVNI CONSILIO praedict. Dom. CANTUAR. & OMNIUM praedict. EPISCOPORUM COMITUM, ET BARONUM, ET ALIORUM, ITA PROVISUM EST. Quod inter praedictos duos Turnos teneantur Hundredum & Wapentakia, & etiam curiae Magnatum de Tribus septimanis in Tres septimanas, ubi prius teneri solent de Quindena in Quindenam. Ita tamen, quod ad illa Hundred a & Wapentakia & Curias non fiat generalis summonitio, si ut ad Turnos praedictos; set ad hujusmodi illa Wapentakia & Curias convenient conquerentes & adversarii sui, & illi qui sectas debent, per quos teneantur placita & fiant judicia, nisi ita sit quod ad Hundreda illa & Wapentakia fieri debeat Inquisitio de placitis Coronae, sicut de morte hominis, Thesauro invento, & hujusmodi: ad quae inquirenda conveniant cum praedictis sectariis quatuor villatae proximae; scilicet omnes de illis villis qui necessarii fuerint ad Inquisitiones illas faciendas. Et ideo tibi praecipimus, quod praedicta Hundreda Wapentakia & Curias tam Nostras quam aliorum teneri facias de cetero secundum quod praedictum e t de tribus sepeimanis in tres septimanas, exceptis praedictis duobus Turnit, qui de caetero teneantur secundum quod prius teneri solebant. T. R. apud Westm. 11. Octobris.

I shall only add this one Record more, proving, that matters concerning Truces, were resolved by King H. 3. the Spiritual and Temporal Lord's in Parliamentary Councils, without any Knights, Citizens, or Burgesses.

Claus. 19. H. 3. m. 20. Rex Roberto de Langeton, Archidiacono Cant. & Abbati de sancta Radegunda, salute , Super sollicitudine & diligentia laudabili simul & laboribus sumptuosis quas circa negotium nostrum expediendum quod vobis injunximus apposuistis, urrique vestrum copiosas referrimus gratiarum actiones, vobis quidem magister S. praecipuas & speciales, utpote ei cujus fidelitatem & prudentiam plurimum commendamus. Sciatis autem quod CONGREGATIS apud Westmon. in octabis sancti Hilary vener: patribus G. Cantuar Archiepiscopo, EPISCOPIS, COMITIBUS, ET ALIIS FIDELIBUS NOSTRIS. (to wit, the Barons and Great men, not Commons, as the subsequent clause attests.) Post diligentem tractatum habitum CUM IPSIS DE NEGOTIO TREVGARVM inter Nos & Regem Franciae & aliis agendis nostris, visum fuit iisdem fidelibus nostris, quod nullo modo sine verecundia & opprobrio nostris Insulam de Olerone 〈◊〉 potuimus Comiti Marchiae pro cōsensu suo adhibendo ad treugas inter nos ineundas, nec in co consilium Nobis praestare vel consentire voluerint. Sic enim praeter verecundiam quam inde consequeremus ab omnibus quibus factum nostrum innotesceret teneremur et pro remissis, et minus valentibus haberemur, et etiam pessimum & perniciosum exemplum aliis qui in casu consimili ad similia petenda per hoc moverentur. Vnde si per d centas libras annuas Treugis durantibus ad consensum Treugarum possit idem Comes induci pro Insula praedicta sicut alias locutum suit, been placeret tam Nobis quam praedictis MAGNATIBVS NOSTRIS; et ad hoc laborare velitis, quia priori conditioni consentire non esset honestum, vel expediens, &c. T. Rege apud Westm. 27. Januarii.

I shall trouble you with no more Presidents or Records of this nature, by way of Preface to this first part of my Register, Calendar and Survey of Parliamentary Writs: In which I have presented you only with the several Writs of Summons directed to the Spiritual and Temporal Lord's, and Kings Council (their ordinary Assistants ) intermixed with some other Writs, and several forms of Procurations, in my Observations on them; which relate wholly, or principally to the House of Lord's, Convocations, and Clergy, amounting to a just vendible Volume. The several forms, varieties of Writs issued to Sheriffs of Counties, Wardens, or Officers of the Cinque-Ports, Dukes of Lancaster, their Lieutenants, or Chancellors, and Sheriffs of particular Cities, Towns, Boroughs made Counties within emselves) for electing Knights, Citizens, Burgesses, and Barons of the Ports (peculiar to the House of Commons ) with all sorts of Writs for proroguing, continuing, adjourning Parliaments, or superseding them after summons to them upon extraordinary occasions, (relating equally to both Houses of Parliament, and their Members ) together with some special Writs of Summons to the Kings, Prelates, Nobles, Barons, Great Officers, and others of the Realms, Lands of Scotland and Ireland, to appear in, at, or before the Parliaments, Great Councils, Kings, or Privy Council in England, concerning the affairs, or defense of Scotland and Ireland only: as likewise to particular Merchants, Masters of Ships, Forresters, Lawyers, learned men of both Universities, and other Persons upon special occasions, to attend the Parliament, King, Council; with my particular Observations on them, (which I at first intended to have published in this Piece) I shall (if God send health, life, opportunity, and encouragement by a grateful acceptance of these First-fruits ) with all convenient speed, communicate to the World in A Second Part. After which, I shall in two or more distinct Volumes, present unto public view several other kinds of Writs, relating to the Parliaments, Great Councils, Convocations and Clergy of England, to all sorts of proceedings in them, Criminal, or Civil; the assessing, levying of the expenses of Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses of Parliament: of Dismes, Quidismes, Aids, Subsidies, Customs, Imposts, granted by them; with the disposing, releasing of them; the defense of the Realm by Land or Sea in times of danger; the proclaiming, observing of the Great Charters, Laws, and Liberties of England; and of Acts and Ordinances of Parliament newly enacted; with sundry other Rarities, which all former Writers of our English Parliaments have either totally omitted, or but briefly touched, and that very slightly; though of excellent use, and most necessary to be insisted on, for the information of their Readers, and benefit of Posterity.

Not to detain you with any longer Preface, I shall now leave you to the perusal of this First Part, distinct from those Parts I intend shall follow it; if embraced with that respect, affection, and desire as it may justly expect and hope for from the Nobility, Gentry, Lawyers, Antiquaries and Heralds of the English nation. But if slighted, vilified, neglected, like old Almanacs or fashions grown quite out of use and request (though mere Novelties in their discovery & communication to the world, hitherto unacquainted with them) I shall then resolve to cast no more such precious ancient Pearls and Rarities be ore swine; who will neglect & trample them under their feet; but reserve them for my own private Cabinet, use, ornament, benefit, delight, and such learned Friends to whom I shall hereafter bequeath them, who will estimate them according to their true intrinsical worth, and prefer them before the most orient Pearls and Diamonds, which are only for show, when as these are of greatest public use, and will be so esteemed in future generations, how much soever slighted by the Athenians of this age, who like the old ones, Acts 17. 20, 21. spend their ti e in nothing else but to tell or hear some new thing; preferring new Gloworms, Ignes fatui, and Prodigious Comets, shining only in the night, before the Sun, Moon, and fixed Planets, which ten thousand times outshine, transcend them both in splendor, magnitude, use, excellency, and public benefit. It is Cicero his observation of old, Solis exortus, cursus, occasus nemo admiratur propterea quod quotidie iunt; at cclypses solis mirantur, quia raro accidunt. Nulla nisi rara aut admirably re commovetur animus. Which Seneca thus seconds, Ita cōpositi sumus, ut nos quotidiana, etiam si admiratione digna sunt, transeant: contra, minimarum quoque rerum, si insolitae prodierunt, spectaculum dulce fiat. Hic quoque caetus astrorum, quibus immensi corporis pulchritudo distringuitur, populum non convocat, sed cum aliquid ex more mutatum est, omnium vultus in coelo est. Nemo observat lunam nisi laborantem. Tunc urbes clamant, tunc pro se superstitione vana trepidant. Quanta illa majora sunt, quod Sol totidem gradus quotidie habet & annum suo circuitu claudit; quod à solstitio diem inclinat, & noctibus spacium dat, quod sydera abscondit, quod terras cum tanto major sit illis, non urit, sed calorem suum intentionibus & remissionibus temperando fovet; quod lunam nunquam implet, nisi adversam sibi, nec obscurat; haec tamen non annotamus quamdiu ordo servatur. Si quid turbatum est, aut praeter consuetudinem emicuit, spectamus, interrogamus, ostendimus. Idem in comae: is fit, &c. Adeo natural est, nova, magis quā magna mirari: w ch. is in truth both the sin & folly of our present fantastic childish age, affecting, studying, delighting, admiring nothing but Novelties, as well in Theology, all kinds of Arts, Sciences, public Government, and Parliaments themselves, as •• ell as Fashions or Apparel, though never so prodigious, Heterodox, ridiculous or destructive. But however vertiginous Skeptics, and fantastic Gallants having more hair than brains, are wholly enamored, infatuated with New-Nothings, yet all judicious Christians, Lawyers, Statesmen, (with holy and prudent King David (a man after God's own heart) will consider the days of old, the years of ancient times: And according to God's own precept, stand in the ways and see, and ask for the old paths, where is the good way, and walk therein, that they may find ease for their souls: Concluding with holy Job▪ with the ancient is wisdom and understanding: And with our Savior's own resolution, wherewith I shall close up this Epistle, No man having drunk old wine, straightway desireth new; for he saith, THE OLD IS BETTER. Which is the experimental resolution of.

Your unfeigned Friend and Servant, as well in relation to private as public good, WILL. PRYNNE.

From my Study in Lincolns Inn, Ian. 26. 1658/1659.

A Brief Register, Kalendar, and Survey of the several kinds of all Parliamentary Writs; with useful Observations on them.

T Hat all Great Councils of State, Parliaments, Synods, Convocations held in England, under the British, Saxon, Danish, Norman, English Kings successively reigning therein, were summoned by their Royal Writs, precepts, and held by their Authority alone, is a Truth irrefragable, which I have elsewhere abundantly evidenced by Histories and Records, though all the Writs whereby they were summoned till the reign of King John, be nowhere extant, being consumed by the all-devouring jaws of time. The Writs of Summons to Parliaments and Great Councils of State, being the Corner-stones whereon they are founded, and best discovering the causes, ends for which they were summoned; instead of that Folio Register of them at large which I once intended to have published, I shall present you only with a Brief Register and Kalendar of some of the ancientest and rarest of them, full of excellent variety and delight; and such Observations on and from them, as may best instruct the Readers, rectify the mistakes of some pretended Antiquartes who have written of our English Parliaments, writs of summons to them, and supply their defects, especially concerning the several forms and various kinds of Parliamentary writs, which they have rather touched than handled, being all very maimed and incomplete in this particular.

To avoid Confusion, I shall Marshall these Writs into several Squadrons, according to the quality of the persons to whom they were directed, and that in a Chronological Series, digesting them into distinct Sections, beginning with those issued out to our Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors and Spiritual Lord's or Barons of the Realm.

SECTION I.

Concerning Writs of Summons to Parliaments, Great Councils, Convocations, issued out to Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, and other Ecclesiastical Barons of the Realm, who were Peers and Members of our Parliaments.

[ 1] THe first writ of Summons to Parliament of this (of any other) kind extant in History or Record, that I have seen, is in the 6. year of King John, running in this Form of words.

Mandamus vobis Rogantes quatenus omni occasion & dilatione postposita, sicut nos & honorem nostrum diligitis, sitis ad nos apud London die Dominica proxima ante Ascensionem Domini, nobiscum tractatur de magnis & arduis negotiis nostris & Communi regni utilitate. Quin super his quae à Rege Franciae per nuncios nostros & suos nobi mandatae sunt, unde per Dei gratiam bonum speramus provenire, vestrum expedit habere consilium et aliorū Magnatum terrrae nostrae quos ad diem illum & locum fe imus convocari. Vos tiam ex parte nostra & vestra Abb tes & Priores Conventuales totius Diocaesis citari faciatis ut Concilio prae icto intersint, sicut diligunt nos & communem regni utilitatem. T. &c.

The 2. writ of this kind extant on Record, is that [ 2] in 26 H. 3.

Henricus, &c. ven rabili in Christo patri Wal ero Eboracensi Archiepiscopo salutem. Mandamus vobis quatenus sicut nos & honorem nostrum pariter & vestrum diligi tis, & in fide qua nobis temmini, omnibus aliis negotiis omissis, sitis ad no apud London à die sancti Hilary in XV dies, ad tractandum nobiscum, una cum cae eris magnatibus nostris quos similiter fecimus convocar , de arduis negotiis nostris statum nostrum & totius Regni nostri specialiter tangentibus & hoc nullatenus omittatis. T. me ipso, apud Windlesoram XIV die Decembris.

There are some writs directed to the Archbishops, and Bishops in 38 H. 3. which seem much like a writ of Summons of the Clergy to a Convocation, which I shall here insert.

Claus. An. 38 H. 3. m. 7. dorso. Rex, R. Cantuar. Archiep scopo, totius Angliae Primati, salutem. Cum Rex Castellae nullo jure sed potentiae sua confisus, terram nostram Wasconiae cum multitudine Christianorum et Saracenorum in estate prox. futura hostiliter sit ingressurus, prout alias vobis significavimus, quam quidem terram in tanto periculo constitutam contra tam potentem Principem sine communi Regni nostri Angliae auxilio defendere non valemus; dolentes si regnum praedictum, quod inter caeteros mundi Principatus probitate gentium florere sole , propter virium impotentiam aut segnitiem propriam suis viribus destitutum succum eret. Paternita em vestram omni qua possumus affectione rogamus, quatenus Nos et jura nostra taliter inde ensa non deserentes, cum omni celeritate convocetis coram vobi▪ Capitulum vestrum Cathedrale, Archidiaconos, viros religiosos et Clerum vobis subjectum. Inducentes eos modis omnibus quibus poteritis, quod Nobis in tanta necessitate liber ••• ter subveniant et gratiose ad praedictae terrae nostrae defensionem, quod in ipsorum honorem verte ur sempiternum: cum ex contrario, hujus negotii eventu non tantum nobis, sed singulis regni nostri, personarum et rerum dampnum manifest immineat periculosum. Proviso, quod aliqui viri discreti ex parte praedictorum certificent CONSILIUM NOSTRUM apud Westm. in quindena Pasch: prox. futur. de modo et quantitate subsidii memorati. Salvis nobis promissionibus tunc solvendis ibidem a viris religiosis vestrae Diocaesis nobis factis in quindena sancti Hilarii prox. praeteriti. Et quia ordinariam Jurisdictionem exerceatis vacante seed in Episcopatu Lincoln, vos requirimus affectuose, quatenus Officialibus vestris ejusdem Episcopatus scia is attente, quod tempestive convocent coram eis Capitulum Cathedralis Lincoln. Archidiaconos, viros religiosos & Clerum ejusdem Episcopatus ad certos diem & locum. Inducentes eos modis omnibus quod in hac necessitate nostra consimilem Nobis faciant subventionem, et quod certificent CONSILIUM NOSTRUM apud Westm. in praedicta Quindena Pasch. per viros discretos ejusdem Episcopatus de modo & quantitate praedicti subsidii. Salvis nobis promissionibus a viris religiosis praedicti Episcopatus nobis factis in quindena sancti Hillaerii prox. praeteriti sicut praedictum est. In cujus, &c. T. A. Regina nostra, & R. Com. Cornub. fratre nostro, apud Windlesor 11 die Febr.

Eodem modo mandatum est Archiepiscopo Eborum, & singulis Episcopis totius Angliae, & Officialibus Bathon. & Wellen, Episcopy, nulla facta mentione de Episcopatu Linc.

This writ is no summons either to a Parliament, Council, or Convocation of the Clergy, as it may seem to some men, but a special writ directed to the Archbishops and Bishops in their several Diocese, to summon their Chapters, Archdeacons, Clergy, and the religious persons in their respective Diocese before them, and to excite them to a free, voluntary, and liberal contribution to supply and elieve the Kings necessities, for the defense of Gas •• ig , against the intended invasion of the King of Castell, as the whole frame thereof demonstrates, and their several certificates of the manner and quantity of their aids, and the sums they would contribute in this necessity, required to be certified from every Bishopric and Dioce s to the Kings Council at Westminster by certain discreet men; with distinct promises by religious persons mentioned therein, do manifest beyond contradiction; Every Bishop, with the Clergy, and religious in every distinct Diocese, being to meet and act apart herein by themselves, and not summoned to meet all together to advise and resolve concerning this aid requested from them: Therefore though a writ fit to be inserted into this Register, yet I shall not enumerate it amongst the writs of summons to a Parliament, Council, or Convocation.

The 3. Writ is that of 49 H. 3. [ 3]

Henricus De gratia Rex Angli e, Dominus Hiberniae, & Dux Aquitaniae, venera ili in Christo pa ri R. E. piscopo Dunelmensi, salutem. Cum post gravia turbationum discrimina dudum habita in regno nostro, Carissimus filius Edwardus primogenitus noster, pro pace in Regno nostro ass curanda & firmanda obses traditus extitisset, & jam sedata (Benedictus Deus) turbatione praedicta, super deliberatione ejusdem salubriter providenda & plena securitate & tranquillitate pacis ad honorem Dei & utilitatem totius Regni nostri firmanda, & totaliter complenda ac super quibusdam aliis Regni nostri negotiis quae sine Consilio vestro et aliorum Praelatorum et Magnatum nostrorum nolumus expediri, cum eisdem tractatum habere nos oporteat. Vobis mandamus Rogantes in fide & dilection quibus nobis tenemini, quod omni occasion postposita et negotiis aliis praetermissis, sitis ad nos Londoniis in octabis sancti Hilary proximo futuris, nobiscum et cum praedictis Praelatis & Magnatibus nostris, quos ibidem vocari fecimus, super praemissis tractaturiet Consilium impensuri; Et hoc sicut nos & honorem norum & vestrum, Neonon et Commu em Regni nostri tranquillitatem diligitis, nullatenus omittatis. Teste Rege apud Wigorn. 14. die Novembris.

The like writs (as appears by the Roll) were directed to the Archbishop of York, and 11 more Bishops; to 101 Abbots and Priors, to the Master of the Knights of the Temple in England, and to the Deans of York, Exon, Wells, Sarum and Lincoln.

[ 4] The 4. writ is that of 23 E. 1. m. 9. Dorso. Edwardus, &c. Venerabili in Christo Patri R. eadem gratia Cant ar. Archiepiscopo, totius Angliae Primati salutem. Quia super quibusdam ar duis nego ils Nos & regnum nostrum, ac vos caeterosque Praelatos de eodem Regno tangentibus, quae sine vestra et eorum praesentia nolumus expediri PARLIAMENTUM nostrum tenere, et vobiscum super hiis colloquium habere volumus et tractatum. Vobis mandamus, quod in fide et dilection quibus Nobis tenemini fi miter injungentes, qu •• enus sitis ad Nos apud Westm. primo die mensis Augusti prox. futur. vel saltem infra tertium diem subsequentem ad ultimum, Nobiscum super dictis negotiis tractaturi, vestrumque consilium impensuri. Et hoc nullo modo omittatis. Teste meipso apud Album Monasterium XXIIII. die Julii. Per Breve de Privato Sigillo.

The like writs then issued to the Archbishop of York and 18. other Bishops; to the Master of the Order of Semplingham, the Master of the Knights of the Temple, the Prior of the Hospital of St. John's Jerusalem in England, and to 53. Abbots and Priors, whose names are recorded in the Rolls, over tedious to transcribe at large.

The same year 23. E. 1. there was another Parliament summoned by this memorable writ, the 5. I find upon Record.

[ 5]

Rex venerabili in Christo Patri R. eadem gratia Cantuar. Archiepiscopo totius Angliae Primati, salutem. Sicut lex justissima provida circumspectione sacrorum principum stabilita horratur, Ut quod omnes tangit ab omnibus approbetur; sic & 〈◊〉 evi enter: ut communibus periculis per remedia provisa communiter obvietur;
Sane satis nostis et am est, ut credimus, per universa mundi clim ta divulgatum, qualiter Rex Franciae, de terra nostra asconiae, Nos fraudulenter & cautelose decepit, eam Nobis nequiter de inendo. Nunc vero praedictis fraud et nequitia non contentus, ad expugnationem regni nostr , classe maxima et bellatorum copiosa multitudi e congregatis, cum quibus regnum nostrum & regni ejusdem incolas hostiliter jam invasi , linguam Anglicam, si concep ae iniquitatis proposito detest abili potest as correspondeat, quod Deus ave •• at omnino de terra delere proponit. Quia igitur Provisa jacula minus laedunt, & res vestra sicut caeterorum ejusdem regni communiter agitur in h c parte, Vobis mandamus in fide et dilection quibus nobis enemini firmiter injungentes, quod die Dominica prox. post festum sancti Martini in hieme prox. futura, apud Westm. PERSONALITER INTERSITIS. Praemunientes Priorem & Capitulum Ecclesiae vestrae, Archidiaconos totumque Clerum vestri Diocaesis, facientes quod iidem Prior & Archidiac. IN PROPRIIS PERSONIS SUIS, & dictum Capitulum per unum, idemque Clerus per duos Procuratores idoneos, plenam et sufficientem potestatem ab ipsis Capitulo et Clero habentes, una vobiscum intersint modis omnibus tunc ibidem; ad tract and, ordinand. & faciend. nobiscum, et cum caeteris Praelatis & Proceribus & aliis incolis regni nostri, qualiter sit hujusmodi periculis et excogitatis maliti s obviandum. Teste Rege apud Wengeham 30 die Septembris.

The like Writs were then issued to the Arch Bishop of York, and 13 other Bishops there named, only with this diversity, Praemunientes Decanos et Capitula Ecclesiarum, Archidiaconos totumque Clerum suorum Dioc. facientesque quod iidem Decani & Archidiaconi in propriis personis suis, & dict a Caepitula per unum, idemque Cl rus per duos Procuratores idoneos, plenam & sufficientem potestatem ab ipsis Capitu is & Clero habentes, &c. as before. And with this peculiar different cla se in the writ directed W. Bathon & Wellen. Episcopo. Praemunientes Priorem Bathon. & Capitulum 〈◊〉 & Decanum & Capitulum Wellen. Ecclesiarum suarum, necnon Archidiaconos & Clerum, &c. And in the writ issued Coventr. & Lichf. Episcopo, Praemunientes Priorem & Capit. Coventr. & Decanum & Capitulum Lichf. necnon, &c. ut supra, Teste ut supra.

The like Writs were then sent to 66 Abbots and Priors there named omitting the whole clause of Praemunientes, &c. ) and to the Masters of the Knights of the Temple, and of the order of Semplingham, and to the Prior of the Hospital of St. John Jerusalem in England.

[ 6] The 6 writ is that of Claus. 24. E. 1. m. 7. Dorso.

Rex &c. R. &c. Cant. Arch. &c. Vestra paternitas plane novit, qualiter vos & alii Praelati, & Clerus regni nostri apud Westm. ultimo congregati, in concessione pecuniae reddituum, & benesiciorum vestrorum ecclesiasticorum pro defensione regni ejusdem usque ad festum sancti Michaelis prox. futur. nobis facta, & sub spe ub rioris subsidii in futuro a vobis & aliis praestandi admissa, bonum et sufficiens nobis pro futuro tempore subsidium ob candem causam, nisi interim inter Regem Franciae & nos Pacem reformari vel Treugas iniri contingeret, dare promisistis unanimiter, liberaliter & libenter; cui quidem reformationi pacis vel initioni Treugarum dictus Rex Franciae hactenus non consensit. Quocirca vobis mandamus in fide et dilection quibus nobis te nemini firmiter injungentes, quod in crastino animarum prox. futur. apud sanctum Edmundum personaliter intersitis. Praemnnientes, &c. (as before) tunc ibidem, ad ordinandum de quantitate & modo subsidi memorati. Teste Rege apud Berewic. super Twede 26 die Augusti.

The like writs issued. Custodi Archiepiscopatus Eborum, seed vacante; Electo Menevensi, vel ejus vices gerenti ipso agent in partibus transmarinis: et Electo Landavensi; and to 17. Bishops more: It being usual then, and in succeeding times, to issue out writs to Bishops elect, and so to Abbots and Priors elect, before their consecrations or installments; and to Bishops Vicars, or Vicegerents, in case of their absence in foreign parts.

The like writs were then directed to 68 Abbots, but not to one Prior, except of the Hospital of Jerusalem, and to the Masters of the Knights of the Temple, and Order of Semplingham: differing only in the Praemunientes, &c. and this close of the writs, Ad tractand. ordinand. & faciend. Nobiscum & cum caeteris Prelatis et Proce ibus, et aliis Incolis regni nostri, qualiter sit hujusmodi periculis et excogitatis malitiis obviand. Teste ut supra.

The 7. writ is this of Claus. An. 25. E. 1. m. 6. dorso. [ 7]

Rex venerabili in Christo Patri eadem gratia R. Cantuar. Archiepisc. &c. salutem. Quia super quibusdam arduis & urgentibus negotiis Nos et vos, ac totum regnum nostrum tangentibus, volumus, quod Edwardus filius nofler Karissimus, tenens locum nostrum in Anglia, vobiscum colloquium habeat et tractatum. Vobis mandamus in fide et di ectione quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes, quod in instant crastino Sancti Michaelis London: ad eundem filium nostrum modis omnibus personaliter intersitis, cum eodem et caeteris de Consilio nostro qui ibidem aderint, super dictis negotiis tractaturi vestrumque consilium impensuri. Et hoc sicut honorem et commodum nostrum diligitis nullatenus omit tatis. Teste Edwardo fil. Regis apud Sanctum Paulum London 9. die Septembris.

The like writs were directed to 6. other Bishops, 17. Abbots, 4. Priors, the Prior of the Hospital of St. John's of Jerusalem, and Mr. of the Templars.

The 8. writ is thus recorded in Claus. 27 Ed. 1. m. [ 8] 18. dorso.

Rex venerabili in Christo Patri R. eadem gratia Cantuar. Arch. &c. s lutem. Quia super negotiis nostris ultramarinis vobiscum, et cum caeteris Praelatis, ac Proceribus regni nostri, habere volumus colloquium et tractatum. Vobis mandamus, &c. quod prima Dominica Quadragesimae ad Nos London. modis omnibus personaliter intersitis; Nobiscum ibidem, super dictis negotiis, &c. as in the next precedent writ. Teste Rege apud Pontem de Tayle 6. die Febr.

The like writs were sent to the Archbishop of York Angliae Prima i; to 17 other Bishops, 34 Abbots, and 5 Priors, and all others omitted, or not entered on the Roll.

[ 9] The 9. Writ is this in Clause Anno 27 E. 1. m. 16. Dorso.

Rex, venerabili in Christo Patri R. &c. Cantuar. Arch. &c. Propter quaedam specialia et ardua negotia nos, & statum regni nostri tangentia quae noviter emerserun , & quae sine praesentia vestra nolumus expedire; Vos affectuose requirimus et rogamus quatenus sitis ad nos apud Westm. in quindena Pa chae prox. nunc ventur. omnibus praetermissis, ad tractandum nobiscum super eisdem negotiis, ac etiam vestrum consilium impendend. prout Dominus inspirabit. Et hoc sicut de vobis confidimus et honorem nostrum diligitis nullatenus omittatis. T. Rege apud Westm. 10 die Aprilis.

The like writs are issued to 16 Bishops and 26 Abbots, without any Priors or other Ecclesiastical persons.

[ 10] The 10. is this writ, in Claus. 27 E. 1. m. 9. dorso.

Rex venerabili, &c. R. Cantuar. Arch. &c. Propter quaedam ardua negotia Nos et vos de regno nostro, ejus{que} statum urgent. tangentia; Vos rogamus specialius scimus possumus, vobis nihilominus injungendo mandamus, quatenus in prox. festo Sancti Lucae Evangelistae apud Novum Templum London personaliter intersitis: ad habendum un cum aliis fidelibus nostris qui intererunt, deliberationem et consilium super praedictis negotiis vobis tunc ibidem ex parte vestra (nostra rather) plenius exponend. Et hoc amore nostri nullatenus omittatis. T. Rege apud Ledes 21 die Septembris.

The like writs then issued to 4 more Bishops, 4 Earls, and 5 Lord's only, and no more, without any other Bishops, Abbots, Priors, or Temporal Lord's mentioned in the Roll. Whence I conceive it rather a summons to a private Consultation, than a Common Council or Parliament, the frame of the whole writ importing as much, and that following it at the heels.

The 11. is a writ of Summons to a Parliament, recorded [ 11] in the dorse of the same Membrana.

Rex ven. in Christo Patri R. &c. Cantuar. Arch. &c. Quia ad salvationem Coron nostrae Regiae, et communē utilitatem populi regni nostri secunda Dominica Quadragesimae prox. futur. London. PARLIAMENTUM tenere, & vobiscum, et cum c teris Praelatis necnon Magnatibus & Proceribus ejusdem regni super negotiis nos et idem regnum nostrum contingentibus, speciale colloquium habere volumus et tractatum. Vobis mandamus in fide et dilection quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes, quod ad dictos diem et locum person aliter intersitis Nobiscum, & cum caeteris Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proceribus praedictis, super dictis negotiis tracta uri, vestrumque consil um impensuri. Praemunientes, &c. as before, p. 7, 8.) Ad faciendum et consentiendum hiis quae tunc de Communi Consilio Deo fav nte ordi ar c ntigerit, vel etiam pro utilitate dicti regni providere; Et hoc sicut honorem nostrum regnique praedicti commodum diligitis, nullatenus omittatis. T. Rege apud Berewicum super Twedam, 29 die Decembris.

Writs of like form are directed to 17. Bishops more, and likewise Custodibus Episcopatus Lincoln. seed vacante: et Capitulo Ecclesiae beati Petri Eborum, Custodibus spir tuallum ejusdem Diocaes. seed vacants: with this special clause superadded; Quod ad praedictos diem et locum sufficientem Procuratorem plenam a vobis potestatem habentem mittatis ad tractand. Nobiscum, et cum praedictis Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proceribus super negotiis antedictis, et praebendum nomine vestro consilium et assensum hiis quae ibidem t nc contigerit ordinari. Praemunientes Archidiac. in Ecclesia vestra, to umque Clerum Eborac nsis Diocaes. facientes{que} &c. as in p. 7, 8, &c. The like writs then issued to 73 Abbots; but to no Prior, except of St. John's Jerusalem in England, & Fratribus et Mag stro Militiae Templi in Anglia, et M gistro de Semplingham.

[ 12] The 12. is the writ in Claus. 28 E. 1. m. 3. dorso.

Rex, venerabili in Christo Patri R. eadem gratia Cantuar. Archiepiscopo, &c. Cum nuper pro Communi utilitate populi regni nostri con esserimus, quod Carta de Foresta in singulis suis articulis firmiter observaretur, assignando quosd m de fidelibus nostris in singulis Comitatibus ejusdem regni in quibus Forestae nostrae existunt, ad perambulationem in eisdem Forestis faciendam. Ita quod per ambulationem illam distinct et aperte factam ad Nes antequā aliqua executio vel aliquid aliud inde fieret reportarent, et quod jur amentum nostrum, jus Coronae Angliae, rations & calumpniae aliorum omnium salva forent. Nos licet dilects et fideles nostri nunc primo ad Nos detulerunt quod fecerint in negotiis memoratis, quia tamen Praelaci, Comites & caeteri Magnates dicti regni in quorum praesentia nostras, & aliorum proponi et audiri volumus rations, et de quorum Consilio in eodem negotio, prout alias diximus, intendimus operari: maxim cum ip •• ad observandum et manutenendum ura Regis et Coronae nostrae praedictae, una Nobiscum uramenti vinculo sint astricti, a la ••• , nost um tunc ten p ••• is non fuerunt; ac pro eo scilicet quod illi qui suas rations qua enus illud negotium illos ang it proponere habeant, inde praemun •• i non erant, eidem negotio sine ipsorum Consilio- inem imponere non potuimus BONO MODO. Et quia negotium illud quantum possumus cup mus maturare, ita quod per Nos non foret quin absque ulterioris dilationis incommodo effectum debitum sorti ri (posset.) Volentes cum Praelatis, Comitibus, Baronibus ac Magnatibus supradictis ac aliis e Communitate dicti Regni super hoc, et quibu dam aliis negotiis, Nos et Statum regni praedicti tangentibus, habere colloquium et tractatum. Vobis mandamus in fide et dilection quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes, quod sitis ad Nos ad PARLIAMENTUM NOSTRUM apud Lincoln. in Octabis sancti Hilary prox. futur. Nobiscum ibidem, una cum cae eris Praelatis et Proceribus praedictis super praemissis tractaturi, vestrumque consilium im ensuri. Et hoc sicut Nos, & commodum regni nostri praedicti diligitis, nullatenus omittatis, Teste Rege apud le Rose. 26 die Septembris.

The like writs were sent to the Archbishop of York, Angliae Primati, and to 17 Bishops more: to 80 Abbots; but no Prior except Prior Hospitalis Sancti Johannes Jerusalem in Anglia; Magistro Ordinis de Semplingham, Magistro Milit. Templi in Anglia.

The 13. and 14. writs are of this form registered in Clauso [ 13] Ann. 30 E. 1. m. 〈◊〉 . 9. dorsi.

Rex, &c. R. &c. Can uar. Archiepisc. &c. Quia super quibu dam arduis negotiis Nos & vos totumque regnum nostrum specialiter tangentibus quae sine vobis et caeteris Praelatis ac Proceribus dicti regni nostri nolumus expediri, vobiscum et cum eisdem Praelatis ac Procetibus habere volumus Colloquium et tractatum. Vobis mandamus, &c. quod in Octabis Nativ. Sancti Johannes Bapti tae prox. futur. ad ultimum apud Westm. modis omnibus personaliter intersit is Nobiscum, et cum caeteris Praelatis ac Proceribus supradictis, super dict s nego iis tractaturi, &c. T. Rege apud Thurrock Grey 2. die Iunii.

Rex, &c. R. Archiepise, Cantuar. &c. Licet vos non lateat, [ 14] quod in Parliamento nostro, habito London hiis diebus extitit ordinatum, ut ad providendum consulcius & salubrius ordinandum super negotiis de quibus tract atum fuit in eodem Parliamento et aliis, super quibus pro commodo et securitate r gni ostrs et •• colarum ejusdem tractandum, vide itur Parliamentum iteratum in prox. festo sancti Mïchaelis London habeatur; ex habundanti tamen vobis in fide et dilection quibus nobis tenemini firmiter injungendo mandamus, quod e dem futuro Parliamento aliis quibuscunque negotiis praetermissis personaliter intersitis. T. Rege apud Westm. 24 die Julii.

Consimiles literae dirigun ur subscriptis, viz. I. Karliol. Episcopo, &c. (with 〈◊〉 more names of Bishops 〈◊〉 Abbots, 〈…〉 temporal Lord's) is written under both these writs.

[ 15] The 15. writ of Summons is thus framed: Claus. An. 33 E. 1. m. 8. dorso.

Rex, &c. W. eadem gratia Episcopo Wigorniae salutem. Licet hactenus vobis mandavimus quod esse is ad No apud Westm. ad Parliamentum nostrum quod in Octabis nativitatis beatae Mariae virginis prox. futur. tenere volumus Deo dante. Vobis nihilominus iterato mandamus in fide, &c. quod die dictarum Octab. vel in crastino earundem ad vltimum aliis omnibus praetermissis intersitis. Et hoc nullatenus omittatis. T. Rege apud Rothing 27 die Augusti. Per Breve de privato sigillo.

Consimiles literae dirigun ur subscriptis, mutatis mutandis. W: Coventr. & Lichf. Episcopo, Abbati W stm: Abbati de Waverle: and to 2. Earls, and 9. more there named.

[ 16] The 16. writ, varying in its recital from all the former in regard of the death of E. 1. and the new government, espousals, and coronation of King Edw. 2. is this.

Edwardus Deigratia Rex Angliae, Dominus Hiberniae, & Dux Aquitaniae, Ven. in Christo patri W. eadem gratia Eborum Archiepiscopo Angliae Primati, salutem. Quia super quibusdam Negotiis nos in ista recenti susceptione regiminis regni nostri, tam videlicet super humatione corporis celebris memory Domini Edwardi quondam Regis Angliae genitoris nostri, cujus animae propitietur D us, quam super solempnitate nostrorum Sponsalium, et Coronationis nostrae auctore Deo celebr and. aliis{que} arduis negotiis statum ejusdem regni contingentibus, vobiscum et cum cae eris Praelatis & Magnatibus de eodem regno habere volumus Colloquium speciale et tractatum. Vobis mandamus, &c. quod in Quindena sancti Michaelis prox. futur. &c. apud Northampton personaliter intersitis Nobiscum & cum aliis Praelatis & Magnatibus, &c. Praemunientes Decanum et Archidiaconos, &c. (as in former writs) ad faciend. & consentiend, &c. T. meipso aqud Comenok, 26 die Augusti, Anno regni nostri primo.

Eodem modo scribitur to 18 Bishops there named 〈…〉 Abbots with other Ecclesiastical Barons.

The 17. writ is this: Claus. Anno 1 E. 2. m. 11. dorso. [ 17]

Rex venerabili in Christo Patri W. Archiepiscopo Eborum Angliae Primati, salutem: Quia super diversis et arduis negotiis No et statum regni nostri tangentibus, &c cum caeteris Praelatis, Proceribus, et aliis fidelibus nostris de eodem regno Colloquium et tractatum habere, et PARLIAMENTUM tenere proponimus Domino concedente. Vobis mandamus, &c. quod prima Dominica Quadrag simae prox. futur. apud Westm. &c. intersitis, Nobiscum ibidem et cum caeteris Praelatis et Magnatibus, &c. (as before) T. Rege apud Douorr. 19 die Januar.

Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis, viz. A. Patriarch. Jerusalem, et Episcopo Dunelm: and 〈◊〉 Bishops more: the rest 〈…〉 Abbots 〈…〉 in the Roll.

The 18. writ is in Claus. Anno 1 E. 2. m. . . dorso. [ 18]

Rex ven. &c. W. eadem gratia Archiepisc. Eborum, &c. Quia super diversis negotiis Nos et statum regni nostri tangentibus Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Dominica in Quindena Paschae, prox. futur. tenere proponimus D o concedente. Vobis mandamus, &c. ibidem Nobiscum et cum Praelatis & caeteris Magnatibus et Proceribus de regno praedicto, &c. T. Rege apud West. 10 die Martii.

Eodem modo mandatum est, to •• Bishops, with 〈…〉 Abbots, 〈◊〉 named particularly in this Roll.

The 19. writ, is in Claus. Anno 2 E. 2. m. 20. Cedula. [ 19]

Rex, ven. &c. R. eadem gratia Cantuar. Archiepiscopo &c. Quia diversa negotia Nos et statum regni nostri tangentia super quibus vobiscum et cum cae eris Praelatis et Magnatibus ejusdem regni in PARLIAMENTO NOSTRO quod nuper post Coronationem nostram summoneri fecimus, tractare incepimus, propter aliquod impedimentum interveniens quod, benedicto Altissimo, modo cessat, adhuc remanent pertractanda; per quod PARLIAMENTUM NOSTRVM apud Westm. à die Sancti Michaelis prox. futur. in tres Septimanas tenere disposuimus Domino concedente. Vobis mandamus, &c. (without a Praemunientes, &c.) et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum atque vestrum, commodumque dicti regni diligitis nullatenus omittatis. T. Rege apud Langele 16 die Augusti.

Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis, viz. W. Archiepiscopo Eborum, Angliae Primati, A. Patriarch. Jerusalem, et Episcopo Dunelm. &c. without more names of Bishops or Abbots in the Roll.

[ 20] The 20. writ is thus entered, Claus. Anno 2 E. 2. m. 14. Cedula.

Rex, &c. A. eadem gratia Archiepisc. Cantuar. &c. Quia super quibusdam arduis negotiis Nos et statum, &c. vobiscum et cum aliis Praelatis, Proceribus, et Magnatibus ejusdem regni habere volumus tractatum. Vobis mandamus, &c. quod suis ad Nos apud Westm. secunda Dominica Quadragesimae, &c. Nobiscum et cum caeteris &c. super praemissis Colloquium habituri, &c. T. Rege apud Langeleye S die Ianuarii.

Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis, viz. W. Archiep. Eborum. Angliae Primati, A. Patriarchy Ierus. et Episcopo Dunelm. R. Electo Dublin. Episcopo, &c. without more names of Bishops or Abbots.

[ 21] The 21. writ is registered, Claus. 2 E. 2. m. 11. dors. directed to the Archbishop of Canterbury, in the same form as the last, with an addition only of Praemunientes Priorem, &c. (not in the former) a die Paschae prox. futur. in unum mensem apud Westm. &c. T. Rege apud Westm. 4. die Martii.

Eodem modo scribitur subscriptis mutatis mutandis quoad Decanos et Capitula, et Priores et Capitula, viz. W. Arch. Ebor. A. Patriarch. Jerus. et Ep. Dunelm. J. Karlio , &c. without more names.

The 22. is Claus. 2. . 2. m. 0, dorso. [ 22]

Rex, &c. R. &c. Cantuar. Archiep sc. &c. Quia Treuga sive sufferentia quam ad requi sitionem magnifici Principis Domini Philippi Regis Francorum illustris Patris nostri carissimi, Scot is inimicis, et •• bellibus nostris usque ad certum tempus concessimus duratur. per ipsos Scotos qui nunc pejora quam ante captionem suffer 〈◊〉 praedictae commiserant, committere non verentes, contra Nos t fideles nostros in illis par bus existentes, f audulenter & hostiliter insurgunt, castra, villas, terras, et ten menta tam nostra quam fidelium nostro um ibidem nequi er occupando necnon depraedationes, incendia et homicidia multiplicilen perpetr a do, ullaetenus observatur, quod vos et alios de reg o nostro creed mus non latere; Nos dictorum Scotorum proterviam et nequitiam hujusmodi cum Dei uxilio dep imere cupientes, et super hoc vobiscum et cum caeteris Praelatis et Proceribus regni nostri volentes habere Colloquium et tractatum. Vobis mandamus, quod die Dominica prox. post festum Sa cti Jacobi Apostoli prox. futur. sitis ad Nos apud Staunford, Nobiscum, &c. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum et vestrum ac comodum regni 〈◊〉 de igitis nullatenus omitta is. T. Rege apud Westm. 11 die Junii.

The 23. writ is enrolled in Claus. Anno 3 E. 2. m. 17. [ 23] dorso.

Rex, &c. W. &c. Archiepiscopo Eborum. &c. Quant •• au aciae quantaeque temeritatis sun hiis diebus opera Roberti de Brus, Inimici et Rebellis, et Proditoris nostri, suorumque Complicum et Fautorum, Nobis et dicto regno nostro dampnosa, quotiens hujusmodi Inimici nostri perturbaverint idem regnum, quot e iam malorum et machinationum genera Treugis ipsis ad requisi ionem magni ici Principis Domini Philippi Regis Francorum illustr. Ka issimi Patris nostri concessis pendentibus, proditionibus soli o sicut aslueta non relinquere volentes erga No , praefatumque regnum minime perpetrare verebantur, Castra, villas, erras et tenementa tam nostra quam fidelium nostrorum ausu emerario invadendo et aliqua obsidendo, et (proh dolor!) pejora acc mulantes prioribus, quibusdam fidelibus nostris nequiter interfectis, depraedationes, rapinas, et alia enormia multipliciter commiserunt, vos et alios de dicto Regno nostro credimus non latere. Volentes igitur super hiis, ac aliis arduis negotiis Nos et statum regni nostr tangentibus vobiscum, et cum caeteri Praelatis, Proceribus, et Magnatibus ejusdem regni habere Colloquium et tractaium. Vobis mandamus, &c. sitis personaliter ad Nos apud Eborum, die Dominica prox. post festum Purificationis beatae Mariae prox. futur. Nobiscum et cum caeteris Praelatis, Proceribus et Magn tious, &c. (without any Praemunientes, &c.) T. Rege apud Eborum 26. die Octobris.

In the Eodem modo mandatum est, &c. 3. Bishops only are named with an &c.

[ 24] The 24. writ I find in Claus. Anno 4 E. 2. m. 1. Dorso.

Rex, &c. R. &c. Archiep. Cantuar. &c. Quia propter plura et ardua negotia Nos et statum regni •• ostri tangentia die Dominica prox. ante festum Sancti Lauren ii prox. futur. ordinavimus, Deo propiti Lon •• n, Parliamentum tenere, et vobiscum et cum 〈◊〉 Praelatis et Proceribus, &c. habere Colloquium et tractatum. Vobis mandamus, &c. Praemunientes Priorem et Capitulum Ecclesiae vestrae, &c. T. Rege apud Berewic. super Twe am, 16 die Junii. Per Breve de privato sigillo.

Eodem modo scribitur subscriptis mutatis mutandis quoad Decanos et Capitula, et Priores et Capitula, viz. Arch. Eborum, Angliae Primati, I. Karliol. Episcopo, &c. without more names.

[ 25] The 25. writ is registered in Claus. 5 E. 2. m. 17. Dorso.

Rex, &c. R. Archiep. Cantur. &c. Quia i ultimo PARLIAMENTO nostro apud Westm. habito propter solempnitatem festi Nativitatis Dom ni supervenientis diversa et ardua negotia Nos et statum regni nostri, aliarumque terrarum nostrarum multiplicite ••• gen ia, non potuimus, sicut spor abamus expedire: 〈◊〉 ALIUD PARLIAMENTVM apud Westm. 〈◊〉 Dominica Quadragesimae prox. futur 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 vobiseum et cum caete is Praelatis ac Proc ribus dicti regni super pr ••• ssis 〈◊〉 Domino finaliter portract andis haber proponi us Colloquium et tractatum. Vobis 〈◊〉 , &c. Nobiscum et cum caeteris Praelatis, ac cum Proceribus praedictis, aliisque fidelibus nostris, super memor tis nego ••• tractat ••• &c. Praemunien es Prio •• m et Capi . &c. T. Rege apud Westm. 19 die Decembri

Consimiles literae diriguntur Vi ari generali Aro iopiscopi Eborum, ipso Archiepiscopo in •• motis age te, &c. without more names of Bishops or Abbots.

The 26. Writ is entered Claus. An. 5. E. 2. m. 11. 13. dors. [ 26]

Rex, &c. R. &c. Archiepisco to Cantuar. &c. Quia propter pl ra et ardu Nego ia, No &c. die Do inica prox. post festum beatae Mariae Magdalenae prox. futur. ordinavimus Deo propitio apud Lincol . Pa li mentum enere, et vobiscum, cum caeteris Praelatis t Proceribus de dicto regno, &c. Praemu ientes Priorem & Capit. T. Rege apud Eborum.

Eodem modo scribi ur▪ subscriptis mutat. mu andis quoad Decanos et Capit. &c. viz. Arch. Eborum Angliae Primati. Carliol Epise. without more names.

The 27. Writ is recorded, Claus. An. 6. E. 2. m. 31. [ 27] Dorso.

Rex, &c. R. &c. Archiepiscopo Cantuar. Q ia tertia Dominica Quadragessimae prox. futur, ordinavimus Deo propitio apud Westm. Parliamentum te ere et obiscum, ac cum caeteris prael tis et pro eribus regni nostri, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Windesor 8 die Ianuarii.

Eodem modo s ribitur, &c. Arch. Eborum. Angl. Primati, R. London, Episcopo, &c. without more names.

The 28. is this memorable special writ of Summons to [ 28] a special extraordinary Council held at London.

Claus. An. 6. E. 2. m. 2. dorso. Rex vener. in Christo Patri R. ead m gratia Lond. Episcopo, s lutem. Datum est nobis intelligi quod Scoti, inimici et rebels nostri terram nostram Scotiae occupantes, C stra, villas, et alia loca usurparunt et devastarunt, et his similibus non contenti Regnum nostrum Angliae in diversis partibus sunt ingressi, homicidia, depiaedationes, incendia, et alia dam na innumera perpetrantes, Ecclessiae sacrae aut locis aliis Deo dedicatis non parcentes in hac parte; Et quia praemissa non solum in nostri dampnum▪ verum etiam in destructionem Ecclesiae, et locorum praedictorum et animarum grave periculum, (ad quorum salvationem vos una nobiscum oportunas vires decet extendere) dinoscuntur gravius redundare, per quod injunximus venerabilibus Patribus W. Wygorn. Episcopo, Custodi magni Sigilli nostri, et I. Bathon. & Wellen. Episcopo, et dilecto et fideli Nepo i nostro Gilberto de Clare Comiti Glouc. et Hereford. quaedam vobis et quibusdam aliis Praelatis de dicto regno nostro super praemissis; sitis in propria persona vestra, vel per sufficientem Procuratorem à vobis plenam potestatem habentem London. die Jovis prox. post festum Sanctae Trinitatis prox. futur. ad tractandum una cum praefat is Episcopis, et Comite, et aliis quae ibidem ex hac causa sunt vocati super negotiis antedictis, et ad consentiendum hiis quae tune in eisdem contigerit ordinari. Et hoc sicut Dei et Ecclesiae suae, ac nostri ac vestri honorem diligitis, et dampna hujusmodi in dicto regno desideraveritis, evitari. T. Rege apud Do or. 23 die Maii.

Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis, viz. Episcopo Winton, Episc. Excestr. Episc. Norwyc. Episc. Eliens. Ep. Sarum: Custodi Spiritualitatis Arch. Cant. quod sint personiliter: Episc. Roff. Episc. Lincoln. Per se, vel per Procurat. Episc. Meneven. personaliter.

[ 29] The 29. writ is registered Claus. An. 6 E. 2. m. 3. dorso.

Rex, &c. W. &c. Archiepisc. Eborum, &c. Licet ad requisi ionem Sanctissimi in Christo Patris Domini Clementis divina providentia Summi Pontificis, n cnon Domini Regis Franciae nostri Kar ssimi patris, jam sumus ad partes transmarinas profecturi, pro arduis negotiis statum Ducatus nostri praedicti diver simode contingentibus, quae sine nostra praesentia, ut per quosdam Magnates et Amicos nostros, et Ministros nostros partium illarum intelleximus feliciter expedire non poterint reformandis. Quia tamen à partibus illis in brevi Deo propitio in Angliam redire proponimus, et PARLIAMENTUM NOSTRUM in Quindena Nativitatis S. Johannes Baptistae prox. futur. apud Westm. tenere, et vobiscum, et cum caeteris Praelatis et Proceribus regni nostri, super diversis negotiis Nos et statum dicti regni nostri, ac expeditionem guerrae nostrae Scotiae specialiter tangentibus habere Colloquium et tractatum. Vobis mandamus, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Douorr. 23. die Maii.

Eodem modo scribitur, viz. Custodi Archiepiscopatus Can uar. seed vacante, R. London. I. Lincoln. &c. without more names.

The 30. writ in Claus. Anno 7. E. 2. m. 27. dorso, [ 30] runs thus.

Rex, &c. W. eadem gratia Archiepisc. Eborum, &c. Cum diversa et ardua negotia Nos, et statum regni nostri tangentia, super quibus in Parliamento quod apud Westm. in Quindena Nativitatis St. Johannes Baptistae prox: praeterita fecimus summoneri, proposueramus Vobiscum et cum caeteris Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proceribus regni nostri habuisse Colloquium et Tractatum, ob aliquas certas rations ad huc remaneant indiscussa; per quod ordinavimus Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Dominica prox: post festum S. Mathaei Apostoli prox. futur. tenere; et vobiscum et cum caeteris Praelatis, &c. Vobis mandamus, &c. Praemunientes &c. T. Rege apud Westm. 26. die Iulii.

Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis, Custod. Archiepiscopatus Cantuar. seed vacante, Custodi Episcopatus London. seed vacante, J. Episcopo Lincoln. S. Episc. Sarum, &c. without more names par icularized.

The 31. writ is this of Claus. Anno 7 E. 2. m. 16. dorso. [ 31]

Rex, &c. W. &c. Archiepiscopo Eborum, &c. Quia super diversis negotiis Nos, &c. tangentibus, Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Dominica in Quindena Pasch. prox. futur. ten re proponimus Domino conc dente. Vobis mandamus, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Westm. 6. die Decembris.

Eodem modo mandatum subscriptis, viz. Custod. Spiritualitatis Archiepiscopatus Cantuar. seed vacante, mutatis mutandis, London. Episcopo, I. Lincoln. Episcopo, &c.

[ 32] The 32. sort of writs, you may find in Claus. Anno 8 E. 2. m. 45. dorso.

Rex, &c. W. eadem gratia Archi pisc. Cantuar. &c. Quia super diversis et arduis negotiis Nos et statum regni nostri, et maxim Terrae nostrae Scotiae specialiter tangentibus, Parliamentum nostrum apud Eborum die Lunae in crastino Nativitatis beatae Mariae virginis prox. futur▪ tenere, et vobisc m, ac cum caeteris Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proceribus dicti regni habere proponimus Colloquium et tractatum. Vobis mandamus, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Eborum. 29 die Julii. Per Breve de privato sigillo.

Eodem modo mandatum est Subscriptis, mutatis mutandis, viz. W. Arch. Eborum, Angliae Primati, J. Lincoln. Episcopo, &c.

The same writ verbatim, issued this year to the s me Archbishop; Claus. 8 E. 2. m. 29. dorso. Rex, &c. prescribing Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm: in Octabi S. Hilary prox. futur. tenere, et vobiscum, &c. habere proponimus Colloquium et tractatum, &c. T. Rege apud Spalding 24 die Octobris: There being 3. Bishops only named in the Eodem modo mandatum est.

[ 33] The 33. writ I meet with in Claus. Ann. 9. E. 2. m. 22. dorso. Rex, &c. the same in terminis with the two last▪ but in the place and time of the Parliament, viz. Parliamentum nostrum apud Lincoln, in Quindona Sancti Hilary prox. futur. tenere, et vobiscum, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. meipso apud Empington, 16 die Octobris. The Archbishop of York, and Bishop of Lincol with an, &c. are only mentioned in the Eodem modo mandatum est.

[ 34] The 34. writ of summons runs in the ordinary form. Cla s. Anno 12 E. 2. m. 29. in Cedula pendente.

Rex &c. W. &c. ant. Arch. &c. Quia, &c. Parliamentum nostrum apud Eborum à die Sancti Michaelis prox. futur▪ in tres Septimanas tenere, et vobiscum, &c. T. Rege apud Nottingham 25. Augusti: Per Regem et Consilium. There are but 4. Bishops specified with an &c. in the Eodem modo.

The 35. is Claus. An. 12 E. 2. m. 11. dorso, to W. [ 35] Archbishop of York, the same verbatim with the last, but in Parliamentum nostrum apud Ebo um à die Paschae in unum mensem tenere: T. Rege apud Eborum 28 die Martii, Per ipsum Regem. Five Bishops with an &c. are mentioned in the eodem modo.

The 36. in Claus. 13 E. 2. m. 13. dorso. agrees with [ 36] these later writs: but in Statum Regni nostri, et Ducatus nostri praedicti specialiter tangentibus, Parliamentum nostrum apud Eborum in Octabis Hilary prox. futur. tenere, &c. T. Rege apud Eborum, 6 die Novembr. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium. In the eodem modo 5. Bishops are mentioned with an, &c.

The 37. is Claus. 13. E. 2. m. 29. dorso. [ 37]

Rex, &c. W. Archiepisc. Cantuar. &c. Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Lunae in octabis S. Mich. prox. futur. teneri, &c. without Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Westm. 5. die Augusti. Per ipsum Regem. In the eodem modo, 5 Bishops are nominated with, &c.

The 38. writ I meet with is in Claus. 14 E. 2. m. 5. dorso. [ 38]

Rex, W. &c. Archiepisc. Cant. &c. Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. a die Nativitatis S. Johannes Baptistae, prox. futur. in tres Septimanas tenere, &c. with a Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Westm. 25 die Maii. Per ipsum Regem. In the eodem modo 5. Bishops with an &c. are specified.

The 39. writ in Claus. 15 E. 2. m. 16. dorso, W. Archiep. [ 39] Cantuar. agrees verbatim with the last before; but in Parliamentum nostrum apud Ebotum, a die Paschae prox. futur, in tres Septimanas tenere, &c. T. meipso apud D rby, 14. die Martii. Per ipsum Regem. There are only 5. Bishops with &c. in the eodem modo.

[ 40] The 40. writ in Claus. 16 E. 2. m. 26. dorso, hath this recital.

Rex, &c. W. & . Archiep. Eborum, &c. Cum jam regressi sumus de partibus Scotiae, et in partibus Novi Castri super Tynam, ad refraenand. Scotorum inimicorum et rebellium nostrorum obstinatia et malitia, si forsan partes regni nostri hostiliter ingredi attentaverint isto tempore, hic malui cum manis potenti moram facere, et in instanti seisona aestivali ad easdem paries Scotiae ad ipsorum inimicorum nostrorum proterviam cum Dei adjutorio finaliter conterend. proficisci proponimus; et super hiis et aliis arduis negot is Nos et statum regni nostri et dictam terram Scotiae tangentibus, vobiscum ac cum caeteris Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proceribus dicti regni nostri apud Rippon, die Dominica prox. post festum S. Martini prox. futur. ordinavimus habere colloquium et tractatum. Vobis mandamus, without any Praemunien es, &c. T. Rege apud Nov m Castrum super Tynam, 1 . die Septembris. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo scribitur W. Arch. Cantuar. totius Angliae Primati: and 3. more there named with &c.

[ 41] The 41. wri, is this in Claus. 18. E. 2. m. 21. dorso.

Rex, &c. W. &c. Archiepisc. Eborum, &c. Quia ad partes Ducatus nistri Aquitaniae, de quo Rex Franciae malitiose nos exhaeredi are proponit, in succursum ejusdem Duca us nostri passag ū nostrum ordinavimus, Domino disponente, Vobiscum ac cum caeteris Praelatis, Magnatibus & Proceribus regni nostri super passagio nostro praedicto et aliis arduis negotiis, Nos, et statum regni nostri, et Ducatus praedicti tangentibus habere volumus colloquium et tractatum. Vobis mandamus, &c. sitis ad nos apud Winton: secunda Dominica Quadragesimae prox. futur. Nobiscum, &c. Teste Rege apud Nottingham 30. die Decembris. Per ipsum Regem. In the eodem modo, 5. Bishops only are particularized with an &c. to the last of them.

[ 42] The 42. writ is in the ordinary form Claus. 18 E. 2. m. 5. dorso.

Rex, &c. W. &c. Archiep. Cantuar. &c. Quia, &c. Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. crastino Nativitatis S. Johannes Baptistae prox. futur. tenere, &c. Teste Rege apud Winton. 6 die Maii. Per ipsum Regem.

The Eodem modo, &c. mentions the Archbishop of York, and 5. other Bishops, with &c. to the last.

The 43. writ is entered, Claus. Anno 19 E. 2. m. 27. [ 43] dorso.

Rex, &c. W. Archiepiscopo Cantuar. &c. apud Westm. in Octabis Sti. Martini prox. futur. Parliamentum nostrum tenere, ac vobiscum et cum caeteris Praelatis, &c. Vobis mandamus, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Westm. 10 die Octobris. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo mandatum est, &c. W. Arch. Eborum, Angliae Primati, and 3 more Bishops with an &c. instead of the others names.

The 44. writ is recorded in Claus. Anno 1 E. 3. parte [ 44] 2. m. 16. dorso, being very memorable.

Rex, &c. W. &c. Archiepisc. Cantuar. &c. Qualiter Scoti nostri et regni nostri inimici pacis tractatum cum nostris solempnibus Nunciis, quos nuper ea de causa ad partes Marchiae Sc tiae destinavimus mire contemptibiliter recusarunt, et ruptis proditionaliter Treugarum vinculis tempore Dom. Edw. nuper Regis Angliae Patris nostri inter populos Angliae & Scotiae initis et juramento firmatis, congregato magno exercitu regnum nostrum hostiliter plures sunt ingressi, homicidia, depraedationes, incendia, et alia mala injuria perpe •• ndo, qualiter et ad refraenand. ipsorum audaciam ad partes Marchiae Scotiae praedictae, congregato magno exerci u declinavimus, ut ipsos inimicos potenter et viriliter prosequamur, vobis incognitum non existir. Et quia dicti Inimici dum per Nos et exercitum nostrum in parco de Stanhope, quatenus fieri poterint circumdati fuissent, noctanter et latenter ut devicti de parco praedicto evaserunt, et ad partes suas sunt regressi, nonnullis eorum per quosdam de exercitu nostro insecutis et interfectis, et ut Nobis relatum est, iterato se congtegare, et regnum nostrum ingredi proponunt ad mala quae poterunt perpetranda, propter quod tam super defensione et custodia regni nostri contra aggressus dictorum inimicorum, quam super aliis arduis negotiis Nos et Statum regni nostri tangentibus, vobiscum, et cum caeteris Praelatis, Magnatibus, et Proceribus regni nostri apud Lincoln. in crassino Exaltationis sanctae Crucis prox. futur. colloquium ordinavimus habere et tractatum. Vobis mandamus in fide et dilection quibus Nobis tenemini, &c. quod omnibus aliis praetermissis dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis ibidem, Nobiscum si interesse possumus, seu interveniente impedimento depurandis a Nobis, super defensione et custodia ac aliis negotiis supradictis tractaturi, vestrumque consilium impensuri. Et praemuniatis Priorem et Capitulum Ecclesiae vestrae Cantuar. Archidiac. totumque Clerum vestrae Dioc: quod iidem Prior et Archidiac. in propriis personis suis, dictumque Capitulum per unum, idemque Clerus per duos Procuratores idoneos plenam et sufficientem potestatem ab ipsis Capitulo et Clero habentes dictis die ac loco inte sint ad faciend. et consentiend. hiis quae tunc ibidem de Communi Consilio divina savente clementia ordinari contigerit super negotiis antedicts; et hoc nullatenus omittatis. T. Rege apud Stanhope, 7. die Augusti, Anno regni nostri primo. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo mandatum est Arch: Eborum Angliae Prima i, et Episcopis subscriptis, viz. H. Lincoln Episcopo, I. Karliol Episcopo, L. Dunolm. Episcopo, L. London Episcopo, &c.

[ 45] The 45. writ, in Claus. Anno 1 Ed. 3. parte 2. m. 16. dorso, runs thus.

Rex, &c. Archiepis. Cantuar. &c. Cum super reformatione Pacis inter Nos et nostros subditos, ex una parte, et Robertum de Brus ac Magnates et alios de Scotia ex parte altera, certis Nunciis ex utraque parte missis, nuper apud Novum Castrum super Tynam habitus fuisset tractatus, certi Articuli sunt expositi reformationem praedictam contingentes; Super quibus et aliis Coronam nostram tangentibus Parliamentum nostrum apud Eborum. die Dominica prox. post festum Purificationis beatae Mariae virginis prox. futur. tenere, ac vobiscum et cum caeteris Praelatis, Magnatibus, et Proceribus regni nostri Colloquium et Deliberationem habere volumus et tractatum. Vobis mandamus, &c. Praemunientes, &c. ( as before. ) T. Rege apud Coventr. 10 die Decembris. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis mutatis mutandis, viz. Custod. Spiritualitatis Archiepiscopatus Cantuar. seed vacante, &c.

The 46. writ (very observable) I meet with in Claus. [ 46] Anno 2 E. 3. m. 31. dorso.

Rex, &c. W. &c. Archiepisc. Eborum, &c. Cum in Parliamento nostro nuper apud Eborum convocato magna & ardua negotia Nos et itatum regni nostri tangentia proposita fuissent, quae propter absentiam quorundam Praelatorum et aliorum Magnatum et Procerum regni nostri, tunc non poterunt terminari: Super quibus et aliis diversis negotiis de assensu omnium Praelatorum Magnatum et Procerum in eodem Parliamento nostro tunc existentium apud Northamton à die Paschae prox futur. intres Septimanas Parliamentum tenere, et vobiscum ac OMNIBVS aliis Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proceribus dicti regni Colloquium habere ordinavimus et tractatum. Vobis mandamus, &c. vestrumque consilium impensuri. Scientes pro certo quod aliquem Procuratorem pro vobis, seu pro aliquo Praelato vel Magnate ad praesens propter arduitatem negotiorum praedictorum, admittere non intendimus quoquo modo; Et Praemuniatis Decanum et Capit. &c. ( as in former writs ) Et quia ante haec tempora negotia in hujusmodi Parliamentis tractanda impedita fuerunt ex eo quod nonnulli Magnates cum multitudine tumultuosa hominum armatorum ad Parliamenta illa accesserunt, et populus partium ubi Parliamenta illa tenta fuerunt damp nificatus existit et gravatus; volumus et firmiter praecipimus, quod omnes et singuli de regno nostro cujuscunque status seu conditionis fuerint qui ad dictum Parliamentum venire voluerint, modo debito et absque aliqua multitudine, sub forisfactura omnium quae Nobis forisfacere poterint, accedant. Ita quod per ipsorum adventum indebitum negotia nostra non retardentur, seu patria in hac parte oneretur indebite quovis modo. T. Rege apud Eborum quinto die Martii.

Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis mutatis mutandis, viz. Custod. Spiritualitatis Archiepiscopatus Cantuar. seed vacante. Th. Episcopo Hereford. I. Episcopo Exon. &c.

[ 47] The 47. writ is this in Claus. Anno 2 E. 3. m. 23. dorso.

Rex, &c. W. &c. Archiepiscopo Eborum, &c. Cum post Parliamentum nostrum apud Northampton nuper tentum, quaedam magna et ardua negotia Nos et Statum regni nostri ac jura nostra intime contingentia emerserint, super quibus vobiscum, ac cum caeteris Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proceribus dicti regni nostri &c. apud Eborum die Dominica proxima post festum Sancti Iacobi Apostoli prox. futur. consilium et deliberationem habere ordinavimus et tractatum. Vobis mandamus, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Wigorn. 15 die Iunii. Per ipsum Regem

Eodem modo mandatum est, &c. Custod. Spirit. Archiepiscopatus Cant. seed vacante. Thomae Episcopo Hereford, &c.

[ 48] The 48 is this writ recorded in Claus. An. 2. E. 3. m. 15 Dorso.

Rex, &c. W. &c. Archiepiscopo Eborum; Cum nuper post Parliamentum nostrum quod apud Northampton ultro tenuimus, quaedam ardua et magna negotia emersissent, quae statum nostrum, et statum regni nostri intime contingere dinoscuntur, super quibus apud Eborum postmodum tractatum habuimus, sed propter absentiam quorundam Praelatorum, Magnatum et Procerum non potuerunt tunc dicta negotia non sine gravi nostri dispendio discuti et terminari; Propter quod or dinavimus Parliamentum nostrum apud Novam Sarum die Dominica proxima post Quindenam Sancti Michaelis prox. futur. tenere, et vobiscum et cum caeteris Praelatibus, Magnatibus et Proceribus super dictis Negotiis et aliis quae noviter emerserurt Colloquium habere et Tractatum. Vobis mandamus in fide et dilection quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes quod omni Excusatione postposita sitis personaliter apud Novam Sarum dicto die Nobiscum & cum caeteris Praelacis, Magnatibus et Proceribus praedict. super dictis negotiis tractaturi, vestrum{que} consilium impensuri: Et hoc sicut nos et honor nostrum, & tranquillitatem regni nostri diligitis nullatenus omittatis; Ne quod absit ob vestri absentram contingat dicta negotia ulterius protelari; unde nobis et toto regno nostro irreparabile dispendium possit de facile generari. Scientes pro certo quod aliquem Procuratorem pro vobis, seu pro aliquo Praelato vel Magnate ad praesens, propter arduitatem negotiorum praedictorum excepta causa necessaria, admitti non intendimus quoquo modo. Et praemuniatis Decanum et Capitulum, &c. T. R. apud Clipston, 28 die Augusti. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo mandatum est S. Arch. Cantuar. &c. sub data 19 die Septembris Rege apud Risinge existente. Thoma Episcopo Hereford; I. Episcopo Exon. &c.

The 49. Writ is extant in Claus. An. 3 E. 3. m. 19 dorso.

Rex, &c. S. &c. Archiepiscopo Cantuar. Cum super maximis & arduis negotiis nos, et statum regni nostri, ac [ 49] tranquillitatem et quietem populi ejusdem regni intime contingentibus vobiscum, & cum caeteris, &c. die Dominica in crastino sanctae Mariae Magdalenae prox futur. apud Windesor Colloquium habere ordinavimus et tractatum. Vobis mandamus, &c. ( without Praemunientes, &c.) T. Rege apud Cantuar. 12 die Iunii. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo subscriptum est mutatis mutandis, viz. W. Eborum Archiep. Angl. Primati, Thomae Epis . Heref. &c.

The 50 is in Claus. Anno 4. E. 3. m. 41, dorso. [ 50]

Rex, &c. R. &c. Archiepisc. Cantuar. &c. Quta p o magnis et arduis negotiis nos, &c. multipliciter contingentibus Parliamentum nostrum apud Winton. die Dominica prox. ante festum Sancti Gregorii Papae. prox. futur. tenere, &c. Vobis mandamus, &c. Praemunientes Priorem et Capitulum, &c. Et hoc sicut nos, et honorem nostrum, et vestrum, ac salvationem regni nostri diligitis nullatenus omittatis. T. Rege apud Eltham. 25 die Januar.

Eodem modo, &c. As last before this.

[ 51] The 51 Writ is in Claus. 4 E. 3. m. 32 dorso.

Rex, &c. S. &c. Arch. Cantnar. &c. Quia super magnis et urgentibus negotiis noviter emersis, Nos et regnum nostrum intime contingentibus vobiscum, &c. die Lunae prox. post festum t anslationis Sancti Thomae Martyris prox. futur. apud Abbathiam de Oseney colloquium habere ordinavimus et tractatum. Vobis mandamus, &c. without Praemunientes, &c. Et hoc sicut nos & konorem nostrum et v strum diligitis, &c. T. Rege apud. Wodstoke 5 die Iunii. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo, &c. 3 Bishops only named; the last A. Episcopo Wigorn, &c.

The 52 is the Writ of Claus. 4 E. 3. m. 23. dorso.

[ 52] Rex, &c. S. &c. Cantuar. Archiepiscopo. Cum propter quaedam ardua negotia, Nos, et statum regni nostri, et aliarum terrarum ostrarum intime contingentia quae noviter emerserunt vobiscum, &c. die lunae prox. ante festum sancti Lucae Evangelistae prox. futur. apud Nottingham ordinavimus habere colloquium et tractatum. Vobis, &c. without Praemunientes, &c. Et hoc sicnt nos et honorem nostrum ac vestrum, et utilitatem et quietem ejusdem regni ac terrarum praedictarum diligitis nullatenus omittatis: Scituri quod si quod absit, prop er absentiam vestram dicta negotia contigerit retardari, ad vos prout convenit, graviter capiemus. T. Rege. apud Nottingham 6 die September. Per ipsum Regem.

The Eodem modo is to 3 Bishops, the same with the last.

The 53 is this memorable writ in Claus. Anno 4 E. 3. [ 53] m. 13 dorso.

Rex &c. S. &c. Archiepiscopo Cantuar. &c. Qualiter negotia nos et statum regni nostri contingentia postquam suscipimus gubernacula regni nostri huc •• que in nostri dampnum et dedec s, ac depauperationem populi nostri deducta erant, vestram credimus prudentiam non latere: Propter quod, non volentes hoc urgente conscientia ulterius sustinere, et desiderantes toto cord statum et regimen regni nostri, secundum juris et rationis exigentiam, ad honorem Dei, et tranquillitatem et pacem sanctae Ecclesiae, ac totius populi ejusdem regni reformari; ordinavimus de consi io et assensn Praelatorum & Magnatum nobis assistentium Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die lunae prox. post festum sanctae Katerinae virginis prox. futur. et vobiscum, ac cum caeteris Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proceribus dicti regni habere super praemissi cum deliberatione plenaria consilium et tractatum. Vobis in fide et dilection, &c. mandamus, quatenus omni excusatione voluntaria cessante dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis, nobiscum, &c. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum et tranquillitatem regni nostri praedicti diligitis nullatenus omittatis. Scientes quod diem sommonitionis dicti Parliamenti ob intensum desiderium quod habemus ut negotia s atum ipsius regni nostri contingentia feliciter disponantur, de assensu Praelatorum et Magnatum praedictorum abbreviavimus ista vice: Et nolumus quod abbreviatio hujusmodi cedat alicui in praejudicium vel trahatur in consequentiam in futur. Et praemuniari faciatis Priorem et Capitulum Ecclesiae vestrae, &c. T. Rege apud Leicest. 23 die Octob. Per ipsum regem et consilium.

Eodem modo mandatum est Archiepiscopo et Episcopis subscriptis, viz. 3 named, the last, I. Exon. Episcopo, &c.

The 54 is the Writ entered in Claus. 5 E. 3. m. 25. [ 54] dorso.

Rex, &c. S. &c. Archiepisc. Cant. &c. Quia propter quaedam magna et ardua negotia Nos et Ducatum nostrum Aquitaniae, ac alias terras nostras in pattibus transmarinis, (pro quibus ad easdem partes nuper solempnes nuncios nostros destinavimus) contingentia, quae in ultimo Parliamento nostro ob aliquas certas causas terminari non potuerunt, Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Lunae in Crastino Quindenae Pa chae prox. utur. tenere, et vobiscum, &c. (in the ordinary form without Praemunientes, &c.) Et hoc sicut honorem nostrum, et tranquillitatem et quietem dicti regni diligitis, &c. T. Rege apud Wyndesore 18. die Feb. Per ipsum Regem.

[ 55] The 55. notable writ is in Claus. An. 5 E. 3. m. 7. dorso.

Rex, &c. S. Archiepis . Cantuar. &c. Cum pro magnis et arduis negotiis Nos et statum ac regimen regni nostri specialiter contingentibus, de consilio Praelaiorum et Magnatum Nobis assistentium ordinavimus Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. in crastino Sancti Michaelis prox. futur. tenere, et vobiscum ac cum caeteris, &c. with Praemunientes Priorem, &c. Et quia ante haec tempora communia regni nostrinegotia propter aliqnorum Praelatorum et Magnatum absentiam, qui ad Convocationes at Parliamenta hujusmodi non ad di s Statutos, set diu postmodum venerunt, frequenter retardata fuerunt, ad commune dampnum populi regni nostri. Volumus, et vobis injungimus et mandamus, quod dicto crastino omni modo sitis ad Nos ad locum praedictum; Et praemuniatis praefatos Priorem, Archidiaconos, parcatis populi nostri laboribus et expensis. T. Rege apud Lincoln. 12 die Iulii. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo mandatum est, &c. W. Archiepiscopo Eborum: and to 19. Bishops more, Abbati S. Augustini Cantuar. and 26 Abbots, and 3. Priors more, with this Addition in the writs to the Abbots, Priors and Nobles: Quia intentionis nostrae, &c. ut supra.

[ 56] The 56. is the writ in Claus. 5 E. 3. parte 2. m. 7. dorso.

Rex, &c. S. &c. Archiepisc. Cantuar. Quia super diversis et arduis negotiis Nos ac statum regni nostri et aliarum terrarum nostrorum quae post ultimum Parliamentum nostrum evenerunt intime contingentibus et aliis, ordinavimus vobiscum, &c. Octabis S. M chaelis prox. futur. apud Westm. habere Colloquium et Tractatum. Vobis, &c. without Praemunientes, &c. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum, et tranquilitatem dicti regni ac terraram nostrarum praedictarum diligitis, &c. T. Rege apud Gildeford. 20. die Novembr. Per i sum Regem.

Consimili Brevia diriguntur. W. Archiepisc. Eborum, &c. and to 19. more Bishops, Priori S. Johan. Ierus. in Anglia, Ab ati Wes m: and 16 Abbots more.

The 57. is the writ in Claus. Anno 6 E. 3. m. 36. dorso. [ 57]

Rex, &c. S. &c. Archiepiscopo Cantuar. Cum magnificus Princeps Philippus Rex Franciae, Consanguineus noster, et complu es alii Reges et Principes Catholici, zelo devotionis accensi, ad recuperandam haereditatem Dominicam de manibus Inimicorum Crucis Christi, ad terram Sanctam jam ordinaverint iter suum, et Nos instanter requifierin , ut una cum ipsis ad dictas partes excausa prae icta ve imus prosicisci: Nos iter praedictum assumentes multum cordi, ordinavimus Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Lunae prox. post festum S. Gregori Papae prox: futur. tenere, et vobiscum ac cum caereris Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proceribus regni nostri super dicto itinere, et aliisn gotiis Nos, et statum dicti regni nostri, et aliarum terrarum nostrarum specialiter tangentibus habere Coll quium et Tractatum. Vobis igitur, &c. et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum ac tranquillitatem et quietam regni nostri di igitis nullatenus omittatis. Sciences pro certo, quod nisi evidens et manifesta necessitas id expos at, non intendimus Procuratores seu Excusatores pro vobis admittere ea vice propter arduitatem negotiorum praedictorum. Et praemuniatis, &c. T. Rege apud Westm. 27 die Ianuar.

Eodem modo mandatum est, &c. W. Archiepis . Eborum: and 19. Bishops: Abbati S. Augustine. &c. 27. Abbots, and 3. Priors more.

After whose names is inserted in the Roll.

Istis Ab atibus et Prioribus subscriptis non solebat scri i in all •• s Parliamentis, viz. Abbati de Teukesbury, Abbati de Bardeneye, Abbati de Barlinges, Abbati de Bello, Abbati de Pershore, Abbati de Hayles, Abbati de Sancta Ositha, Abbati de Langedon, Abbati de Tavestoke, Abbati de Stratford, Abbati de Burton super Trentam, Abbati de Ford , Abbati de Wardon. Abbati de Whalley, Abbati de Fontibus, Abbati de Fornays, Abbati de Ryevall, Abbati Sancti Augustini Bristol, Abbati de Cestr. Abbati de Boghland, Abbati de Thame, Abbati de Lesnes, Abbati de Gerveux, Magistro Ordinis de Sempyngham, Priori de Sempyngham, Priori de Bridelington, Priori Ecclesiae Christi de Twynham, Priori de Gisburn.

Yet I find most of these summoned to ormer Parliaments, under H. 3. and Ed. 1, 2. but afterwards omitted in most summons to Parliaments, but some of them inserted into summons to Councils.

[ 58] After this in the same Roll there issued out a second writ (the 58. in number) to the Archbishop of Canterbury, agreeing verbatim with the ormer to impensuri, and then subjoining this unusual clause of praemunition to the Clergy the second time. Et licet injunximus singulis Episcopis praedictis, quod quilibet eorum praemuniri faciat Priores et Decanos et Capitula ecclesiarum suarum Cathedralium, necnon Archidiaconos et Clerum suarum Dioc. quod idem Priores, Decani et Archidiac. propriis personis suis, et quodlibet Capitulorū dictorum per urum, Clerumque cujus ibet Diocaes. per duos Procuratores idoneos suss cientem potest atem ab ipsis Capitulo et Clero habentes, dictis die et loco inter sint; ad faciendum et consentiendum hiis quae tunc ibidem de Communi consilio divina favente clementia et super premissis contigerit ordinari. Nolentes tamen dicta negotia nostra pro defectu praemunitionum praedict arum si for san minus recte factae fuerint aliqualiter retardari; V bis mandamus rogantes▪ quatenus praemunire faciatis Priores, Decanos et Capitula Ecclesiarum Cathedralium, ac etiam Arcaidiaconos et totum Clerum vestrae Provinciae, quod iidem Priores D cani et Archidiaconi in propriis personis suis, et quodlibet Capitulorum p aedictorum per unum, Clerumque cujuslibet Diocaes. per duos P ocuratores sufficientem potestatem ab ipsis Capitulo et Clero habentes, sint in dicto die apud dictum locum ad consentiendum hiis quae tunc ibidem de communi consilio regni nostri ordinari contigerit sicut praedictum est. Et hoc nulla enus omittatis. Teste Rege apud Westm. 28 die Ianuarii.

Consimiles literae diriguntur W. Arch. Eborum. Angliae Primati, teste ut supra.

The 59. writ is that of Claus. An 6 E. 3. m. 19. dorso.

Rex, &c. S. &c. Archiepiscopo Cantuar. &c. Quia [ 59] super diversis et arduis negotiis nos et statum terrae nostrae Hyberniae specialiter contingentib s, ordinavimus Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm, in crastino Nativitatis beatae Mariae virginis prox. futur. tenere, &c. without Praemunientes, &c. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum, necnon tranquiliitatem regni et terrae nostrorum praedictorum diligitis, nullatenus omittatis. Teste Rege apud Wodestock 20 die Iulii. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo mandatum est Archiep. Eborum. and 19. Bishops more; Abbati S. Augustini Cantuar. and 27 Abbots more, and Priori S. Johannes Jerusalem in Anglia, Priori de Spalding, Priori de Louis.

The 60. writ is extant in Claus. 6 E. 3. m. 9. dorso. [ 60]

Rex, &c. S. &c. Archiepisc. Cantuar. &c. Cum post Parliamentum nostrum quod apud Westm. ultimo tenuimus, quaedam magna et ardua Negotia versus partes Boreales quae statum regni nostri et Coronae nosirae regiae intime contingunt emerserunt, super quibus celere et festinum remedium cum deliberatione provida apponere Nos oportet, propter quod de Consisio Praelatorum et Magnatum Nobis assistentium Parliamentum nostrum apud Eborum: die Veneris prox. ante festum S. Nicolai prox. futur. tenere, et vobiscum, &c. without Praemunientes, &c. Et hoe sicut Nos et honorem nostrum ac salvationem Coronae nostrae regiae, et tranquillitatem partium dicti regni nostri diligitis, nullatenus omittatis. Scientes quod propter arduitatem negotiorum praedictorum, ceslame impedimento legi imo praelentia vestra carere non pos umus ista vice. Teste Rege apud Eborum 20 die Octobris, Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Eodem modo mandatum est Archiepiscopo Eborum. to 19. Bishops, 29. Abbots, and 3. Priors last before named.

[ 61] The 61 writ is that of Claus. Anno 7 E. 3. pars 2 m. 3. dorso.

Rex dilecto sibi in Christo Priori Ec lesiae Christi Cantuar. Custodi spiritualitatis A chiepiscopatus Cantuar. seed va ante, &c. Quia pro diversis et arduis negotiis Nos, &c. Parliamentum nostrum apud Eborum die Lunae prox. ante fes um sancti Petri in Cat edra prox. futur. teneri, &c. (as in other summons) Teste Rege apud Walyng ord 4 die Januarii Per Breve de privato sigillo.

Eodem modo mandatum est Archiepiscopo Eborum. 19 Bishops, 27 Abbots, and 3 Priors forenemed. After which there i ued out other writs to the said Guardian of the Spiritualties of Canterbury, and the Archbishop of York, dated the same day and place, verbatim agreeing with the former, with this addi ional Clause in the close thereof. Et licet singulis Episcopis praedictis injunxerimus quod quilibet eo um praemunire faciat, Prio es, Decanos, &c. as in the 58 writ before cited. T. ut supra.

[ 62] The 62 is the writ of Claus. 8 E. 3. m. 18. do so.

Rex, &c. I. &c. Archiepiscopo Cantuar. Quia, &c. nos et statum regni nostri, et alia um terra um nostrarum specialiter contingentibus Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die lun e prox. post festum exaltationis sanctae Crucis prox utur. tenere, &c. Praemunientes, &c. Teste Rege apud Redinges 24 die Iulii. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo mandatum est Arch. Eborum. to 18. Bishops, 27 Abbots▪ and 3. Priots more.

Then follows in the same Roll another special writ to the two Archbishops, agreeing with the former, except in this addition. Et licet singulis Episcopis praedictis inj nxerimus, &c. as in the 58. and 61. Teste ut supra. Per ipsum Regem.

The 63. writ is recorded in Claus. 9 E. 3. mem. 28. [ 63] dorso.

Rex, &c. I. &c. Archiep. Cantuar. Quia, &c. Parliamentum nostrum apud Eborum in crastino Ascentionis Domini prox. futur. tenere, &c. Praemunientes, &c. Teste Rege apud Nottingham 3. die Aprilis. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo mandatum est, Arch. Eborum. 18 other Bishops, 28. Abbots, 3. Priors. Then follows another writ of the same Form and date to both the Archbishops, with an Et licet, &c. as before, . 53.

The 64. is in Claus. 9. E. 3. m. 8. dorso. [ 64]

Rex, &c. J. Archiep. Cantuar. Quia, &c. Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Lunae prox. post diem Dominicam in medio Quadragesimae prox. futur. &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Berewic. super Twedam 22. die Ianuarii. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo mandatum est, Archiep. Eborum 19. other Bishops, and 3. Priors. After which there issued writs to both the Archbishops of the same date, with Et licet. &c. superadded as before, n. 58. Peripsum Regem.

The 65. writ is entered, Claus. Anno 10 E. 3. m. 5. do so. [ 65]

Rex, &c. J. &c. Archiepisc. Cantuar. Quia &c. Parliamentum nostrum apud Eborum▪ die Lunae in festo Sancti Hilary prox. futur. tenere, &c. Teste Rege apud Botheuil 29. die Novembris. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo mandatum est, Archiepisc. Eborum. 18 other Bishops. Custodi Spn •• ualitatis Episcopatus Norwic. seed vacante, Abbots 28. Priors 3.

These writs are seconded with 2. other writs of the same date and form to both the Archbishops, with the addition of the Clause: Et licet singulis Episcopis praedictis injunxerimus quod quilibet eorum praemunire faciat Priores, &c. ut supra, n. 58.

The 66. writ is registered Claus. 11 E. 3. pars 1. m. 15. dorso. [ 66]

Rex, &c. J. &c. Arch. Cant. Quia super diversis et urgentissimis negotiis Nos et statum regni nostri, et aliarum terrarum nostrarum, &c. apud Staunf. die Veneris in crastino Ascentionis Domini prox. futur. habere ordinavimus colloquium et tractatum, &c. Vobis mandamus, &c. quod dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis Nobiscum, et cum caeteris Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proceribus praedictis, super dictis negotiis tractaturi vestrumque consilium impensuri. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum et salvationem et tranquillitatem regni et terrarum nostrarum praedictarum diligitis modis omnibus faciatis, ne per vestri absentiam expeditio negotiorum nostrorum it a urgentium retardaretur, sen aliquo modo quod absit, differatur. Teste Rege apud Westm. 24 die Aprilis. Per ipsum Regem.

Edoem modo mandatum est Archiepisc. Eborum, et Episcopis, ac Comitibus et Magnatibus et aliis subscriptis DE CONSILIO REGIS existentibus mutatis mutandis: there being only the names of 8. Bishops subscribed, without any Abbots or Priors, and 10 Earls, 23 Lord's and Barons, 5. Justices, and 3. others of the Kings Council: but no writs at all for electing Knights, Citizens, or Burgesses: So as this was no Summons to a Parliament, but rather to a Privy Council or Consultation.

[ 67] The 67. writ is extant in Claus. 11. E. 3. pars 1. m. 8. dorso.

Rex, &c. I. &c. Archiep. Cantuar. Quia super quibusdam arduis et urgentissimis negotiis quae per solempnes Nuncios nostros quos ad partes transmarinas transmissimus Nobis jam sunt plenius intimata, et quae Nos, et statum regni nostri Coronaeque jura specialiter et intimis contingent, vobiscum et cum aliis Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proceribus ipsius regni nostri Westm. die Lunae prox post festum Sanctae Margaretae Virginis prox. futur. Colloquium habere volumus et tractatum; Vobis in fide et dilection, &c. mandamus quod cessante excusatione quacunque dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis Nobiscum, et cum caeteris Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proceribus praedictis super dictis negotris tractaturi vestrumque consilium impensuri. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum, et tranquillitatem et salvationem regni Coronaeque nostrorum diligitis, nullatenus omucatis. Scientes quod propter arduitatem et magnitudinem negotiorum praedictorum absentiam vestram ad diem illum nequimus nec volumus aliqualiter excusare. Teste Rege apud Staunford 21 die Iunii. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo mandatum est Episcopis, Abbatibus et Prioribus subscriptis, v z. 15 Bishops, 25 Abbots, 4 Priors (the last of Sempyngham oft omitted before) 10. Earls, 38 Nobles and great men.

The 68. is this Notable writ in Claus. 11 E. 3. part [ 68] 2. m. 40. dorso.

Rex, &c. I. &. Archiepisc. Cantuar. &c. Cum de assensu Praelatorum, Magnatum & Procerum regni nostri ac aliorum de Consilio nostro, ad partes transmarinas una cum non ullis Magnatibus et Proceribus, et aliis Pidelibus nostris, ex c rtis et legitimis causis infra breve, Domino duce, ordinavimus Nos transfretare, et prae caeteris insideat Nobis cordi, quod pax nostra in regno nostro in nostra absen ia inviolabiliter observetur, et idem regnum nostrum ab hostium incursibus tueatur. Nos autem passagium nostrum praedictum ad dictas partes super custodia dicti regni nostri et conservatione pacis nostrae in codem regno dum sic absentes fuer mus, ct aliis arduis et urgentissimis negotiis, tam Nos et Statum ejusdem regni altarumque terrarum nostrarum, quam eundem transitum nostrum spcialiter contingentibus, vobiscum et cum cae eris Praelatis et Magnatibus ipsius regni apud Westm. die Veneris prox. ante festum Sancti Mich elis prox. futur: habore volumus Colloquium et tractatum. Et ideo vobis in fide et dilection quibus nobis tenemini, sirmiter injungendo mandamus, quod pensatis tanta nostrorum et dict regni negotiorum arduitate et periculis imminentibus, absque exc satione qu cunque dictis die et loco personaliter inter sitis, N biscum et cum caeteris Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proceribus praedictis super dictis negotiis tracta uri, vestrumque consilium impensuri. Et hoc sicut honorem nostrum ac salvationem et tranquillitat m dicti regni nostri et Ecclesiae sanctae diligitis modis omnibus faciatis. Ne, quod absit, per vestri absentiam expeditio negotiorum nostrorum praedictorum retardetur seu quomodolibet differetur. Et praemunientes Priorem, &c. Teste Roge apud Westm. 18 die Augusti. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo mandatum est W. Arch. Eborum; to 15. Bishops more; Custod. Spiritualitatis Episcopatus Cicestr. seed vacante: 29. Abbots and 3. Priors.

[ 69] The 69. is the writ in the same Roll and membrana, to summon a Convocation of the Clergy at Paul's.

Rex, &c. J. &c. Archiepisc. Cantuar. &c. Cum de assensu Praelatorum, &c. usque imparturi (ut supra, et tunc sic.) Et quia negotia praedicta salvationem et quictem regni nostri et Ecclesiae sanctae, c universorum ac singulorum ipsius regni specialiter contingunt; Vobis mandamus, rogantes, quod Episcopos, Praelatos & Clerum vestrae Provinciae apud Ecclesiam Sancti Pauli London, in crastino S. Michaelis prox. futur. convocari fac. Ita quod tam dicti Episcopy quam Decani, et Priores Ecclesiarum Cat edralium, & Archidi aconi et Abbates exempti et non exempti quos expedire videritis personaliter, et quodlibet Capitulorum praedictarum Ecclesiarum Cathedralium per unum, et (lerici cu uslibet Dioc. per duos Procuratores sufficientem potestatem habentes, apud dictam Ecclesiam Sancti Pauli in praedicto crastino Sancti Michaelis intersint. ad tractandum et consulendum super praemissis una vobiscum et aliis per Nos tunc mittendis, et ad consentiendum hiis quae tunc ibidem pro communi defensione et utilitate divina favente clementia contigerit ordinari. Teste ut supra. Per ipsum Regem.

Consimile Breve dirigitur W. Archiepiscopo Eborum Angliae Primati, quod convocare fac. Praelatos, &c. de Provincia sua apud E orum die Iovis prox. post Octabis S. Michaelis prox. futur. Teste u supra.

[ 70] The 70. is this Notable writ in Claus. Anno 11 E. 3. pars 2. m 11. dorso.

Rex, &c. J. &c. Archiep Cantuar. &c. Quia tam super urgentissimis negotiis Nos et statum regni nostri, ac aliarum terrarum nostrraum, ac jura nostra et Coronae nostrae tangen ibus, quam etiam super expeditione quorundam altorum arduorum negotiorum, quae venerabiles Patres Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinales, ad Nos jam in Angliam, per Domi um Summum Pontificem transmissi, Nobis ex parte ejusdem Summi Pontificis et dictae sedis specialiter nunciarunt, PARLIAMENTUM nostrum apud Westm. in crastino Purificationis beatae Mariae virginis prox, futur. tenere, ac ibidem vobiscum et cum caeteris Praelatis, &c. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum, et tranquillitatem et quietem dictorum regni et terrarum diligitis, nullatenus omittatis. Praemunientes Priorem, &c. Scientes insuper, quod tam prop er dictorum negotiorum arduitatem, quam pro co quod nonnulla alia nostri et regni nostri negotia in diversis Parliamentis nostris ante haec tempora tentis, propter absentiam Praelatorum et Magnatum ejusdem regni qui eisdem Parliamentis, una cum aliis ipsius regni Proceribus personaliter juxta mandata nostra eis inde directis interfuisse debuerant FUERUNT NON ABSQUE NOSTRI & REGNI NOSTRI INCOMMODO SAEPIUS RETARDATA, Procuratores, seu excusationem aliquam pro vobis ligitimo cessante impedimento, admittere nolumus ista vice. Teste Rege apud Westm. 20 die Decembris. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo mandatum est Arch: Eborum. 16. Bishops more, and H. Episcopo Lincoln. vel ejus Vicario generali, ipso Episcopo in remotis agent: 28. Abbots, and 4. Priors.

The 71. is this observable writ of Claus. 12 E. 3. pars [ 71] 2. m. 32. dorso.

Rex, &c. Archiepisc. Eborum, &c. Cum super defensione et salvatione regni nostri ac jurium Coronae nostrae de assensu Praelatorum, Comitum, Baronum et Communitatis regni nostri sumus jam cum exercitu nostro ad partes transmarinas, annuente Domino, personaliter prosecturi: et dilectum et fidelem nostrum Edwardum Ducem Cornubiae er Comitem Cestriae, filium nostrum primogenitum Custodem dicti regni nostri, et locum nostrum tenentem in eodem regno constituerimus, dum sic Nos absentare contigerit, vel alias nostrae placuerit voluntari: ac intimius insidat cordi nostro, quod Pax nostra in ipso regno tam in nostra absentia quam in praesentia illaesa firmius conservetur, et idem regnum et populus noster ibidem ab hostium incursibus tueantur. Per quod de assensu Consilii nostri ordinavimus, quod super praemissis et aliis arduis et urgentibus negotiis nos et Statum regni nostri multipliciter conting ntibus QUODDAM MAGNUM CONSILIUM apud North mpton, in crastino S. Iacobi Apostoli prox. futur. teneatur; Vobis in fide et dilection quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungendo mandamus, quod attentis praemissorum arduitate et imminentibus periculis, quacurque excusatione cessante dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis, cum praefato Custode et caeteris Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proceribus regni nostri, quos ibidem ea de causa convocari fecimus, super negotiis praedictis tractaturi, vestrumque consilium impensuri. Et hoc sicut et honorem nostrum, ac salvationem et tranquillitatem dicti regni nostri et Ecclesiae sanctae, diligitis, modis omnibus faciatis; ne quod absir, per vestram absentiam expeditio negotiorum nostrorum praedictorum retardetur, seu quomodolibet differatur. Praemunientes Decanum et Capitulum Ecclesiae vestrae, &c. Teste Rege apud Walton. 15 die Iunii, Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo mandatum est &c. to 15 Bishops more, H. Episcopo Lincoln. vel ejus Vicario generali, ipso Episcopo in remotis agenti, R. Electo London, confirmato.

Then follows the like writ to J. Archbishop of Canterbury, as issued to York: with this different clause after; Excusatione cessante; viz. vel Vicariis vestris generalibus, vobis in partibus transmarinis agentibus, dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis, &c. Et vos, vel dictus vicarius vester generalis, praemuniatis, &c. (ut supra, mutatis mutandis) Teste ut supra.

Consimile Breve dirititur R. Episcopo Dunolm, and to 28. Abbots, and 4. Priors.

[ 72] The 72. is the writ registered in Claus. 14 E. 3. parte 2. m. 28. dorso.

Rex, &c. I. &c. Archiepi c. Cantuar. &c. vel ejus Vicario generali ipso Archiepiscopo in remotis agenti, Salutem. Quia de avisamento Consilii nostri ordinavimus, quod super arduis et urgentibus negotiis, tam Nos et expeditionem guerrae nostrae, ac jura nostra et Coronae nostrae in partibus transmarinis, quam statum et defensionem, regni nostri, et aliarum terrarum nostrarum contingentibus Parliamentum apud Westm. ad Quindena S. Michaelis prox. futur. teneatur: et ibidem vobiscum ac cum caeteris Praelatis, &c. Vobis, &c. mandamus, quod consideratis dictorum negotiorum arduitate et periculis imminentibus, cessante quacunque excusatione dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis, Nobiscum, seu cum Custode regni nostri, si tunc contigerit Nos abesse, ac caeteris Praelatis, Magnatibus, &c. consilium impensuri. Et hoc sicut Nos & honorem nostrum, ac salvationem regni, terrarum et jurium nostrorum praedictorum, ac Ecclesiae sanctae, expeditionemque dictorum negotiorum nostrorum diligitis, nullatenus omittatis. Ne quod absit, per vestram absentiam (quam cessante impedimento legitimo excusare aliqualiter nolumus ista vice) expeditio dictorum negotiorum nostrorum retardetur, seu quomodolibes differatur. Praemunientes, &c. Teste Custode praedicto apud Windesore, 25. die Aug. Per ipsum Regem ac dictum Custodem et Consilium.

Eodem modo mandatum est Arch. Eborum, &c. and 16. Bishops more, R. Dunolm. Episcopo, vel ejus Vicario generali ipso Episcopo in remotis agent: and so H. Lincoln Episcopo, T. Hereford Episcopo, vel ejus Vicario generali, &c.

Eodem modo mandatum est, to▪ 25 Abbots and 4. Priors.

After which follow writs to the Archbishop of York, and to the Archbishop of Canterbury or his Vicar General in his absence of the like form: with an, Et licet singulis Episcopis regni nostri, &c. Nolentes tamen dicta negotia nostra pro defectu praemunitionum praedictarum si minus recte factae fuerint, retardari, &c. ( as n. 58.) Teste Custode apud Wyndesor. 26. die Augusti. Per ipsum Regem et dictum Custodem & Consilium.

[ 73] The 73. is this remarkable writ, Claus. An. 13 E. 3. pars 2. m. 1. dorso.

Rex, &c. I. &c. Archiepisc. Cantuar. &c. Cum quaedam ardua et urgentia Negotia, quae Nos et honorem nostrum, statumque regni nostri contingebant in Pariiamento nostro apud Westm. Quindena S. Michaelis prox. ptaeterito summonito, Praelatis, Proceribus et Communitate dicti regni ibidem existentibus exposita extitissent; super quibus eadem Communitas tempus ad delibe andum petiit, supplicans aliud Parliamentum statim infra breve, ut tunc deliberatione hujusmodi habita valeret expositis maturius responderi. Per quod de avisamento Praelatorum et Procerum praedictorum, necnon ad dictae Communitatis hujusmodi supplicationem, ordinavimus, quod super hiis et aliis urgentissimis negotiis, tam Nos et expeditionem guerrae nostrae in partibus transmarinis, quam defensionem ejusdem regni, jurium et terrarum nostrarum contingentibus, Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. in Octabis S. Hilary prox. futur. teneatur; Et ibidem vobiscum, &c. Vobis, &c. mandamus, quod dictorum negotiorum arduitate, periculisque et necessitate imminentibus ponderatis, excusatione quacunque cessante, dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis Nobiscum, seu cum Custode regni nostri, si tunc con igerit nos abesse, ac caeteris Praelatis, &c. (as in the last writ before) Praemunientes, &c. ad consen ien um &c. Teste Custode praedicto apud Langele, 16 die Novembris. Per ipsum Regem, et dictum Custod m et Consilium.

Eodem modo mandatum est Arch. Eborum, and to 18 Bishops more, 29 Abbots, and 4. Priors. After which follows two other writs dated 20 die Novembris, to both the Archbishops in the same form; with the clause of Et licet singulis Episcopis, &c. as before, n. 58. Per ipsum Regem, et dictum Custodem et Consilium.

[ 74] The 74. is this special writ different in one memorable clause from all the precedent in Claus. Anno 14 E. 3. pars 1. m. 33. dorso.

Rex, venerabili in Christo patri, I. eadem gratia Archiepiscopo Cantuar, totius Angliae Primati, Salutem. Quia super diversis arduissimis et urgentissimis Negoti s, Nos et statum ac etiam defensionem regni Angliae, quam expeditionem guerrae nostrae, ac jura Coronae nostrae, terrasque et Dominica nostra in partibus transmarinis multipliciter contingentibus Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. di Merc rii prox. post diem Dominicam in medio Quadragesimae prox. futur. tenere, et ibidem vobiscum, ac cum caeteris Praelatis, Magnatibus et Procetibus dicti regni Colloquium habere volumus et tractatum. Vobis in fide, &c. mandamus, quod consideratis dictorum Negotiorum arduitate et periculis necessitate que imminentibus, cessan e quacunque excusa ione, dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis, Nobiscum, et cum caeteris Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proceribus praedictis super dictis Negotiis tractaturi, vestrumque Consilium impens ri. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum ac salvationem ejusdem regni nostri Angliae caeteratumque terrarum ac jurium nostrorum praedictorum ac negotiorum expeditionem diligitis nullatenus omi tatis. Et praemun entes Priorem, &c. Non mirantes ex hoc quod stilum nostrum consuetum mut vimus ET REGEM FRANCIAE NOS FACIAMUS nominari jam ( in the beginning of this writ at large to the Archbishop, though omitted for brevity in the Clause Roll, beginning only with Rex, instead of Edwardus Dei gra a Rex Ang iae et FRANCIAE, &c.) diversae subsunt causae per quas hoc facere necessary nos oportet, et quas vobis et aliis Praelatis et Magnatibus necnon Communitatibus ejusdem regni nostri Angliae ad dictum Parliam. plenius exponemus. Scientes insuper quod nolumus, nec intentionis nostrae exis it, quod ex assumptione nominis et honoris eorundem dicto regno ac terrae Angliae, aut statui seu juribus eorundem prae judicietur, aut aliqualiter derogetur, set quod eidem regno uberius subveniatur et rele vetur maturius, illud idem, et p o securitate in hac parre ad dictum Parliamentum si opus fuerit, ordinabimus, quod juxta consilium vestrum et aliorum Praelatorum, Magnatum caeterorum{que} ibidem convocatorum viderimus oportunum. Teste Rege apud Harwich. 21 die Februarii. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modomandatum est Arch. Eborum, and to 17. Bishops more. T. Episcopo Hereford, vel ejus Vicar. generali, ipso Episcopo in remotis agent, W. Electo London c nfirmato, 29 Abbots, and 4. Priors.

After which there are two writs of the self-same date and form directed to both the Archbishops; with this usual additional clause. Et licet singulis Episcopis, &c. as before, n. 58.

[ 75] The 75. writ of summons is that in Claus. Anno 14 E. 3. pars 1. m. 23. dorso.

Rex, &c. I. &c. Archiepisc. Cantuar. &c. Cum pro defensione et salvatione regni nostri Angliae, ac recuperatione jurium nostrorum et Coronae nostrae sumus cum Magnatibus et aliis ejusdem regni ad partes transmarinas, annuente Domino personaliter profecturi; et per-dilectum et fidelem nostrum Edwardum Ducem Cornubiae, et Comitem Cestriae filium nostrum primogenitū CUSTODEM dicti regn nostri Angliae, et locū nostrū tenentē in eodem regno constituerimus dum Nos sie absentari contigerit, vel alias nostrae placuerit voluntati; ac intimius insideat cordi nostro quod pax nos ra in ipso regno tam in absentia quā in praese tia ill safirma observetur, dem regnū et p puli s noster ibidem ab hostiū incursu tueantur; per quod de assensu Consilii nostri ordinavimus, quod super praemissis t aliis arduis et urgentibus negotiis Nos et Statum dicti regni nostri Angliae, et expeditionem diversorum urgentissimorum negotiorum nostrorum multipliciter contingentibus, quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. ad diem Mercurii prox. post festum Translationis S. Thomae Martyris prox. futur. teneatur. Vobis in side, &c. personaliter intersitis, cum praefato Custode ac caeteris Praelatis, &c. quos ibidem ea de causa convocari mandavimus, super dictis negotiis tractaturi vestrumque consilium impensuri. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum, ac salvationem et tranquillitatem regni nostri Angliae et Ecclesiae sanctae diligitis modis omnibus faciatis; Ne quod absit, per vestri absentiam expeditio negotiorum nostrorum praedictorum retardetur, seu quomodolibet differatur. Et praemuniatis, &c. Teste R ge apud Westm. 30 die Maii. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo mandatum est, A. Episcopo Winton, and 18. Bishops more, 29 Abbots, and 4. Priors.

The 76. writ is recorded in Claus. 15 E. 3. pars 1. m. [ 76] 37 dorso.

Rex, &c. J. &c. Archiepisc. Cantuar. Quia super diversis et arduis negotiis tam Nos, statum et defensionem regni nostri Angliae, quam expeditionem guerrae nostrae, ac jura Coronae nostrae, et terras et Dominica nostra in partibus transmarinis multipliciter contingentibus, Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. in die Lunae prox. post Quindena Paschae prox. futur. enere, et ibidem, &c. (a in the 73. precedent writ.) Teste Rege apud Wodestoke. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo mandatum est to 18. Bishops, 29 Abbots, and 4. Priors.

The 77. writ is in Claus. An o. 16 E. 3. pars 1. m. [ 77] 39. dorso.

Rex, &c. J. &c. Archiepisc. Cantuar. &c. Quia super quibusdam arduis negotiis Nos et statum dicti regni Angliae ac aliarum terrarum nostrarum, ac etiam recuperationem jurium nostrorum specialiter contingentibus, Vobiscum et cum caeteris Praelatis ac Magnatibus dicti regni nostri apud Westm. die Lunae in cr stino Claus. Paschae prox. futur. colloquium habere volumus et tractatum. Vobis, &c. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum, ac salvationem et defensionem dicti regni nostri diligitis nullatenus omittatis. Teste Rege apud Westm. 25 die Februarii. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo mandatum est to 7. Bishops, but no Abbots, Priors, Sherifs, or Warden of the Cinqueports, and so no summons to a Parliament, but a Council, as the Margin stiles it.

The 77. writ is entered in Claus. 16 Edw. 3. pars [ 78] 2. m. 22. dorso; with one unusual clause.

Rex, &c. J. &c. Archiepisc. Cantuar. &c. Quia pro defensione et salvatione regni nostri Angliae, ac expeditione guerrae nostrae Franciae, passagium nostrum ad partes transmarinas duximus ordinandum. Nos de bono regimine dicti regni, ac conservatione Pacis nostrae, ac discretione provida negotiorum nostrorum, ac aliorum publicam utilitatem concernen. dum sic absentes fu rimus merito solliciti, quoddam CONSILIUM ET TRACTATUM tenendum vobiscum, et cum aliis Praelatis, Magnatibus, et Communitatibus dicti regni nostri super hiis apud Westm. die Mercurii prox. post festum S. Edwardi Confessor s prox. futur. per Edw. Ducem Cornubiae, et Comitem Cestriae, filium nostrum carissimum, quem Custodem dicti regni constituimus, Nobis sic agentibus in remotis, ordinavimus. Et ideovobis, &c. dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis cum praefaro Custode, nomine nostro, et cum caeteris Praelatis, Magnatibus et Communitatibus antedictis, super praemissis ractaturi, vestrumque consilium impensuri. Praemunientes, &c. et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum, et salvationem et defensionem dicti regni diligitis nullatenus omittatis. Scituri quod gratitudinem et ingratitudinem quas Nobis in absentia nostra jam ostendi contigerit plus ponderabimus, quam si fuerant dum praesentes essemus, et ea curabimus juxta merita seu demerita compensare. Teste Rege apud Gastry 12. die Sept. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimili Brevia diriguntur, mutatis mutandis sub eadem data, unto 17. Bishops, 20. Abbots, and 2. Priors.

[ 79] The 79. is this notable writ recorded in Claus. 16 E. 3. parte 2. m. 13. Dorso.

Rex, &c. J. &c. Archiep. Cantuar. &c. Quia jam super expeditione guerrae nostrae sub spe saelicis eventus agimus in remotis, et super quibusdam tam personam quam statum et bonum regimen regni nostri Angliae sum concernentibus vestrum habere vellemus auxilium et consilium providum et festi um; intime vo rogantes mandamus, quod die Sabbato in crastino S. Luciae prox: futur. fitis personaliter apud Westm. ibidem cum Edward filio nostro carissimo Duce Cornubiae, CUSTODE Angliae, ac aliis de Consilio nostro, super his tractaturi vestrumque consilium et auxilium, prout requiret dictorum negotiorum qualitas, impensuri. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum et expeditionem nostram diligitis nullatenus omittatis. Teste praefato Custode apud Kenyngton 20. die Novembris. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Eodem modo mandatum est, to 5. more Bishops, 5. Earls, 17. Lord's and Great men; without any Abbots, Priors, writs to Sherifs, Assistants, or Warden of the Cinque-ports. It being only a Council, not a Parliament.

The 80. writ very observable in the recital, is registered [ 80] in Claus. Anno 17 E. 3. parte 1. m. 25. dorso.

Rex, &c. J. &c. Archiepisc. Cantuar. &c. Quia ob reveren am Domini Summi Pontificis et sedis Apostolicae, et instantiam venerabilium Patrum Dominorum Penestrini et Tusculani Episcoporum, sacrosanctae Ecclesiae Romanae Cardinales, et dictorum Summi Pontificis atque Sedis Nunciorum, propter haec ad Nos specialiter transmissorum, quaedam Trenga, sub spe pacis honorabilis inter Nos et adversari s nostros Franciae jam est inita, et ad tractandum de dieta Pace iuxta conditionem super hoc habitam, solempnes Nuntios citra festum Nativitatis S. Johannes Baptistae habemus ad Romanam Curiam destinari, propter haec et alias causas varias et arduas commodum publicum nostri et nostrorum fidelium concernentes, ordinavimus Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Lunae prox. post Quindenam Pasch. prox. futur. tenere, et vobiscum, ac cum caeteris Praelatis, Magnatibu et Proceribus regni nostri Angliae Colloquium habere volumus et Tractatum. Vobis in fide, &c. mandamus, quod considerata dictorum negotiorum arduita e, quatenus excusatione cessante dictis die et loco personaliter inter sitis Nobiscum, &c. Et praemuniatis, &c. Teste Custode praedicto apud Byfleet 29 die Februarii. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Eodem modo mandatum est, to 19. Bishops, 26. Abbots, and 2. Priors.

[ 81] The 81. writ is thus recorded, Claus. Anno 18 E. 3. pars 1. m. 14. dorso.

Rex, &c. I. &c. Archiep. Cantuar. &c. Quia pro quibu dam arduis et urgentibus negotiis honorem Dei, et decus et defensionem Ecclesiae Anglicanae, ac necessarium et salubre Regimen populiet regni nostri. Angliae sum concernentibus, ordinavimus Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Lunae prox. post Octab. S. Trinitatis prox. futur. tenere, ac vobiscum ibidem, ac cum caeteris, &c. firmiter injungimus et mandamus quatenus excusatione quacunque postposita, ard itate negotiorum praedictorum considerata, dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis Nobiscum, si praesentes fuerimus ibidem, seu cum deputandis a Nobis si abesse Nos contigerit, et cum caeteris Praelatis, &c. Et praemuniatis, &c. Teste Rege apud Westm. 30 die Aprilis. Per ipsum Regem et Cons •• ium.

Eodem m do mandatum est, Archiepisc. Eborum. I. Electo Hereford confirmato, and 18 Bishops, 26 Ab ots, and 2. Priors more.

[ 82] The 82. writ is thus entered in Claus. An. 20 E. 3. par. 2. m. 22. dorso.

Rex, &c. J. &c. Archiep. Cantuar. &c. Quia de avisamento Consilii nostri ordinavimus, quod super variis et arduis negotiis, tam Nos et expedit •• nem guerrae nostrae, ac jura nostra et Coronae nostrae in partibus transmarinis, quam Statum et defensionem regni nostri Angliae contingentibus, quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Lunae prox. post festum Nativitatis beatae Mariae Virginis prox. futur. teneatur, et ibidem vobiscum, &c. Tractatus et Colloquium habeantur. Vobis in fide, &c. cessante quacunque e •• usatione dictis die et loco personaliter Nobiscum, seu cum Custode regni nostri, si tunc contigerit Nos abesse, ac caeteris Praela is, &c. consilium impensuri. Et hoc cut honorem nostrum et salvationem regni, terrarum et jurium nostrorum ac Ecclefiae anctae, expeditionemque dictorum negotiorum nostrorum diligitis, nullatenus omittatis; Ne quod absi , per vestri absentiam (quam cessan e impedimento legitimo nullo modo excusatam habere volumus) expeditio negotiorum nostrorum praedictorum retardetur, seu aliqualiter differatur. Praemunien e , &c. Teste Custode praedicto apud Westm. 30 die Iulii Per ipsum Regem et dictum Custodem et Consilium.

Eodem modo mandatum est, to 16. Bishops, Custodi Spiritualitis Episcopatus Assaven, 23. Abbots, and 2. Priors.

The 83. (in the same Clause of Roll and Membr.) is this [ 83] special writ of Summons issued to the Archbishop of York and others, varying from all the rest in some observable clauses concerning making Proxies in their absence.

Rex, &c. W. &c. Archiepiscopo Eborum &c. Cum de avisamento, &c. ut supra, to habentur; then, Per quod mandaverimus diversis Praelatis, Comitibus, Baronibus, et aliis Proce ibus regni nostri, quod consideratis dictorum negotiorum arduitate et periculis imminentibus, cessante excusatione quacunque, dictis die t loco personaliter intersitis Nobiscum, &c. (ut supra, to impensuri. Then comes in this special clause ) Et quia modernis temporibus super salvatione et defensione Marchiae Scotiae estis multipliciter occupati: Vobis in fide et dilection quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungendo mandamus; quod dictis negotiis et periculis per vos debite ponderatis, aliquem idoneum Procuratorem, in quo been confiditis, de voluntate et intention vestris plenius informatum, in loco vestri, cum sufficienti potestate ad dictos diem et locum mittatis, ad consentiendum hiis quae tunc per dictos Praelatos. Comites, et alios Proceres ordinari contigerit super negotiis antedictis. Et hoc sicut de vobis confidimus, et Nos et honorem nostrum et vestrum, ac recuperationem urium nostrorum praedictorum, salvationemque et defensionem dicti regni nostri Angliae diligitis, nullatenus omittatis. T. ut supra.

Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis sub eadem data, viz. Gilberto de Umfravill Comiti de Anegos, Thomae de Lucy, Hen. de Percy, Rad. de Nevill, Johan. de Harrington, Pet. de Malo-lacu, le quint, Joh. de Fauconberge, Thomae Wake de Lydell, Joh. de Moubray, Hen. Fitz Hugh, Rad. de Bulmere, Thomae Episcopo Dunolm. vel ejus Vicar. generali ipso Episcopo in remotis agent. J. Episcopo Carliol. Abbati beatae Mariae Eborum, Abbati de Selbye.

[ 84] The 84. writ is thus transmitted to us, Claus. Anno 21 E. 3. pars 1. m. 28. dors.

Rex, &c. R. eadem gratia Episcopo Cicestr. Salutem. Propter quaedam ardua negotia Nos statum et defensionem regni nostri Angliae, ac expeditionem guerrarum nostrarum sum contingentia: Vobis in fide, &c. mandamus quod omnibus aliis praetermissis, sitis apud Westm. tertio die Martii prox. futur. ibidem cum Praelatis, et caeteris Magnatibus, ac aliis de Confilio nostro super negotiis an edictis tracta uri, vestrumque consilium impensuri. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum, ac celerem expeditionem Guerrarum nostrarum praedictarum diligitis nullo modo omittatis. T. Custode praedicto apud Redinges, 18. die Februarii. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia diriguntur subscriptis, mutatis mutandis, sub eadem data, viz. to 5. Bishops (one of them inserted among the temporal Barons) 8. Earls, 8. Barons, 20 Abbots, and 5. Priors: without any writs to Sheriffs, Assistants, or Warden of the Cinque Ports. It being a Summons to a Council, not Parliament, which the next writ demonstrates.

[ 85] The 85. writ of Summons I find in Claus. Anno 21 E. 3. part 2. m. 9. dorso, having a most observable clause towards the end of it, which would be very acceptable now (as no doubt it was then) to the overlong incessantly taxed, and almost exhausted people.

Rex, &c. I. &c. Archiepiscopo Cantuar. &c. Quia pro quibusdam arduis negotiis tam Nos et Statum Regni nostri Angliae, quam communem utilitatem populi ejusdem regni nostri contingentibus, Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. in crastino S. Hilary prox. futur. tenere, et vobiscum, &c. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum, ac communem utilitatem populi praedicti dilig is, ull tenus om ttatis. Praemuntentes &c. Et scire vos volu mus, Quod dictum Parliamentum non ad Auxilia seu Tallagia a populo dicti regni nostri petenda, vel alia onera eidem populo imponenda, set duntaxat pro justicia ipsi populo nostro super damnis et gravaminibus sibi illatis facienda (a very welcome clause in this exacting, oppres ing, unrighteous age of manifold grievances and Injuries of all kinds fit to be thus redressed in a particular Parliament summoned for that end) Et pro tractatibus super dictis negotiis, ut praemittitur habend. fecimus summoneri. Teste Rege apud Westm. 13. die Novemb. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo mandatum est Arch episc. Eborum, &c. and 19 Bishop , 24 Abbots, and 2. Priors.

The 86. is this memorable writ of Summons I meet [ 86] with in Claus. Anno 22 E. 3. parte 1. m. 32. dorso.

Rex, &c. I. &. Archiepiscopo Cantuar. &c. Cum juxta formam Treugarum inter Nos et adversarium nostrum Fr nciae apud Calesiam initarum, concordatum fuisset, quod nonnulli solempnes Nuncii durantibus dictis Treugis, tàm ex parte nostra, quàm dicti adversarii nostri ad sedem Apostolicam ad tractandum ibidem de finali Pace inter Nos et dictum adversarium nostrum mitterentur; Et licet super hoc certos competentes Nun ios ad sentiendam voluntatem Dom. Summi Pontificis super quibusdam praeparationis, tam dictum t acta um pacis, quam missionem hujusmodi majorum solempnium Nunciorum concernentibus, ac aliis de causis motvis plurimum ad dictam sedem circiter festum S. Andreae Apostoli prox. praeteritum duxerimus transmittend s, tunc sperantes certam responsionem ab ipsis Nu ciis in ultimo Parliamento nostro apud Westm. tento veresimiliter habuisse, de quibus quidem Nunci s, seu eorum exped tione hactenus non recepimus quicquam certum: Propter quod missionem majorum▪ Nunciorum nostrorum solempnium adhuc posuimus in suspenso; Et quia Deo dante, de dictis Nunciis et eorum expeditione in proximo habere credimus certa nova, super quibus, ac etiam et super eo quod contra formam dictarum Treugarum ex parte ipsius adversarii nostri juratarum, quaedam notabiliter ponderanda, et in favorem nostri, et nostrorum fidelium ec allegatorum adimplenda, per partis adversae maliciam, minime sunt impleta, necnon super eo quod dictus noster adversarius contra bonam fidem, desperata pace pro parte sua promissa, maximam multitudinem hominum ad arma, ac aliorum, ac navium et galiarum, potentius quam hactonus auditum fuerat, procurat, ad dictum regnum nostrum Angliae hostiliter invadendum, ac Nos et Dominium nostrum pro viribus subvertendum, prout ut haec per manifesta indicia satis liqueant, expedit, ut cum Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proceribus ejusdem regni, absque moris dispendio salubre consilium habeamus, per quod ex causis praedictis, et pro aliis gentem et terram Scotiae, necnon pro quibusdam variis negotiis multum arduis tam Nos quam Statum totius regni nostri praedicti specialiter contingentibus Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. ad diem Lunae prox. futur. tenere, vobiscumque ac cum caeteris Praelatis, Magnatibus & Proceribus praedictis colloquium habere volumus et tractatum. Et ideo vobis in fide et dilection quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungendo mandamus, quatenus cessante excusatione quacunque, dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis, Nobiscum, ac cum caetenis Praelatis, Magnatibus, et Proceribus dicti regni super negotiis praedictis tractaturi, vestrumque consilium impensuri. Praemunientes Priorem et Capitulum Ecclesiae vestrae Christi Cantuariae, ac Archidiaconos, totumque Clerum vestrae Dioc. quod idem Prior et Archidiaconi in propriis personis suis, ac dictum Capitulum per unum, idemque Clerus per duos Procuratores idoneos, plenam et sufficientem potestatem ab ipsis Capitulo et Clero babentes praedictis die et loco personaliter inter sint, ad consentiendum hiis quae tunc ibidem de Communt Consilio ipsius regni nostri, divina favente clementia contigerit ordinari. Teste Rege apud Westm. 14. die Februarii. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis sub eadem data, viz. Arch. Eborum, and 19. Bishops 24 Abbots, and 2. Priors more.

The 87 writ is this of Claus. Anno 22. E. 3. parte 2. [ 87] m. 7. dorso.

Rex, &c. R. eadem gratia Episcopo London. Salutem. Quia pro magnis et arduis negotiis inter quosdam fideles nostros ex parte nostra, et quosdam Magnates et alios ex parte adversariorum nostr. Franciae, quosdamque ex parte Comitis et Gentis Flandriae. jam noviter apud Cales. tractatis, necnon pro diversis aliis urgentibus Negotiis Nos et statum regni nostri Angliae sum contingentibus, Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Lunae prox. post festum S. Hillaru prox. futur. tenere, et vobiscum, &c. colloquium habere volumus et tractatum Vobis in fide, &c. dictis die et loco in propria persona vestra absque Procuratore faciendo intersitis Nobiscum, &c. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum, ac expeditionem negotiorum nostrorum, necnon utilitatem et commodum regni nostri Angliae diligitis, nullatenus omittatis. Praemuni ntes, &c. Scituri pro certo, quod attenta dictorum negotiorum arduitate Procuratores aliquos pro vobis, seu ex parte vestra ad diem praedictum admittere, seu absentiam vestram excusatam habere nolumus ullo modo. Teste Rege apud Westm. 20 die Novemb. Per ipsum Regem.

Consimilia Brevia diriguntur subscriptis sub eadem data, viz. J. de Ostord Decano Lincoln. Electo Cantuar. confirmato, W. Episcopo Winton, and 16. Bishops, 28. Abbots, and 3. Priors more.

Besides there issued a writ to W. eadem gratia Episcopo Wigorn. in the same form to omittatis: and then thus: Quacunque concessione vobis pro immunitate vestra de non ventendo ad Parliamenta nostra prius concessa non obstante. Praemunientes, &c. Teste ut supra.

After which follows another writ; Rex, &c. W. &c. Archiep. Eborum: in like form till tractatum; with this different clause from the other writs; Vobis in fide, &c. mandamus, quod aliquem idoneum et sufficientem Procuratorem pro vobis in quo confiditis ad dictos diem et locum, o quod vos propter corporis vestri debilitatem laborare non po •• ritis, quo praetextu personalem praesentiam vestram ist avice excusatam habere volumus, mittati, Nobiscum, ac cum caeteris Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proceribus dicti, &c. ut supra. Praemuntentes, &c. Teste ut supra.

[ 88] The 88. an ordinary writ is thus enrolled. Claus. An. 24 E. 3 par. 2. m. 3. dorso.

Rex, &c. S. &c. Arch ep. Cantuar. &c. Quia pro quibusdam arduis et urgentibus negotiis Nos, et sta um et bonum regimen regni nostri, et aliarum terrarum et Dominiorum nostrorum contingentibus, Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. in Octabis Purificationis beatae Mariae virginis prox. futur. tenere, &c. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum et commune commodum dicti regni nostri Angliae diligitis nullatenus omittatis. Praemunientes, &c. Teste Rege apud Westm. 25 die Novemb. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Eodem modo mandatum est, sub eadem data. Arch. Eborum. and 18. Bishops, 25. Abbots, and 2. Priors more.

[ 89] The 89. writ is entered Claus. Anno 25 E. 3. part 1. m. 5. dorso.

Rex, &c. S. &c. Archiepisc. Ca tuar. &c. Quia pro quibusdam arduis et urgentibus negotiis Nos et statum regni nostri, et necessariam defensionem ejusdem regni contingentibus, Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm▪ die Veneris in crastino S. Hilary prox. futur. tenere, & hoc ( as before, writ 88. ) Praemunientes, &c. Teste Rege apud Westm. 15. die Novembr. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Eodem modo mandatum est Arch. Eborum. and 18. other Bishops, 24. Abbots, and 2. Priors: This special note is entered in the Roll and Lists of the Abbors •• mes then summoned after Abbati de Croyland. Abbas Leicestr, cancellatur, quia habet Cartam Regis quod non compellatur venire ad Parliamentum; His Patent of Exemption is entered in Rot. Pat. 26 E. 3. par 2. m. 22. Pri ted in Mr. Seldens Titles of Honor, Book 2. ch. 5. p. 734, 735, and in my Plea for the Lord's, p. 155, 156.

The 90. is this con iderable writ. with some unusual [ 90] clauses in Claus. An. 26 E. 3. m. 14. dorso.

Rex, &c. S. &c. Arch. Cantuar. &c. Quia pro magniset urgentibus negotiis, et novis subitis ad Nos perlatis Nos et statum ac jura regni nostri Angliae sum concernentibus, super quibus festinum et providum oportet exhiberi remedium, uobiscum ac cum caeteris Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proce ibus, et aliis fidelibus nostris dicti regni apud Westm. in crastino Assumptionis bea ae Mariae virginis prox. futur. coll quium habere volumus et tractatum. Vobis, &c. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum, ac salvationem et defensionem et commodum dicti regni nostri diligitis, et subversionem ejus vi are volueri is, nullo mo o omittatis. Nos de die receptionis praesentium et per quem vobis dilatae fuerint certificantes tunc ibidem. Teste Rege apud Westm. 20 die Iul . Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consim lia Brevia diriguntur to 1 . Bishops, Priori H spitalis Jerusalem in Anglia, Abbati Westm. There being no more Priors or Abbots named in the Roll, but these 3. summoned by special writs.

But the writs to the Bishops of Exon, Bath and Wells, Coventry and Litchfield, St David's, Rochester, Bangor, Assaven. Landaff and Carliol. have this clause in them, in which they vary from the former: Dictis die et loco per vos vel per Procur atorem vestrum ido eum intersitis Nobiscum, &c.

The 91. are these 3. special writs of Summons to appear [ 91] before this Council, thus recorded in this Roll▪

(g) Rex d lecto sibi in Christo fratri Ranulpho Monacho Abbatiae Cestriae, Salutem. Quibusdam certis de causis vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes, quod sitis personaliter coram Nobis et Consilio nostro apud estm. die Martis, prox. post festum Assumptionis beat e Mariae virginis prox. futur. una cum omnibus Canonicis vestris, et quae sunt in C stodia vestra, ad loquendum et ractandum cum dicto Consilio super aliquibus quae tunc vobis expetuntur ex parte nostra. Et sub periculo quod incumbit nullatenus omittatis. Te te Rege apud Westm. 8 die Augusti.

Et mandatum est Abbati Abbatiae praedictae, quod praefa um Ranulphum ad diem et locum praedictos habeat ex causa praedicta. Teste ut supra.

Rex dilecto sibi in Chris o Priori Provinciali Ordinis Fratrum Praedicatorum in Anglia, salutem. Quibusdam certis de causis vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes, quod sitis personal ter coram Nobis et Consilio nostro apud Westmon. die Martis prox. post festum Assumptionis beatae Mariae virginis prox: futur. ad loquend m et tractandum, &c. Teste ut supra.

Eodem modo mandatum est Priori Provinciali Ordinis beatae Mariae de Monte Carmeli in Anglia, de essendo coram dicto Consilio, die Iovis prox. post Assumptionem beatae Mariae virginis prox. futur. sub eadem data.

These I conceive were all summoned rather as private informers, than Members of this Council; being to appear Coram Nobis et Consilio nostro: not to be Members thereof.

[ 92] The 92. is this writ, in Claus. Anno 27 E. 3. m. 12. dorso.

Rex, &c. S. &c. Archiepisc. Can uar. &c. Quia pro magnis et urgentibus nego iis Nos et sta um regni Angliae sum concernentibus, vobiscum &c. et aliis fidelibus dicti regni apud Westm. die Lunae prox. post festum S. Matthaei Apostoli prox. futur. Colloquium habere volumus et tractatum. Vobis, &c. Et hoc sic t Nos et honorem nostrum, ac salvationem et de ensionem ac commodum dicti regni nostri diligitis nullatenus omittatis. Nos de die receptionis praesentium et per quem vobis delatae fuerint certificantes tunc ibidem. Tes e Rege apud Westm. 15. die Iulii. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Eodem modo mandatum est Arch. E orum. et 19. Bishops, 25 Abbots, and 2. Priors.

The 93. is this writ in Claus. 28 E. 3. m. 26. dorso. [ 93]

Rex, &c. S. &c. Archiepiscopo Cantuar. &c. Quia pro magnis et urgentibus negotiis Nos et statum regni nostri Angliae, ac salvationem et defensionem ejusdem regni sum concernentibus Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Lun e prox. post festum S. Marci Evangelistae prox. futur. tenere, et vobiscum, &c. Praemunientes, &c. Teste Rege apud Westm. 15. die Martii. Per ipsum Regem.

Consimilia Brevia diriguntur I. Arch. Eborum: to 19. other Bishops, 24 Abbots, 2. Priors.

The 94. writ is thus entered, Claus. 29. E. 3. m. 8. dorso. [ 94]

Rex, &c. S. &c. Archiepiscopo Cantuar. &c. Quia pro quibusdam arduis et urgentibus negotiis Nos et Statum regni Angliae, ac necessariam defensio em ejusdem regni concernentibus Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Jovis in cr stino S. Martini prox. futur, te ere, et vobiscum, &c. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum, et commune commodum et salvationem et defensionem dicti regni nostri Angliae diligitis, &c. Pr munientes, &c. Teste Rege apud Portsmo th 20. die Septembris. Per ipsum gem.

Consimilia Brevia diriguntur, I. Arch. Eborum. 18. Bishops, whereof one is Electo Elien. confirmato; 25 Abbots, 2 Priors: One of the 25 Abbots was Abbati de Leicestr. over against which is written in the Margin. Cancellatur Abbas Leicestriae quia habet Cartam Regis, quod non compellatur venire ad Parliamentum.

After which in the same Roll follows this 95. writ to [ 95] the Archbishop of Canterbury and another to York to summon a Convocation of the Clergy.

Rex, &c. S. &c. Archiep. Cantuar. ( just in the same form and words as before, to ves rumque Consilium impensuri. Then follows this clause. ) Et quia expedit quod negotia praedicta quae salvationem et defensionem dicti regni nostri sic contingunt, salubriter et efficaciter cum bona et matura deliberatione deducantur; Vobis m •• damus rogantes quatenus omnes Episcopos et Abbates, necnon Decanos et Priores tam Ecclesiarum Cathedralium quam Collegiatarum, exemptos et non exemptos, Archidiaconos et totum Clerum vestrae Provinc ae apud Ecclesiam S. Pauli London. die Lunae prox. post dictum festum S. Martini convocari faciatis. Ita quod dicti Episcopy, Decani, et Priores Ecclesiarum Cathedralium, et Abbates exempti et non exempti, et Archidi coni personaliter, et quodlibet Capitulorum dictorum Ecclesiarum Cathedralium per unum, et Clerus cujuslibet Diocper duos Procuratores sufficientem potestatem haben es apud dictam Ecclesiam S. Pauli dicto die Lunae intersint; ad tractand. et cons lend. super praemissis una vobiscum et aliis per Nos illuc mittendis; et ad consentiendum hiis qu tunc ibidem super dictis negotiis divina fave te clementia contigeri ordinari: Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum, ac salvationem et defensionem dicti regni nostri diligitis nullatenus omittatis. Teste Rege apud Westm. 25 die Septembris. Per ipsum Regem.

Consimiles literae diriguntur I. Archiepiscopo Ebor m, Primati Angliae, de Clero suae Provinciae die Lunae in Crastino S. Nicholai prox. futur. apud Ecclesiam bea i Petri Eborum, ex causa praedicta convo ando. Teste ut supra.

[ 96] The 95. writ is that of Claus. Anno 31 E. 3. m. 21. dorso. very considerable.

Rex▪ &c. S. &c. Archiepiscopo Cantuar. &c. Quia pro quibusdam arduis et urgentibus negotiis Nos et statum regni nostri Angliae, et necessariam desensionem ejusdem regni et ECCLELIAE ANGLICANAE contingentibus, ordinavimus Parliam ntum nostrum apud Westm. die Lunae prox. post Sep imanam Paschae prox. futur. tenere, et vobiscum, &c. Et hoc sicu Nos et ho orem nostrum, ac commune commodum, et salvationem t defensionem regni ac ECCLESIAE praedictorum diligitis, nullatenus omittatis. Praemunientes, &c. Et quia propter arduitatem praedictorum negotiorum et celeriorem expeditionem eorundem volumus primo die Parliamenti personaliter interesse; Nolumu nec intendimus vos, aut aliquem alium ad dictum Parliamentum summonitum, quin eodem primo die personaliter intersitis habere ullo modo excusato , nec excusationem a vobis admittere aliqualem. Teste Rege apud Westm. 15 die Februarii. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium:

Consimilia brevia diriguntur subscriptis, mutatis mutandis, sub eadem data, viz. I. Arch. Eborum, 18 Bishops, 24 Abbots, and 1. Prior.

After which follows this 97. memorable writ in the [ 97] same Roll and dorso, to summon a Convocation of the Clergy.

Rex, &c. S. &c. Cantuar. &c. (verbatim▪ a before, to vestrumque consilium impensuri. Then follows this clause;) Et quia praedicta negotia perquam ardua sine maxima deliberatione tam Praelatorum et Cleri, quam Magnatum et Communitatis ejusdem regni nullo modo expediri poterunt, ad quorum expeditionem Auxilium et Consilium tam a vobis et Clero, quam a dictis Magnatibus et Communitate habere necessario Nos oportet; Vobis rogamus mandantes, quatenus omnes Episcopos et Abbates, necnon Decanos et Priores, tam Ecclesiarum Cathedralium quam Collegiatarum exemptos et non exemptos, Archidiaconos et totum Clerum vestrae Provinciae apud Ecclesiam S. Pauli Lond. in crastino S. Georgii prox. sequent. Convocari faciatis. Ita quod dicti Episcop , &c. (as before writ 95.) apud dictam Ecclesiam S. Pauli in crastino S. Georgii, cum continuatione et prorogatione dierum tunc sequentium quatenus dicta nego ia id requirun , intersint, ad tractand. et consulend▪ super praemis is una Nobiscum, et aliis per Nos illuc mittendis: Et hoc sicut nos et honorem nostrum, ac salva ionem et defensionem dicti regni nostri, ac ECCLESIAE ANGLICANAE diligitis, nullatenus omitta is. Teste Rege apud Westm. 22 die Februarii. Per i▪ sum Regem.

The 98. writ is thus enrolled, Claus. Ann 31. Ed. 3. [ 98] m. 2. dorso.

Rex, &c. S. &c. Archie . Cantuar. &c. Quia pro quib sdam arduis et urgentibus negot is Nos et Statum regni nostri Angliae, et necessariam defensionem ejusdem Regni et ECCLESIAE ANGLICANAE concernentibus, ordinavimus Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Lunae prox. post festum Purificationis beatae Mariae virginis prox. futur. tenere. Et vobisc m, &c. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum, ac commune commodum et salvationem et defensionem REGNI ET ECCLESIAE praedictae diligitis, nullatenus omit atis. Praemunie tes, &c. Et quia propter arduitatem negotiorum praedictorum ac celeriorem expeditionem eorundē volumus primo die Parliamenti interesse, nolumus, nec intendimus vos aut aliquem alium ad dictum Parliamentum summonitum, quin eodem primo die personaliter intersitis habere ullo modo excusa os, nec excusationem à vobis admittere aliqualem. Teste Rege apud Westm. 15 die Septembris. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia diriguntur subscriptis, mutatis mutandis, sub eadem data, viz. I. Arch. Eborum, &c. 18 Bishops, 24 Abbots, and 1. Prior.

[ 99] The 99. writ you may find in Claus. Anno 32 E. 3. m. 14. dorso.

Rex, &c. S. &c. Archiep. Cant. &c. Quia pro quibusdam arduis et urgentibus negoti s Nos et Statum Regni nostri Angliae, et jura Coronae nostrae Angliae sum concernentibus, vobiscum, et cum caeteris Praelatis, &c. die Dominica prox. post festum S. Margaretae virginis prox. futur. apud Westm. Colloquium habere volumus et tractatum. Vobis mandamus in fide, &c. Et hoc sicut Nos et honor nostrum, ac salva ionem dicti regni nostri Angliae, ac juriū Coronae ejusdem regni diligitis nullo modo omittatis. Teste Rege apud Westm. 20 die Iunii. Per ipsum Regem et▪ Con silium.

Consimilia Brevia diriguntur subscriptis sub eadem data; viz. to 6 Bishops, 6 Abbots, 2. Priors, and Decano wellensi; and none else of the Clergy; nor any writs to Assistants, Sheri s, or the Warden of the Cinqueports for electing Knights, Citizens, Burgesses, or Barons of the Cinqueports: Therefore only a Council, not a Parliament; as was this next ensuing: summoned by this 100 writ, Claus. Anno 33 E. 3. m. 10. dorso. [ 100]

Rex, &c. S. &c. Archiepiscopo Ca t. &c. Cum pro expeditione guerrae nostrae Franciae, ac sa vatione et de ensione regni nostri Angliae, sumus ad partes transmarinas in prox. Deo duce, personaliter profecturi: et Thomam ilium nostrum carissimum Custodem dicti regni nostri Angliae, et locum nostri tenentem in eodem regno, dum Nos sic absentari contigerit, vel alias nostrae placuerit voluntati consti uimus, ac intimum in ideat cordi nostro, quod Pax noster in eodem regno inviolabiliter conserve ur, et idem regnum ab hostium incursibus defendatur; per quod ordinavimus, quod super praemissis et all is arduis negotiis Nos et statum dicti regni nostri concernentibus quoddam Consilium Praelatorum et aliorum Magnatum et Procerum eju dem regni apud Westm. die Dominica prox. ante festum S. Martini in prox. futur. teneatur. Vobis in fide, &c. vestrumque con ilium impensuri; Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum, ac salvationem et defensionem dicti regni nostri, ac tranquillita em pacis ejusdem diligitis nullo modo omittatis. Teste Rege apud Sandwicum, 10 die Octobris. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia diriguntur to 6. Bishops, 2. Priors, and 4. Abbots, more; 6. Earls, and 19 Lord's or great men, without any writs to Assistants, Sherifs, or Warden of the Cinque Ports.

The 101. is this writ in Claus. Anno 34 E. 3. m. 35. [ 101] dorso.

Rex, &c. S. &c. Archiepisc. Cantuar. &c. Quia pro quibusdam arduis et urgentibus negotiis Nos ac salvationem et desensionem regni nostri▪ Angliae sum coutingentibus, Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Veneris in cras ino Ascentionis Domini prox. futur. tenere volumus, et ibide vobiscum▪ &c. Mandamus, quod consideratis dictorum negotiorum arduitate et periculis imminentibus cessante excusatione quacunque dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis Nobiscum, seu cum Custode dicti regni nostri si tune contigerit Nos abesse; ac caeteris Praelatis, &c. Ne quod absit, per vestri absentiam, quam cess nte impedimento legitimo et evidente, nullo modo excusatam habere volumus, expeditio negotiorum nostrorum praedictorum retar etur, seu aliqualiter differatur. Praemunientes, &c. Teste Custode praedicto apud Wes m. 3 die Aprilis. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo mandatum est sub eadem data, I. Arch. Eborum, &c. 17 Bishops. Custodi Spiritualitatis Episcopatus Covent. & Li hf. vacante et in m n Regis ex sten e, 22 Abbots, and the Prior of St. John's Hospital Jerusalem.

[ 102] The 102. writ, you may peruse in Claus. Anno 34 E. 3. m. 4. dorso.

Rex, &c. S. &c. Archiepiscopo Cantuar. &c. Quia pro quibusdam arduis et urgentibus negotiis Nos et statum, et bonum regimen regni nostri Angliae concernentibus, ordinavimus Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Dominica prox. ante festum Conversionis S. Pauli prox. futur. teneri, et vobiscum, &c. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum, ac bonum regimen, ac commune commodum ejusdem regni diligitis, nullatenus omittatis. Praemuniences, &c. Et quia propter arduitatem negotiorum praedictorum, ac ce eriorem expeditionem eoruudem volumus primo die Parliamenti personali er interesse, nolumus, &c. ( as before writ 98. ) Teste Rege apud Westm. 20 die Novembris. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia diriguntur I. Archiepiscopo Eborum, to 17. Bishops more, 24 Abbots, and the Prior of St John's Jerusalem.

[ 103] The 103. writ is inserted into Claus. Anno 36 E. 3. m. 16. dorso.

Rex, &c. S. &c. Archiep. C ntuar. &c. Quia super quibusdam arduis et urgentibus negotiis Nos et Statum regni nostri Angliae concernentibus, Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. in Quindena S. Michaelis prox. futur. teneri ordinavimus, et vobiscum, &c. Et hoc sicut nos et honorem nostrum et expeditionem negotiorum diligitis nulla enus omittatis. Praemunientes, &c. Scientes insu e , quod propter arduitatem negotiorum praedictorum Procuratores, seu excusationem aliquam legitimo cessante impedimento pro vobis admittere nolumus ista vice. Teste Rege apud Windesor 14 die Augusti. Per ipsum Regem.

Consimilia Brevia diriguntur sub eadem data, I. Archiep. Eborum: to 17. other Bishops: Custodi Spiritualitatis Episcopatus Lincoln. and likewise Episcopa us Cicestriae seed vacante, 22 Abbots, and 3. Priors.

The 104. writ is extant, Claus. Anno 37 E. 3. m. 22. [ 104] dorso.

Rex, &c. S. &c. Archiepiscopo Cantuar. &c. Quia super quibusdam arduis, &c. (as next before) Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. in octabis S. Michaelis prox. futur. tenere ordinavimus, &c. Praemunientes, &c. Scientes insuper, &c. (as next before.) Teste Rege apud Westm. 1. die Iunii. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia di iguntur I. Archiep. Eborum, to 18 other Bishops, 23 Abbots, and 3 Priors.

The 105. writ is entered in Claus. An. 38 E. 3. m. 3. [ 105] dorso.

Rex, &c. I. &c. Archiepisc. Cantuar. &c. Quia super quibusdam, &c. ac jure Coronae nostrae concernentibus, Parliame tum nostrum apud Westm. in Octabis S. Hilary prox. futur. tenere ordinavimus, &c. Praemunientes, &c. Scientes insuper, &c. (as in 103. before.) Teste Rege apud Westm. 4 die Decembris. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia diriguntur Iohanni Archiepiscopo Eborum. 15 Bishops more; Vicario generali Episcopo Cicestr. ipso Episcopo in remotis agent. Custodi Spiritualitatis, Episcopatus Roffensis seed va ante, de praemuniend. ut supra. 23 Abbots, and 3. Priors.

The 106. writ (having one special clause differing from [ 106] the former) is registered, Claus. Anno 39 E. 3. m. 2. dorso.

Rex, &c. S. &c. Archiepiscopo Cantuar. &c. Quia, &c. ac jura Coronae nostrae concernentibus Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Lunae in crastino Inventionis Sanctae Crucis prox. futur. tenere ordinavimus, &c. Praemuni -entes, &c. Scientes insuper, &c. Et quia expeditio negotiorum praedictorum multum insidet cordi nobis, vos attente rogamus quatenus die Dominica prox. ante dic um diem Lunae apud London esse velitis. Ita quod eodem die Lunae mane apud Westm. vos cum aliis Praelatis et Magnatibus illuc tunc venturi esse valeatis; quia eodem die Parliamentum praedictum inchoare, et ibi em personaliter e •• e volumus omni modo. Teste Rege apud Westm. 20 die Ianuarii. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia diriguntur, &c. Archiepiscopo Eborum. 18 Bishops, 23 Abbots and 3. Priors.

[ 107] The 107. writ appears in Claus. 42 E. 3. m. 22. dorso.

Rex, &c. S. &c. Archiep. Cantuar. &c. Quia, &c. Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. primo die Maii prox futur. tenere ordinavimus, &c. Praemunientes, &c. Scientes insuper quod propter arduitatem, &c. Teste Rege apud Westm. 24 die Februarii. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia diriguntur, &c. Iohanni Archiep. Eborum, 19 Bishops, 23 Abbots, and 2 Priors.

[ 108] The 108. writ is to be found Claus. An 43 E. 3. m. 24. dorso.

Rex, &c. S. &c. Archiepiscopo Cantuar. &c. Quia, &c. Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. in Octabis S. Trinitatis prox. futur. tenere ordinavimus, &c. Praemunientes, &c. Scientes insuper, &c. Teste Rege apud Westm. 6 die Aprilis. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia, &c. Iohanni Archiepiscopo Eborum, 7 Bishops, 23 Abbots, and 2 Priors.

The 109. writ shows itself in Claus. Anno 44 E. 3. [ 109] m. 1. dorso.

Rex, &c. S. &c. Archiepisc. Cantuar. &c. Quia super &c. Nos et Statum ac defensionem regni nostri Angliae, ac jura Coronae nostrae concernentibus, Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Lunae in prima Septimana Quadragesimae, viz. in festo S. Matthaei Apostoli prox. fu ur. tenere ordinavimus, &c. Praemunientes, &c. Scie tes insuper quod propter ardui atem, &c. Teste Rege apud Westm. 8. die Ianuarii. Per ipsum Regem.

Consimilia Brevia, &c. J. Arch. Eborum: 18 Bishops, Custodi Spiritualitatis Episcopatus Bangor, side vacante, 24 Abbots, and 2 Priors.

The 110. writ, is visible in Claus. Anno 46 E. 3. m. [ 110] 11. dorso.

Rex, &c. W. Archiepiscopo Cantu r. Quia de avisamento Consilii nostri ordinavimus, quod super arduis et urgentibus negotiis tam Nos et-expeditionem guerrae nostrae ac juria nostra, et Coronae nostrae in partibus transmarinis, quam statum et defensionem regni nostri Angliae et ECCLESIAE ANGLICANAE, contingenti us, quoddam Parliamentum apud Westm. in Quindena S. Michaelis prox. futur. teneatur: et ibidem vobiscum, &c. Colloquium et tractatus habeantur. Vobis, &c. mandamus, quod consideratis dictorum negotiorum arduitate, et periculis imminentibus cessante quacunque excusatione dict is die et loco personaliter intersit is Nobiscum, seu cum Ricardo filio carissimi Primogeniti nostri Edwardi, Principis Aquitaniae et Walliae, CUSTODE regni nostri Angliae, et locum nostri tenente in eodem regno si tunc contigerit Nos abesse, ac caeteris Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proceribus, &c. Et hoc s cut Nos et honorem nostrum, ac salvationem regni terrarum et jurium nostrorum praedictorum ac ECCLESIAE SANCTAE, expeditionemque di •• orum negotiorum diligitis nullo modo omittatis. Ne quod absit, per vestri absentiam (quam cessante impedimento legi imo nullo modo excusatam habere volumus) expeditio negotiorum nostrorum praedictorum retardetur, seu aliqualiter differatur, Praemunie tes, &c. Teste Custode praedicto apud Walyngford 1. die Septembris. Per ipsum Regem, ac dictum Custodem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia di iguntur, &c. Archiepiscopo Eborum, 17 Episcopis, 25 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus, particularly named in the Roll.

The like writ issued to Thomas Bishop of Durham; but with this different clause next after Consilium vestrum impensuri, viz. Et quia m dernis temporibus super salvationi et defensione Marehiae Scotiae istis mandato nostro multiplieiter occupati. Vobis in fide, &c. mandamus, quod dictis negotiis et periculis perv os debite ponderatis, si videritis quod ad Parliamentum praedictum commode pervenire non poteritis, tunc aliquem idoneum Procuratorem in quo been confiditis, de voluntate et intention vestris plenius informatum loco vestro cum sufficient potestate ad dictos diem et locum mittatis, ad consentiendum hiis quae tunc per dictos Praelatos, Comites, et alios Proceres ordinari contigerit super negotiis antedictis. Et hoc sicut de vobis confidimus, et Nos et honorem nostrum et vestrum, recuperationem jurium nostrorum praedictorum, salvationemque et defensionem dicti regni nostri Angliae diligitis nullatenus omittatis. Praemunientes, &c. Teste ut supra. Per ipsum Regem, ac dictum Custodem ec Consilium.

Consimile Breve dirigitur Thomae Episcopo Karliol.

[ 111] The 111. writ is thus trunsmitted to posterity, Claus. Anno 47 E. 3. m. 13. dorso.

Rex, &c. W. &c. Archiepiscopo Cantuar. &c. Quia de avisameato Consilii nostri pro quibusdam arduis, &c. ( as in the 110. writ before ) quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. in crastino S. Edwardi Regis prox. futur. tenere ordinavimus, &c. Et hoc sicut Nos, &c. Ne quod absit, &c. Praemunientes, &c. ( as in the said 110 writ ) Teste Rege apud Westm. 4 die Octobris. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia diriguntur, &c. I. Archiepiscopo Eborum: 18. Episcopis, 25 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus, named in the Roll.

The 112. writ is thus registered, Claus. Anno 49 E. 3. [ 112] m. 6. dorso.

Rex, &c. S. &c. Archiepiscopo Cantuar. &c. Quia de avisamento Consilii nostri, pro quibusdam, &c. Nos et Statum et defensionem regni nostri Angliae, et ECCLESIAE ANGLICANAE contingentibus, quoddaem Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. duodecimo die Februarii prox. futur. teneri ordinavimus, et ibidem vobiscum, &c. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum, ac salvationem regni praedicti et ECCLESIAE SANCTAE, expeditionemque dictorum negotiorum diligitis nullatenus omitiatis. Ne quod absit, &c. Praemunientes, &c. Teste Rege apud Langele 28 die Decembris. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia diriguntur, &c. A. Archiep. Eborum, 19 Episcopis, 23 Abbatibus, and 2 Proceribus.

The 113. writ is preserved in Claus. An. 50 E. 3. part [ 113] 2. m. 6. dorso.

Rex, &c. S. &c. Archiepiscopo Cintuar. &c. Quia de avisamento, &c. (just as in 112. before) quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. in Quindena S. Hilarii prox. futur. teneri ordinavimus, et ibidem vobiscum, &c. Et hoc sicut, &c. Ne quod absit, &c. Praemunientes, &c. (as next before.) Teste Rege apud Westm. primo die Decembris. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia diriguntur, &c. Alex. Archiepiscopo Eborum, 17 Episcopis, 21 Abbatibus, Priori S. Johannes Jerusalem in Anglia, Priori de Coventr.

The 114. is this memorable writ in Claus. 1. R. 2. m. [ 114] 31. dorso.

Rex, &c. S. &c. Archiepisc. Cantuar. &c. Cum inimici nostri inter se allegati et undique hostiliter congregati regnum nostrum Angliae in pluribus locis per terram et per mare saepius invaserunt, mala quamplurima et intolerabilia nobis et ligeis nostris perpetrando, et non solum de hoc contenti, dictum regnum nostrum, ac Ecclesiam sanctam Nosque ac populum nostrum Angliae de die in diem separant totis viribus subvertere et destruere, nisi orum malitiae adjuvante Deo fortius resistatur: unde in salvationem Status Ecclesiae sanctae et regni ac populi pr dictorum necessariam defensionem sumptus ac census et expensas inaestimabiles, et aliquo tempore praeterito magis solito graviores effundere Nos oportet. Verum quia de copia the sauri vel bonorum in primordiis nostri regiminis nec mirum penitus alieni ad ipsorum onerum et sumptuum supportationem absque juvamine fidelium nostrorum non sufficimus sicut scitis. Vobis in fide et d lection quibus nobis tenemini rogando mandamus▪ quatenus consideratis tam arduitate negotiorum praedictorum, quam grandibus periculis quae Ecclesiae et regno praedicto oculata fide, imminere conspicitis, attentis, et debite consider atis, Suffraganeos vestros, Decanos et Priores Cathedralium Ecclesiarum, Abbates, Priores et alios electivos, exemptos et non exemptos, necnon Archidiaconos, Capitula, Conventus, et Collegia, totumque Clerum cujuslibet Dioc. dictae vestrae Provinciae ad comparend. coram vobis in Ecclesia S. Pauli London. vel alibi prout expedire videritis ad breviorem diem quam poteritis more solito convocari fac. et eis dictis negotiis et periculis ibidem plenius expositis et declaratis, ipsos ad Subsidium in hoc casu competens et necessarium in supportationem dictorum onerum et sumptorum Nobis concedendi eo specialius et cum efficatia qua magis sciveritis vel poteritis tanta necessitate causante inducatis, et partes vestras ad hoc effectualiter apponatis; Nos in Cancellaria nostra de quantitate Subsidii illius certificantes. Et hoc sicut nos et honorem nostrum ac salvationem et defensiontm Ecclesiae et regni praedictorum diligitis nullatenus omittatis. Teste meipso apud Westm. 29 die Septembris.

Consimile breve dirigitur A. Arch. Eborum, Angliae Primati, de Clero convocando in Ecclesia beati Petri Ebor.

[ 115] The 114. writ, is this of Claus. Anno 1 R. 2. dorso 37. running in the ordinary form except in one particular clause.

Rex, ven. &c. S. Archiep. Cantuar. &c. Quia cum regni et populi nostri divina permissione suscepto regimine, de avisamento Consilii nostri pro quibusdam arduis et urgentibus negotiis Nos et jura Coronae nostrae, ac Statum, salvationem et defensionem regni et populi praedicti ac Ecclesiae Anglicanae contingentibus, quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud West. in quindena S. Michaclis prox. futur. teneri ordinavimus; et ibidem vobiscum, &c. Ne quod absit, &c. Praemunientes &c. T. Rege apud Westm. 4 die Augusti. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia diriguntur subscriptis sub eadem data v z. Alexandro Archiep. Eborum electo, &c. 19 Bishops and 23 Abbots, with the Priors of St John's Jerusalem, and Coventre.

The 116. writ is thus entered in the ordinary usual [ 116] form, Claus. Anno 2 R. 2. m. 3. dorso.

Rex, &c. S. &c. Archiep. Cantuar. &c. Quia de avisamento, &c. Statum et defensionem regni nostri Angl. et Eccles. Anglicanae contingent. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. in Quindena Paschae prox. futur. teneri ordinavimus &c. Ne quod absit per vestri absentiam (quam nisi tanta infirmitate tunc detenti sueritis quod aliqualiter illuc laborare non poteritis nullo modo excusatam habere volumus ista vice) expeditio. &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. R. apud Westmon. 17 die Febr. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia, &c. are issued Alex. Archiep. Eborum, and to 19. Bishops, 24. Abbots, and 2. Priors.

[ 117] The 117. is this memorable writ recorded Claus. 3 R. 2. m. 27 dorso.

Rex, &c. S. &c. Archiep. Cantuar. &c. Qualiter inimici nostri Franciae, et alii sibi cohaerentes inter se colligati et undique hostiliter congregati regnum nostrum Angl. perter a et per mare saepius invaserunt, mala quamplurima et intollerabilia Nobis et legiis nostris inferendo, et non solum de hoc contenti dictum regnum nostrum et Ecclesiam sanctam, Nosque et totam linguam Anglicanam subvertere et destruere de die in diem totis viribus se conantur nisi eorum malitiae adjuvante Deo fortius resistatur, vos non credimus ignorare; unde in salvationem, &c. (as Claus. 1 R. 2. m. 31. before, to omittatis. ) Teste Rege apud Westm. 2. die Decembris.

Consimiles literae dirigunt ur Alex. Archiep. Eborum, Angliae Primati ad convocandum Clerum in Ecclesiae beati Petri Eborum. Teste ut supra.

[ 118] The 118. writ is thus recorded in the usual form, Claus. 3 R. 2. m. 32. dorso.

Rex, &c. S. &c. Archiepiscopo Cantuar. &c. Quia de avisamento &c. Quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Lunae prox. post festum S. Hilarii prox. futur. teneri ordinavimus, &c. Ne quod absit, as last before; Praemunientes, &c. Teste Rege apud Westm. 20 die Octobris.

Consimiles literae diriguntur Alex. Arch. Eborum: 19 Episcopis, 23 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

[ 119] The 119. writ is that in usual form of Claus. 4 R. 2.

Rex, &c. S. &c. Archiepiscopo Cant. &c. Quia, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Northampton die Lunae prox. post festum Omnium Sanctorum prox. futur. teneri ordinavimus, &c. nullatenus omittatis. Ne quod absit pro vestri absentiam (quam nisi tanta infirmitate detenti fueritis quod aliqualiter illuc laborare non poteritis nullo modo excusatam habere volumus ista vice) expeditio dictorum negotiorum nostrorum retardatur aut aliqualiter differatur. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Westm. 26 die Augusti. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimiles literae diriguntur subscriptis sub eadem data, viz. A. Arch. Eborum, &c. 19 Bishops, 25 Abbots, 2 Priors.

[ 120] The 120. is this observable writ in Claus. 5 R. 2. m. 12. dorso.

Rex, &c. W. &c. Archiepiscopo Cant. &c. Satis est vobis, sicut et caeteris Praelatis, Proceribus, aliisque Dominis Subditis nostris regni nostri manifestum, qualiter in ultimo Parliamento nostro vos Domini, Magnates et Communitates regni nostri Angliae quoddam subsidium de lanis cariis et pellibus laniatis Nobis gratanter concesserunt ad certum tempus futur. percipiend. ad effectum quod de denariis de Subsidio praedicto provenientibus aliqua ordinatio, sive aliquod viagium pro defensione terrae nostrae, et gravamine inimicis nostris publicis inferend. et celeriori acceleratione finis guerrae magis expediens fieri ac parari possit, et effectualiter provideri. Ac nos super executione effectus praedicti assistentibus Nobis quibusdam Magnatibus, Dominis et peritis de Consilio nostro, efficacissime recolentes eorum nunc propositum, ad partes exteras ex causis praemissis, volente Deo, cum sufficienti Comitiva personaliter transfretare; Nos advertentes hujusmodi propotum nostrum absque Chevantia competenti ad optatum finem commode deduci non posse, et ut in absentia nonostra pro expedienti et necessario regimine regni nostri debite provideatur, necnon qualiter dicta Chevantia quietus et citius fieri, ac creditoribus nostris in hac parte melior & firmior securitas solutionum dari poterit et vallari, volentes prospicere prout decet, disposuimus de avisamento Consilii nostri praedicti in crastino Sancti Johannes ante portam latinam prox. futur. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. tenere, et vobiscum, &c. Ne quod absit, &c. (as next before.) Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Westm. 24 die Martii. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia diriguntur, &c. A. Arch. Eborum, &c. 19 other Bishops mutatis mutandis, 24 Abbatibus, Priori de Coventre.

The 121 writ I find in Claus. 5 R. 2. m. 40. dorso. [ 121]

Rex, Custodi Spiritualitatis Archiepiscopatus Cantuar. seed vacante. Quia de avisamento, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Lunae prox. post Festum exaltationis sancta Crucis prox. futur. teneri ordinavimus, &c Ne quod absit, &c. (as before in the two last writs) Praemunicutes, &c. T. Rege apud Villam de S. Alban. 16 die Julii. Per ipsum Regem.

Consimilia Brevia, &c. A. Arch. Eborum, &c. 18 Episcopis, Custodi Spiritualitatis Episcopatus Dunolm. seed va ante, 24 Abbatibus, Priori de Coventre.

[ 122] The 122. is this memorable writ in Claus. 6 R. 2, part 1. m. 4. dorso.

Rex, W. Archiep. Cantuar. &c. Quia referente fama publica ad nostrum pervenit certitudinaliter intellectum, quod Carolus, adversarius noster Franciae principalis, subjugata sibi maxima parte Flandriae, quae de amicitia nostra existebat, ad obsidend. jam Villam nostram Cales, et alia mala, dampna et gravamina Nobis et regno nostro Angliae undique inferend. et fieri procurand. totis viribus se festinat, omnique dilig ntia machinatur. Nos maliciae dicti adversarii nostri resistor, et h jusmodi ob idionem, si quae ibidem, quod absit, fieret in event , favente Domino removere, necnon circa recuperationem juris nostri quod ad Coronam et regnum Franciae notori obtinemus, ac circa defensionem dicti regni no •• ri et Ecclesiae Anglicanae meliorem laborare e intendere, relevamenque et succursum amicis et fidelibus nostris circumquaque fa ere et praebere cupientes, e consilio et assensu quamplurimoru Praelatorum, Procerum, Magnatum, Dominorum, Militum, Burgensium e Merca orum dicti regni nostri, ad Consilium nostrum ex hac causa evocatorum, sumus in proposito in propria per ona nostra ad partes transmarinas cum comitativa Procerum, Magnatum et Nobilium plurimorum manu forti, volente Domino proficisci. Et ut hujusmodi propositum nostrum felicem sortiatur effectum, ac Nobis in remotis agentibus pro expedien i et necessario regimine dicti regni nostri debite provideatur; et interim tam inimicis nostris Ispann. quam aliis quibuscunque, si regnum nostrum praedictum hosti iter invadere praesum, serint, fortiter et viriliter ut Oportet, et prout maxim insidet cordi nostro resistatur; disposuimus de consilio et assensu praedictis die Lunae in tertia Septimana Quadragesimae prox. futur. quod dam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. tenere, et vobiscum, ac cum caeteris Praelatis, Proceribus, Dominis, et COMMUNITATE dicti regni nostri super praemissis et aliis urgen ibus causis, statum, regnum et honorem nostra concernentibus Colloquium habere et tractatum: Vobis igitur in fide et dilection, &c. quod considerata dictorum negotiorum arduitate, cessante quacunque excusatione dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis Nobiscum, ac cum Praelatis, Proceribus, et Prioribus praedictis super dictis negotiis tractaturi, vestrumque consilium impensuri. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum, ac salvationem Regni et Ecclesiae praedictorum diligitis, nullatenus omittatis. Ne quod absit, &c. (as before.) Praemunientes, &c. T. R. apud Westm. 7. die Ianuarii. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia diriguntur, &c. A. Arch. Eborum. &c. 18 Bishops, Custodi Spiritualitatis Episcopatus Landaven. seed vacante, 24. Abbatibus, 2. Prioribus.

The 123. is this usual writ, I meet with in Claus. 6 [ 123] R. 2. part. 1. m. 17. dorse. Rex, &c. W. Archiep. Cant. &c. Quia de avisamento, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die lunae in Octabis Sancti Michaelis prox. futur. teneri ordinavimus, &c. Ne quod absit, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. R. apud Wodestock 9. die Augusti. Per ipsum Regem.

Cons. Brevia diriguntur A. Arch. Eb rum. 18 Episcopis, Custodi Spirit. Episcopatus Assaven. seed vacante, 23 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

The 124. writ is recorded in Claus. 7 R. 2. m. 10. [ 124] dorso.

Rex, &c. W. &c. Archiepisc. Cantuar. Quia de avisamento, &c. quoddam Parliament▪ nostrum apud Novam Sarum die Veneris prox. post festum S. Marci Evangelistae prox. futur. tenere ordinavimus, &c. Ne quod absit, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. R. apud Westm. 3 die Marcii▪ Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia, &c. A. Arch. Eborum, &c. 19 Episcopis, 24. Abbatibus, 2. Prioribus

The 125. is this uncommon writ of Claus. An. 7 R. [ 125] 2. m. 37. dorso.

Rex, &c. W. Archiepi c. Cant. &c. Quia de assensu et deliberatione Consilii nostri pro certo Tractatu super pace inter Nos, et regnum, terras, Dominia ac ubditos nostros ex una parte, et magnificum Principem Robertum consanguineum nostrum Scot ae, et ejus terras, Dominia, et Subditos ex alia, favente Domino facienda, mediante Consilio et assens vestris, ac aliorum Praelatorum, Procerum, Magnatum ac Communitatis regni nostri Angliae ineundo, ac pro aliis arduis et urgentibus negotiis, Nos, Statum et defensionem Regni nostri praedicti Ecclesiaeque Anglicanae multipliciter contingentibus, disposuimus die Lunae prox. ante festum Omnium Sanctorum prox. futur. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. tenere, &c. Ne quod absit, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. R. apud Westm. 20. die Aug. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia diriguntur A. Archiep. Eborum. &c. 18. Episcopis, H. Episcopo Norwicen. vel ejus Vicario generali ipso in remotis agent, 24 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

[ 126] The 126. writ is this of Claus. 7 R. 2. m. 33. which is observable.

Rex, &c. W. &c. Archiep. Cantuar. &c. Qualit r inimici nostri Franciae, et alii sibi adherents in se obligati et undique hostiliter congregati Regnum nostrum Angliae per terram et mare saepius invaserunt, mala quam plu ima et intolerabilia nobis et ligeis nostris inferendo, et non solum de hoc contenti dictum Regnum nostrum et Ecclesiam sanct •• m, Nósque et totam linguam Anglicanam subvertere et destruere de die in di •• m totis viribus se conantur, nisi corum maliciae adjuvante Deo fortius resistatur, vos non credimus ignorare. Unde in salvationem Status dictae Ecclesiae, ac regni ac populi nostrorum necessariam defensionem sumptus ac census, et expensas inestimabiles effundere nos oportet. Verum quia ad horum onerum et sumptuum supportationem absque juvamine fidelium nostrorum non sufficimus sicut scitis, vobis in fide et dilect ione quibus nobis tenemini rogando mandamus, quatenus tam arduitate negotiorum praedictorum, quam grandibus periculis quae Ecclesiae et regno praedictis culata fide imminere conspicitis, attentis et debite consider atis; Suffraganeos vestros Decanos, et Priores Ecclesiarum Cathedralium▪ Abbates, Pri res, et alios Electivos, exemptos et non exemptos, necnon Archidiaconos, Capitula, Conventus & Collegia totumque Clerum cujuslibet Diocaesis vestrae Provinciae ad comparend. coram Vobis in Ecclesia S. Pauli London, vel alibi prout vobis expedire videritis, in crastino S. Martini prox. futur. more solito convocari fac. et eis dictis negotiis et periculis ibidem plenius expositis, et declaratis, ipsos ad Subsidium in hoc casu competens et necessarium, in supportationem dictorum onerum et sumptuum Nobis concedend. co specialius et cum efficacia qua m gis sciveritis vel poteritis tanta necessitate causante inducatis, et partes vestras ad hoc effectualiter apponatis; Nos in Cancellaria nostra de quantitate Subsidii illius, ac de terminis solutionis ejusdem certificantes. Et hoc sicut Nos & honorem nostrum; et salvationem et defensionem Ecclesiae et regni praedictorum diligitis nullatenus omittatis. T. R. apud Westm. 8. die Octobris.

Consimile Breve dirigitur Venerabili in Christo patri A. Arch. Eborum, Angliae Primat . T. ut supra.

The 127. is this common writ in Claus. 8 R. 2. m. [ 127] 35. dorso.

Rex, &c. W. &c. Archiepisc. Cant. &c. Quia de avisamento, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. in crastino S. Martini prox. futur. teneri ordinavimus, &c. Ne quod absit, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. R. apud Westm. 28. die Septembris. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consim. Brevia diriguntur, &c. A. Archiep. Eborum, 19 Episcopis, 25 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

The 128. writ is in Claus. 9 R. 2, m. 45. dorso. [ 128]

Rex, &c. W. &c. Archiepisc. &c. Quia de avisamento, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Venetis prox. post festum Sancti Lucae Evangelistae, prox. futur. teneri ordinavimus, &c. Ne quod absit, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. R. apud Westm. 3. die Septembris. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consim. Brevia, &c. A. Archiep. Eborum, 17 Episcopis Custod. Spiritualitatis Episcopat. Cicestr. et Coventr. seed vacante, 24. Abbatibus, 2, Prioribus.

[ 129] The 129▪ is the writ in Claus. 10. R. 2. m. 42. dorso.

Rex, &c. W. &c. Archiep. Cant. &c. Quia de avisamento, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. primo die Octobris, prox. futur. teneri ordinavimus, &c. Ne quod absit, &c. Praemunientes, &c. Teste Rege apud Oseneye 8. die Augusti. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia, &c. A. Archiepiscopo Eborum. 16 Episcopis, Custod. Episcopatus Landaven. et Bathon. et Wellen. seed vacante, 25 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

[ 130] The 130. writ is that in Claus. 11 R. 2. m. 24. dorso.

Rex, &c. W. &c. Archiep. Cantuar. &c. Quia de avisamento, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. crastino Purificationis beatae Mariae Virginis prox. futur. teneri ordinavimus, &c. Ne quod absit, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Windesore, 17 die Decembris. Per ipsum Regem.

Consim. Brevia, A. Archiep. Eborum. 19 Episcopis, 24 Abbatibus, Priori de Coventr.

[ 131] The 131. writ is that in Claus. Anno 12 R. 2. m. 42. dorso.

Rex, &c. W. &c. Archiepiscopo Cant. Quia de avisame no Consilii, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Cantebrigg. in crastin. Nativitatis bea e Mariae. prox. futur. teneri ordinavimu , &c. Ne quod absit, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Oxford. 28 die Iulii. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia, &c. Custodi Spiritualitatis Aroh. Eborum, seed vacante, 18 Episcopis, 23 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

[ 132] The 132. is the writ in Claus. 13 R. 2. parte 1. m. 6. dorso.

Rex, &c. W. &c. Archiepisc. Cantuar. &c. Quia de avisamento, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum aapud Westm. die Lunae prox. post festum S. Hilary prox. futur. teneri ordinavimus, &c. Ne quod absit, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. R. apud Redyng 6. die Novembr.

Consimilia Brevia, &c. Th. Archiepisc. Eborum, 18 Episcopis. Custodi Spiritualitatis Episcopatus Cicestr. et Roffen. seed vacante. 24 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

The 133. is Claus. 14 R. 2. m. 42. dorso. [ 133]

Rex, &c. W. &c. Archiepisc. Cant. Quia de avisamento, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nos rum apud Westm. in crastino S. Martini prox. futur. teneri ordinavimus, &c. Ne quod absit, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. R. apud Westm. 12 die Septembr s. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia Th. Arch. Eborum, 19 Episcopis, 23 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

The 134. writ is in Claus. 15 R. 2. m. 37. dorso. [ 134]

Rex, &c. W. &c. Archiepisc. Cantuar, &c. Quia de avisamento, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. in crastino Animarum prox. futur. teneri ordinavimus, &c. Ne quod absit, &c. Praemunien es, &c. Teste R. apud Westm. 7 die Septembr. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia, &c. Th. Arch. Eborum, 19 Episcopis, 24 Abba ibus, 2 Prioribus.

The 135. is the writ in Claus. Anno 16 R. 2. m. 23. [ 135] dorso.

Rex, &c. W. &c. Archiep. Cant. &c. Quia de avisamento, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nos rum, apud Wynton in Octabis S. Hilary prox. futur. tenere ordinavimus, &c. Ne quod absi , &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. R. apud Eborum 23 die Novembris. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consim. Brevia, &c. Th. Archiepisc. Eborum, 19 Episcopis, 24 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

The 136. is that in Claus. An. 16 R. 2. m. 32. dorso. [ 136]

Rex, &c. W. &c. Archiepiscopo Cantuar. &c. Qui de avisamento, &c. quodd m Parliamentum no trum apud Eborum. in crastino translationis S. Edwardi Regis tenere ordinavimus, &c. Ne quod absit, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. R. apud Wyndesore 23 die Iulli. Per ipsum Regem et Confilium.

Consimilia Brevia, &c. Th. Archiepiscopo Eborum, 19 Episcopis, 24 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

[ 137] The 137. is the usual writ entered in Claus. Anno 17 R. 2. m. 30. dorso.

Rex, &c. W. &c. Archiepiscopo Cantuar, &c. Quia de avisamento, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. in quindena S. Hilary prox. futur. teneri ordinavimus, &c. Ne quod absit, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. R. apud Westm. 13 die Novembris. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consim. Brevia, Th. Archiepiscopo Eborum, 18 Episcopis, 24 Abbatibus, Priori de Coventre.

[ 138] The 138. common writ is registered in Claus. An. 18 R. 2. m. 23. dorso.

Rex, &c. W. &c. Archie isc. Cant. Quia de avisamento, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. in quindena S. Hilary prox. futur. teneri ordinavimus, &c. Ne quod absit, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. Edmundo Duce Eborum Custod. Angliae apud West▪ 20 die Novembris. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consim. Brevia Th. Archiep. Eborum, 16 Episcopis; Custodi Spirit. Episcopatus Assaven. 25 Abbatibus, 2. Prioribus.

[ 139] The 139. writ is registered in Claus. 20 R. 2. m. 15. dorso.

Rex Custodi Spiritualit •• is Archiepiscopatus Cantuar. seed vacante salutem. Quia de avisamento, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm in festo S. Vincentii prox. futur. teneri ordinavimus, &c. Ne quod absit, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. R. apud Westm. 30. die Novembr. Per ipsum Regem.

Consim. Brev a diriguntur. &c. Thomae Arch. Eborum, &c. 19 Episcopis, 25 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

The 140. writ is in Claus. 21 R. 2. m. 27. dorso. [ 140]

Rex, &c. Thomae Arch. Cant. &c. Quia de avisamento, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Lunae prox. post festum Exaltationis sanctae Crucis, prox. futur. teneri ordinavimu , &c. Ne quod absit, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. R. apud Westm. 18 die Iulii. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consim. Brevia diriguntur A. Archiepiscopo Eborum, 19 Episcopis, 25 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus there named.

The 141. is Claus. 23. R. 2. m. 3. dorso. [ 141]

Rex, &c. Th. &c. Arch. Cant. &c. Quia, &c. Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. in crastino S. Michaelis, proz. futur. &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud C stre. 19 die Aug. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia Arch. Eborum. 18 Episcopis, 25 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

The 142. writ is enrolled in Claus. Anno 1 H. 4. m. [ 142] 37. dorso.

Rex▪ &c. Thomae, &c. Cantuar. Archiepiscopo, &c. Quia de avisamento, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. in festo Sanctae Fidei Virginis prox. futur. teneri, &c. (in the usual form.) T. R. apud Westm. 30 die Decembris. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia diriguntur R. Archiep. Eborum. 18 Episcopis, 25 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus, inserted among the Abbots names.

The 143. writ is that of Claus. 3. H. 4. dors. 17. [ 143]

Rex, &c. Th. &c. Archiepiscopo Cantuar. &c. Quia &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Lunae prox. ante estum Purificationis beatae Mariae prox. futur. teneri, &c, Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Westm. 2 die Decembris. Per ipsum Regem.

Consimilia Brevia Archiep. Ebor. 19 Episcopis, 23 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

The 144. is in Claus. 5▪ H. 4. m. 28. dorso. [ 144]

Rex, &c. T. Archiepisc. Cant. &c. Quia, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Coventre. 3 die Decembris prox. futur. teneri, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Westm. 20 die Octobris.

Consimilia Brevia Archiepiscopo Eborum, 19 Episcopis, 25 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

[ 145] Te 145. is entered in Claus. 7 H. 4. m. 39. dorso.

Rex, &c. T. Archiepiscopo Cantuar. &c. Quia, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Covent . 15 die Febr. prox. fu ur. ten ri, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Westm. 21 die Decembris.

Consimilia Brevia Custodi Spiritual. Archiepiscopa us Eborum: et Episcopatus Roffen. seed vacante, 10 Episcopls, 24 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

[ 146] The 146. writ is in Claus. 8 H. 4. m. 2. dorso:

Rex, &c. Th. Arc iepis . Cantuar. &c. Quia, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Gloucestr. 20 die Octobris prox. futur. teneri, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Westm. 26 die Augusti. Per breve de privato Sigillo.

Consimilia Brevia Custodi Spiritual. Archiepis. Ebor. Custodi Spirit. Episc. Norwi . Custodi Spirit. Episc. Meneven. seed vacante, 14 Episcopis, 25 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

[ 147] The 147. writ is that of Claus. 11 H. 4. m. 32. dorso.

Rex, &c. Th. Archiepisc. Cantuar. Quia, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Bristol in Quindena S. Hilary prox' futur. teneri, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Westm. 26 die Octobr.

Consimilia Brevia H. Archiepiscopo Ebor: 18 Episcopis, 25 Abbatibus 2 Prioribus.

[ 148] The 148. writ is in Claus. 12 H. 4. m. 2. dorso.

Rex, &c. Th. Archiepis. Cantuar. Quia, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm: in crastino Animarum prox. futur. teneri, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Westm: 21 die Septembris.

Consimilia Brevia H. Arch. Ebor. 18 Episcopis, 25 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

The 149. writ is that of Claus. 14 H. 4. dorso 22. [ 149]

Rex, &c. Th. Arch. Cant. Quia, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. in crastino Purificationis beatae Mariae. prox. futur. teneri, &c. Praemunieutes, &c. T. Rege apud Westm. . die Decembr. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia, H. Archiepisc. Ebor. 18 Episcopis, 25 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

The 150 writ is in Claus. 1 H. 5. m. 9. dorso. [ 150]

Rex, &c. Thomae Archiep. Cantuar. &c. Quia de avisamento, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Leicestr. 29 die Ianuarii prox. futur. teneri ordinavimus, &c. Praemunientes, &c, T. Rege apud Westm. 1. die Decem ris.

Consimilia Brevia diriguntur H. Arch. Eborum, 19 Episcopis, 26 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

The 151 writ is extant in Claus. 1 H. 5. m. 37. dorso. [ 151]

Rex, &c. Thomae, &c. Archiep. Cant. &c. Quia de avisamento &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. à die Paschae prox. futur. in tres Septimanas teneri ordina imus, &c . Praemunientes, &c. T. R. apud We tm. 22 die Martii.

Consimilia Brevia diriguntur, &c. H. Arch. Eborum. 18 Episcopis, 25 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

The 152. is registered Claus. 2 H. 5. m. 16 dorso. [ 152]

Rex, &c. H. &c. Arch. Cantuar. Quia &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Lunae prox. post Octab. S. Martini prox. futur. teneri, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Westm. 27 die Septembr.

Consimilia brevia H. Archiep. Ebor. 18 Episcopis, Custodi Spiritual. Episcopatus Covent. et Litchf. 25 Abb •• bus, 2 Prioribus.

The 153. is in Claus. 3 H. 5. m. 15 dorso. [ 153]

Rex &c. H. Archiep. Cantuar. Quia, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Lunae prox. post festum S. Lucae Evangeli •••• prox. futur. teneri, &c. Praemuni ntes, &c. Te •• e Iohanne Duce Beaf. Custod. Angliae apud Westm. 12 die Augusti.

Consim. Brevia dirig ntur H. Arch. Ebor. 15 Episcopis, N. Episcopo Ba hon. et Wellen. ive ejus Vicario generali ipso Episcopo in remotis agent. The like R. Episcopo Norwicen. and R. Episcopo Sarum, vel ejus Vicar. generali, &c. Custodi Spiritual. Episcopatus Cicestr. 25 Abbatibu , 2 Prioribu .

[ 154] The 154. is that of Claus. 4 H. 5. m. 16 dorso.

Rex, &c. H. Archiep. Cantuar. Quia quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. 19 die Octobr. prox. futur. teneri ordinavimus, &c. Praemunien es, &c. T. Rege apud Sandwicum 3. die September.

Consimilia Brevia H. Archiepisc. Ebor. 13 Episcopis, 5 Episcopis London, Bath & Wells, Norwich, Sarum, Coventre & Lichf. sive ejus Vicario generali ipso Episcopo in remotis agent. Custodi Spiritual. Episcopatus Cicestr. seed vacante; 23 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

[ 155] The 155. writ is in Claus. 5 H. 5. m. 11. dorso.

Rex, &c. H. Archiep. Cantuar. Quia, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. 18 die Novembris prox. futur. teneri. Praemunientes, &c. Teste Iohanne Duce Bedford. Custode Angllae apud Westm. 5. die Octobr.

Consimilia Brevia H. Archiepisc. Ebor. 11. Episcopis, 5 Episcopis, si •• eorum Vi a io gen. (as before.) Custodi Spiritual. Episcopatus Cicestr. et. Sarum. 24 Abbatibus, Priori de Cov ntre.

[ 156] The 156. is Claus. 7 H. 5. m. 9. dorso.

Rex, H. Archiepiscopo Cant. Qui , &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. 16 die Octob. prox. futur. teneri, &c. Praemunientes, &c. Teste Iohanne Duce Bedf. Custode Angl. apud Westm. 24 die Augusti.

Consim. Brevia H. Archiepisc. Ebor. 16 Episcopis, Custod. Spirit. Episcopatus Wigorn, et Roffen: I. Episc. Coventr. et Lichf. sive ejus Vicario generali, ipso Episco o in remotis agent, 24 Abbatibus, Priori de Coventre.

The 157. is in Claus. 8 H. 5. m. 2. dorso. [ 157]

Rex &c. H. Archiep. Cantuar. Quia, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. 2. •• e May prox. futur. teneri, &c. Praemunien es, &c. T. Rege apud Westm. 26 die Febr.

Cons. Brevia H. Arch. Ebor. 17 Episcopis. Custodi Spirituali. Episcopatus Cicestr. seed vacante. T. Episc. Hereford, vel ejus Vicario general ipso Epi copo in remotis agent, 23 Abbatibus, Priori de Coventre.

The 158. is enrolled, Claus. 9 H. 5. nu. 13. dorso. [ 158]

Rex, &c. H. Archiepisc. Cant. &c. Quia quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. 1. die Decembris, prox. futur. &c. Proemnnientes, &c. Teste Iohanni Duce Bedf. Custode Angliae apud Westm. 20 die Octobris. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia H. Archiep. Ebor. 14 Episcopis, Custodi Spiritual. Episcopatus London. & Roffen. seed vacante, Episcopo Heref. et Cicestr. vel ejus Vicario generali ipso Episcopo in remotis agent, 25 Abbatibus, Priori de Coventre.

The 159. writ in ordinary form, is registered in Claus. [ 159] 1 H. 6. m. 22. dorso.

Rex, &c. H. Archiepisc. Cantuar. &c. Quia de avisamento, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Lunae prox. ante Festum S. Marti •• . prox. futur. teneri ordinavimus, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Wyndesore 29 die Septembris. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia diriguntur H. Arch. Eborum. 19 Episcopis, 24 Abbatibus, Priori de Coventre.

The 160. is recorded in Claus. 2 H. 6. m. 18. dorso. [ 160]

Rex, &c. H. Archiepisc. Cantuar. Quia, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. 23. die Octob. prox. futur. teneri, &c. Premunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Westm. 1 die Septembris. Per breve de Privato Sigill .

Consim. Brevia H. Archiepisc. Ebor. 15 Episcopis, 3 Episcopis, vel eorum Vicario genera i, &c. Custod. Spiritual. Episc. Bangor. seed vacante, 24 Abbatibus, Priori de Coventre.

[ 161] The 161. writ is in Claus. 3 H. 6. m. 9. dorso. which hath some variation from the former.

Rex, &c. H. Archiepiscopo Cantuar. &c. salutem. Quia nos jam dum in annis degimus teneris an pax et justitia ubilibet inter Ligeos nostros regni nostri Angliae, sine quarum observatione regnum aliquod prospicere (non pote •• ) debi e conserventur et exhibeantur necne, per avisamentum Consilii nostri decrevimus experiri; quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud West monast. ultimo die Aprilis prox, futur. teneri or inavimus, ac ibidem vobi cum, ac cum caeteris Prala is, Magnatibus et Proceribus dicti regni nostri super prae issi, et quibusdam alijs arduis et urgentibus n go iis, No , statum, et defensionem dicti regni nostri ac Ecclesiae Anglicanae contingentibus, Colloquiu ••• bere et tractatum. Vobis in fide et dilection quibus Nobis tenemini sirmiter injungendo mandamus, q od consi e ra is dictorum negotiorum arduitare et periculis immin ntibus, ce a re quacunque xcula ion , dictis die et loco persona iter intersit is Nobiscu •• , acc m cae eris Praelatis Magnatibu et Proceri us praedictis, super dictis negotiis tractaturi, vestrumque consilium imp s ri. Et hoc sicut No et honorem nostrum, ac salvationem et defensionem regni e Ecclesiae praedictorum, expeditionemq e dictorum negotiorum diligi is nu •• atenus omit a is. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Westm. 24 die Febr.

Consim. Brevia Custod. Spirit ual. Archiepisc. Ebor. and so Episcopatus Bathon. et W llen. L ncoln. et B ngor. seed 〈◊〉 , 15. Episcopis. T. Episc. Cicestr. vel ejus Vicar. gen. &c. 25 Abbatibus, Priori de Coventre.

[ 162] The 162. writ I find in Claus. 4 H. 6. dorso. 15.

Rex, &c. H. Archie . Cant. &c. Quia de avisamento, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Leicestr. 18 die Februar. prox. futur. teneri, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Westm. 4 die Ianuarii.

Consim. Brevia Custod Spirit: Archiepisc, Ebor. Episcopatus Lincoln, Elien. Bangor. Norwic. ede vacante, 15 Episcopis, 25 Abbatibus, Priori de Coventre.

The 163. is this of Claus. 5 H. 6. m. 4. dorso. [ 163]

Rex, &c. H. Archiep. Cantuar. Quia, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. in Quindena S. Michaelis prox. futur. teneri, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Westm. 15 die Iulii. Per Consilium.

Consimilia brevia I. Arch. Ebor. 16 Episcopis, 2 Custodibus Spirit. seed vacante H. Episc. Wynton, vel jus Vicar. gen. &c. 25. Abbatibus, Priori de Coventre.

The 164. is in Claus. 7 H. 6. m. 2. dorso. [ 164]

Rex, &c. Archiepisc. Cant. Quia, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. in Quindena S. Mich. prox. futur. teneri, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. R. apud Westm. 12 die Julii. Per Breve de Privato sigillo.

Consim. Brevia I. Archiepisc. Ebor. 17 Episcopis, 1 Custodi Spirit. 2 Episc. vel eorum Vicar. Generali, &c. 24 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

The 165. writ is that of Claus. 9 H. 6. dorso 18. [ 165]

Rex, &c. H. Archiepiscopo Cantuar. Quia, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Veneris prox. ante festum S. Hilary prox. futur. teneri, &c. Praemunientes, &c. Teste Humfrido Duce Gloucestr. Custodi Angliae apud Westm. 27 die Novembr. Per breve de privato sigillo.

Consim. Brevia I. Archiepisc. Ebor. 17 Episcopis, Episcopo Winton. vel ejus Vic. gen. &c. Custodi Episc. Cicestr. seed vacante, 24 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

The 166. is in Claus. 10 H. 6. m. 10. dorso. [ 166]

Rex, &c. H. Arch. Cant. Quia, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. 12 die Maii prox. futur. teneri, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Westm: 25 die Feb. Per Breve de Privato sigillo.

Consimilia Brevia, &c. I. Archiepiscopo Eborum, 17 Episcopis, 2 Episc. vel ejus Vic. Gen. &c. 25 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

[ 167] The 167. is that of Claus. 11 H. 6. m. 10. dorso.

Rex, &c. H. Archiep. Cant. &c. Quia, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. 8 die Iulii. prox. futur. teneri, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T R. apud Westm. 24. die Maii. Per breve de privato sigillo.

Consim. Brevia, I. Archiep. Eborum, 13 Episcopis, 5 Episc. vel ejus Vic. gen. &c. Custodi. Spirit. Episc. Assaven. seed vacante, 25 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

[ 168] The 168. is that in Claus. 13 H. 6. m. 2. dorso.

Rex, &c. H. Archiepiscopo Cantuar, &c. Quia, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die 10. Octobris, prox. futur. teneri, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. R. apud Westm. 5 die Iulii.

Consim. Brevia I. Archiep. Eborum, vel ejus Vicar. gen. &c. and so to 4. Bishops more, 15 Episcopis, 24 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

[ 169] The 169. is that of Claus. 15 H. 6. dorso 18.

Rex, &c. H. Archiepisc. Cant. &c. Licet uper de avisamento et assens Consilii nostri pro quibusdam arduis, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Cant. 21. die Ianuarii, prox. futur. teneri ordinavimus, Quibusdam tam encertis de causis, nos intime con ernentibus Parliamentum praedict. &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud West, 10 die Decemb. Per breve de privato Sigillo.

Consim. Brevia 17 Episcopis, 2 Custod, Spirit. seed vacante, 25 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

[ 170] The 170. is in Claus. 18 H. 6. mem. 33. dorso.

Rex, H. Archiepisc. Cant. Quia, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. in crastino S. Martini, prox. futur. teneri, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Guildeford, 26 die September. Per ipsum Regem.

Consim. Brevia I. Archiep. Ebor. vel ejus Vic. gen. &c. H. Episcopo Winton, C rdinali Angliae vulgariter nuncupato, vel ejus Vic. gen. ipso Episcopo in remotis agent. Administratori Episcopatus Elien. vel ejus Vicar. gener. ipso Adminini ra . in remotis agent, 15 Episcopis, 25 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

The 171. is extant in Claus. 20 H. 6. m. 27. dorso. [ 171]

Rex, &c. H. Archiepisc. Cant. &c. Quia pro quibusdam a •• uis, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum in die Conversionis S. Paul , prox. futur. teneri, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. R. apud M nerium sum de Sheue, 3 die Decembris. Per ipsum Regem.

Consimilia Brevia I. Cardinali et Archiep. Ebor. Angliae Primati; H. Cardinali Angliae, et Episcopo Wynton. 17 Episcopis, Administratori Episcopatus Elien. vel ejus Vicar. gener. ipso Administrat: in remotis agent, 25 Abbatibus, Priori de Coventre.

The 172 is that of Claus. 23 H. 6. m. 21. dorso. [ 172]

Rex, &c. I. Archiep. Cantuar. &c. Quia pro quibusdam, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. 24 die Febr. prox. futur. teneri, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Westm. 13 die Ianuarii. Per ipsum Regem.

Consim: Brevia I. Cardinali et Archiep. Eborum. Angliae Prima •• ; H. Cardinali Angliae, et Episcopo Wynton. 18 Episcopis, 25 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

The 173. is in Claus. 25 H. 6. m. 24. dorso. [ 173]

Rex, &c. I. Archiep. Cant. Quia de avisamento, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Villam nostram Cantebrigg. in die Sanctae Scholasticae, viz. 10 die Febr. prox. futur' teneri, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. R. apud Westm. 14 die Decembris. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consim. Brevia I. Cardinali et Archiep Eborum: &c. H. Cardinali Angliae, et Episcopo Wynton, 17 Episcopis, Custodi Spirit. Episcop. Meneven. 25 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

The 174. is in Claus. 27 H. 6. m. 24. (26) dorso. [ 174]

Rex, &c. I. Arch. Cant. &c. Quia de avisamento, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. 12. die Febr. prox. futur. teneri, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. R. apud Westm. 2 die Ianuarii.

Consim. Brevia I. Cardinali et Archiepiscopo Eborum, &c. 18 Episcopis, 25 Abbatibus, Priori de Coventre.

[ 175] The 175. is that of Claus. 20. H. 6. m. 26 dorso.

Rex, &c. I. Arch. Cant. &c. Quia pro quibusdam, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. 6 die Novemb. prox. futur. &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Shene, 23 die Septembris. Per ipsum Regem.

Consimilia Brevia I. Cardinali et Arch. Eborum. &c. 18 Episcopis, Custodi Spirit. London. seed vacante, 24 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

[ 176] The 176. writ is in Claus. 29 H. 6. m. 41. dorso.

Rex. &c. I. Archiepiscopo Cantuar. Qui de avis mento, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. in festo Sancti Leonardi prox. futur. teneri, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. R. apud Wes m. 5 die Septembris. Per ipsum Regem

Consimilia Brevia I. Cardinali er Archiep. Eborum &c. 18 Episcopis, Custodi Spiri . Episc. Sarum, ede vacante, 24 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

[ 177] The 177. is entered Claus. 31 H. 6. m. 36. dorso.

Rex, &c. I. Archiepiscopo Cantuar. Quia de avisamento, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Redynge 6 die Martii prox. futur. teneri, &c. Praemunien es, &c. T. Rege apud Wes m. 10 die Ianuarii. Per ipsum Regem.

Consimilia Brevi W. Archiep. Ebor. 18 Episcopis, Custodi Spirit. Episcopo Covent. et Litchf. 25 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

[ 178] The 178. is in Claus. 33 H. 6. dorso. 36.

Rex, &c. Th. Archiepisc. Cant Quia de avisamento, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. 9. die Iulii prox. futur. teneri, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Westm. 26 die Maii. Per breve de Privaro Sigillo.

Cons. Brevia W. Arch. Ebor. 19 Episcopis. 25 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

The 179. is extant in Claus. 38 H. 6. m. 30. dorso. [ 179]

Rex, &c. Th. Archiepisc. Cant. Quia de avisamento, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Coventre. 20 die Novembris prox. futur. teneri, &c. Praemunientes, &c. Teste Rege apud Westminster 19. die Octobris. Per ipsum Regem.

Consimilia Brevia &c. W. Archiep. Ebor. 20 Episcopis, 25 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

The 180. is this summons to a Convocation, Claus. 38 [ 180] H. 6. m. 29. dorso.

Rex venerab. in Christo Patri Tho. eadem gratia Archiep. Angliae Primati, salutem. Quibusdam arduis & urgentibus negociis Nos, Statum et defensionem regni nostri Angliae, et utilitatem Ecclesiae Anglicanae intime concernentibus; Vobis in fide et dilection quibus Nobis tenemini rogantes mandamus, quatinus praemissis debito intuitu attentis et ponderatis, universos et singulos Episcopos vestrae Provinciae, ac Decanos, et Priores Ecclesiarum Cathedralium, Abbates, et Prio es Electivos, exemptos et non exemptos, necnon Archidiaconos, Capitula, Conventus & Collegia totumque Clerum cujuslibet Diocaesis ejusd. Provinciae, ad comparand. coram Vobis in Ecclesia S. Pauli London, vel alibi prout melius expedire videritis cum omni celeritate accommoda more debito convocari faciatis, ad tract and▪ consentiend. et percludend. super praemissis et aliis, quae sibi clarius exponentur tunc ibidem ex parte nostra. Et hoc sicut Nos, et statum Regni nostri praedicti, ac honorem & utilitatem Ecclesiae praedictae diligitis nullatenus omittatis. T. R. apud Westm. 12 die Feb.

Rex, Ven. in Christo Patri W. eadem gratia Archi p. Eborum. Angliae Primati, &c. ut supra: usque ibi coram vobis: et tunc sic: in Ecclesia beati Petri Ebor. vel alibi prout melius expedire videritis. T. ut supra.

The 181. writ is remaining in Claus. 49 H. 6. m. 6. [ 181] dorso.

Rex, Th. Archiepisc. Cantuar. Quia de avisamento, et assensu Consilii nostri &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. 26 die Novembr. prox. futur. teneri, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Westm. 15 die Octobris. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia G. Arch. Eborum. 19 Episcopis, 25 Abbatibu , 2 Prioribus.

[ 182] The 182 writ I shall remember, is that in Claus. 1 E. 4. m. 35 dorso.

Rex, &c. Th. &c. Archiepisc. Cantuar. &c. Quia de avisamento, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. 6. die Iulii prox. futur. teneri, &c. (in usual form.) Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Westm. 23 die Maii.

Consim. Brevia diriguntur W. Archiepisc. Ebor. &c. and to 19 Bishops, 25 Abbots, 2 Priors there mentioned by name.

[ 183] The 183 is that in Claus. 2 E. 4. m. 3. dorso.

Rex. &c. Th. Archiep. Cantuar. Quia de avisamento et assensu Consilii nostri, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. 29 die Aprilis prox. futur. teneri, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Westm. 28 die Febr. Per ipsum Regem.

Consimilia Brevia W. Archiepisc. Ebor. 17 Episcopis, 25 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

[ 184] The 184. writ is in Claus. 6 E. 4. m. 1. dorso.

Rex, &c. Th. Archiep. Cantua . Quia pro quibusdam arduis, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. 3. die Iunii. prox. futur. teneri, &c. Praemunientes, &c. Teste Rege apud Westm. 28 die Febr, Per breve de Privato Sigillo.

Consimilia Brevia Archiepisc. Ebor. 18 Episcopis, 25 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

[ 185] The 185. is Claus. 12 E. 4. m. 2. dorso.

Rex, &c. Archiepiscopo Cant. Quia de avisamento et assers, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. 6 die Octob. prox. futur. teneri, &c. Praemunientes, &c. Teste Rege apud Westm. 9 die Augusti. Per breve de privato Sigillo.

Consim. Br via 17 Episcopis, Vicario gen. Archiepiscopatus Ebor, in remotis agent, Custod. Spirit. Episcopat. Norwicen. & Assaven. 24 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

The 186. is that of Claus. Anno 22, & 23 Edw. 4. m. 11. dorso.

Rex, &c. Th. Archiep. Cant. Quia de avisamento et [ 186] assensu Consilii nostri, &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. 10 die Ianuarii prox. futur. teneri ordinavimus, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T R. apud Westm. 15 die Novemb.

Consim. Brevia, I. Archiep. Eborum, 19 Episcopis, 25 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

The 187. is in Claus. 22, & 23 E. 4. m. 11. dorso, for [ 187] a Convocation.

Rex Reverendissimo in Christo Patri Th. eadem gratia Archiepiscopo Cant. totius Angliae Primati, consangu neo nostro carissimo, s lutem. Quibusdam arduis & urgentibus Negotii , Nos, securitatem et defensionem Ecclesiae Anglicanae, c pac m, r anquillitatem, bonum publicū, et defensionem R gni nostri, & Subdi orum nostrorum e usdem concernentibus, Vobis in fide et dilection quibus Nobis ten mini rogando mandamus, quatenus praemissis d bit o intuito attentis & ponder atis univers s, &c. (ut supra, num. 180.) coram Vobis in Ecclesi Sanct Pa li London, vel alibi prout vobis expelire viderit s cumom •• c lerita e accommoda modo debito co vocari faciatis, ac tractand▪ consentiend. & conclude nd. super praemiss et aliis quae bi clarius exponentu tunc ibidem ex parte nostra. Et hoc sicut Nos, et Statum eg i nost i, et honorem et utilita em Ecclesiae praedictae diligitis nullatenus omittatis. T. Rege apud Westm. 3 d e Februarii. Per ips m Regem.

This is the last writ in the Clause 〈◊〉 in the Tower of this Na ure, which extend only to the end of King Edward the •• h. his reign.

The writs of Summons o Parliaments, and Convocations under R. 3. H. 7. 8. Ed. 6. Q. Mary Q. Eliz. K. James, and King Charles, are not in the Tower, but reserved in the Ro •• s and Chancery, where those who please may peruse them, they running for the most part in the selfsame ordinary form, without any notable variety.

I shall close up this Section with the last writ of this Nature under our late King Charles.

[ 188] Carolus Dei gratia, Angliae, Scotiae, Franciae, & H berniae Rex, Fidei defensor, &c. Reverendissimo in Christo patri ac fideli Consilario Nostro Gulielmo, eadem gratia Cantuar. Archiepisc. totius Angliae Primati & Metropolitan , salutem. Quib •• am arduis et urgentibus negotiis Nos, securitatem & defensionem Ecclesiae Anglicanae, ac pacem & tranquillitatem, bonum publicum & defensionem regni Nostri & subditorum Nostrorum ejusdem concernentibus; Vobis in fide & dilection quibus Nobis tenemini rogando mandamus, quatenus praemissis debito intuitu attentis et ponderatis, universos & singulos Episcopos vestrae Provinciae, ac Decanos Ecclesiarum Cathedralium, necnon Archidiaconos, Capitula et Collegia, totumque Clerum cujuslibet Diocaesios ejusdem Provinciae, ad comparandum coram Vobis in Ecclesia Catholica Sancti Pauli London, decimo quarto die Aprilis proxim, futur. vel alibi, prout melius expedire videritis, cum omni celeritate accommoda modo de ito convocari facias, ad tractandum, consentiendum, & concludendum super premissis, & aliis quae tibi clarius exponentur tunc ibidē ex parte Nostra: Et hoc sicut Nos, et Statum regni Nostri, ac honorem et utilitatem Ecclesiae praedictae diligitis nullatenus omittatis. Teste meipso apud Westmonast. vicesimo die Februarii, Anno regni nostri quintodecimo.

Before I proceed to my Observations on the precedent writs, I shall crave leave to inform and satisfy the ingenuous Readers in 2. particulars, to prevent their causeless censures.

1. That the usual writs in some Clause Rolls to the Spiritual Lord's were for Brevity sake purposely omitted, and in the Consimiles literae, and eodem modo, &c. after the transcripts of the writs of Summons here inserted (especially those of King Edward the 2.) the paticular Numbers of the Bishops, Abbots, Priors, and Spiritual Lord's then summoned to those Parliaments mentioned in the Eodem modo &c. were casually left out (though entered by their names in the Clause Rols) by reason of an, &c. and vacant spaces in the written Copy for their numbers; through hast forgotten to be filled up, before they were printed off; which caused some Errors and Omissions of the true number of Bishops, Abbots & Priors in the Eodem modo, &c. from p. 14. to 32. which I think necessary here to rectify and supply, rather than in an Errata at the end of this Breviate; and that in this brief manner.

Claus. 30 E. 1. m. 12. dorso. Consim: literae diriguntur I: Karliol: Episc. 14 Bishops more, and 44 Abbatibus.

Claus. 30 E. 1. m. 9. dorso. Consim: literae, &c. Iohanni Karliol. Episcopo, to 14 other Bishops, 44 Abbots; Magistro Militiae Templi in Angl. Magistro Ordine de Semplingham, Priori Hosp: Sancti Johannes Jerusalem. in Anglia.

In both these Rolls there is a writ, Thomae Arch. Eborum: with this special clause after impensuri; Vos saltem Procuratorem idoneum cum sufficienti potestate ad dictos diem et locum, et vestro nomine designatis. Et hoc nullatenus omittatis.

Anno 32 E. 1. m. 2. dorso. Rex, &c. Archiepiscopo Cant. &c. Quia pro quibusdam negotiis, &c. (as in that of this Roll in the next Section to the Lord's) Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Brustwike 12 die Novembr.

Eodem modo, &c. 18 Episcopis, besides Electo London. vel ejus Vices ger nti ipso agent in partibus transmarinis, Decano et Capit: beati Petri Ebor. Custodibus Spiritualitatis Archiepiscopatus Eborum seed vacante, 74 Abbatibus, Magistro Mil. Templi & S mplingham, Priori Hosp: S. Johan: Ierus.

Claus. 34 E. 1. m. 2. dors. Rex, &c. W. &c. Arch. Ebor. Quia super ordination et stabilimento terrae nostrae Scotia, &c. (as in the next Section to the Prince) Praemunientes, &c. Teste ut ib .

Eodem modo scribitur, (mucatis mutandis) 18 Episcopis, 28 Abbatibus.

Claus. 1 E. 2. dors. 19. Eodem modo scribitur. 18 Episcopis, 55 Abbatibus, Priori Hosp. S, Johan. Jerus: Magistro Mil: Templi.

Claus. 1 E. 2. dors. 11. Eodem modo mandatum est 15 Episcopis, 12 Abbatibus, 3 Prioribus; And dors. 8. 12 Episcopis, 14 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

Claus. 2 E. 2. dors. 11. Eodem modo scribitur Archiepisc. Ebor. 16 Episcopis, Custodi Spirit. Episc. Bathon: et Wellen: seed vacante, 51 Abbatibus, 1 Priori.

Claus. 3 E. 2. dors. 17. Eodem modo mandatum est, W: Archiepisc. Ebor. A. Patriarch: Ierus: et Episcopo Dunelm: 15 Episcopis, L. Bathon: et Wellen: electo et confirmato, electo et confirmato Bangoren: without Abbots or Priors in the Roll.

Claus. 4 E. 2. dors. 2. Eodem modo scribitur (mutatis mutandis) quoad Decanos et Capit: et Priores et Capit: Archiepiscopo Ebor: 16 Episcopis, 52 Abbatibus, 1 Priori.

Claus. 5 E. 2. dors. 17. Consim: literae diriguntur 11 Episcopis, 3 Vic. Gen. Episc. in remotis agent, 29 Abbatibus.

Claus. 7 E. 2. dors. 27. Eodem modo mandatum est, Custod: Archiep: Cantuar. et London: seed vacante, 16 Episcopis, 45 Abbatibus, 3 Prioribus, Magistr. Ord. d Sempringham; And dors. 15. Custod: Arch: Cant: 16 Episcopis, 41 Abbatibus, 3 Prioribus, Mag. Ordinis de Sempr.

Claus. 8 E. 2. dors. 29. Eodem modo mandatum est Arch. Ebor. 18 Episcopis, A. Assaven: electo confirmato, 46 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus, Magist: Ord. de Sempr.

Claus. 9 E. 2. dors. 22. Eodem modo mandatum est Arch: Ebor: 19 Episc. 46 Abbatibus, 3 Prioribus.

Claus. 11 E. 2. m. 14 dors. Rex, &c. W. &c. Archiepisc. Cantuar. &c. Quia super diversis et arduis negotiis Nos, &c. Parliamentum nostrum apud Lincoln: tenere, et vobiscum, &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Westm. 20 die Novembr.

Eodem modo mandatum est Arch: Ebor 17 Episcopis, D. Dublin: Archiepiscopo, 45 Abbatibus, 3 Prioribus, Mag. Ord. de. Sempr. And dors. 8. W. Arch: Ebor: 17 Episcopis, D. Dublin: Archiepiscopo, 45 Abbatibus, 3 Prioribus, & Mag: Ord: de Semp.

Claus. 12 E. 2. dors. 29. Eodem modo mandatum est W. Arch: Ebor: 8 Episcopis, D. Dublin. Arch. 42 Abbatibus, 3 Prioribus, Mag: Ord: de Sempr. And dors. 11. W. Arch: Ebor. 17 Episcopis, 51 Abbatibus, 3 Prioribus, Mag: Ord: de Sempr.

Claus. 13 E. 2. dors. 13. Eodem modo mandatum Arch. Ebor: 16 Episcopis, 28 Abbatibus, 3 Prioribus, Mag Ord. de Sempr.

Claus. 14 E. 2. dorse 23. Rex. &c. W. &c. Archiepisc. Cant: &c. Quia super diversis, &c. Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm: die Lunae in Octab. S. Michaelis, prox. futur. teneri, &c. without any Praemunientes, &c. T. R. apud Westm. 5 die Augusti. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo mand: W. Arch. Ebor: 18 Episcopis, I. Winton: electo confirmato, 28 Abbatibus, Mag: Ord. de Sempr. 3 Prioribus; And dorso 5. Archiepiscopo Ebor. 19 Episcopis, 51 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus, Mag: Ord: de Sempr.

Claus. 16 E. 2. dors. 26. Eodem modo scribitur, W. Archiepisc. Cant: &c. 19 Episcopis, 28 Abbatibus, 4 Prioribus.

Claus. 17 E. 2. dors. 27. Rex, &c. W. &c. Cantuar: Archiepisc. &c. Quia super diversis, &c. apud Westm. à die Purificationis beatae Mariae Virginis prox. futur. i tres Septimanas Parliamentum nostrum tenere, et Vobiscum &c. Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Kenilworth, 26 die Decemb. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo scribitur Archiepiscopo Eborum, 17 〈…〉 Abbatibus, 4 Prioribus.

There are 3. other writs to both the Archbishops reciting the first writ▪ unto ordinari contigeri super negotiis antedictis; and then subjoining: 〈…〉 Decanos et Priores Ecclesiarum Cathedralium, et Archidiac. totius Provinciae vestrae in propriis personis s is, Capitula etiam singula dictarum Ecclesiarum Cathe dralium 〈…〉 ad dictos diem et. locum venire faci ••• s, ad tractand. et consentiend. hiis qu in praemissis tunc ibidem contigerit ordineri. Et hoc nullatenus omittatis. T. Rege ut supra.

Claus. 18 E. 2. dors. 5. Eodem. modo scribitur Archiep. Ebor. 15 Episcopis, 28 Abbatibus, 4 Prioribus, Magistro Gilberto Midleton Archidiac. Nonthampton, Officiali Curiae Cant. Magist. Roberto de. S. Albano, Decano de Arcubus London.

Claus. 19 F. 2. dors. 27. Eodem modo mandatum est W. Arch. Ebir. 17 Episcopis: 27 Abbatibus 3 Prioribus, with this addition to one of them, Prior de Bridlington Nihil tenet de Rege.

Claus. 20 E. 2. dors. 4. Eodem modo mandatum est Archiepiscopis Cant. et Ebor. 16 Episcopis, and 19 Abbatibus only, and no Prior.

Claus. 1 E. 3. pars 2. dorso 16. Eodem modo mandatum est Arch. Ebor. 16 Episcopis, Custodi Episc. Exon ( 〈◊〉 mutindis ) Norwic. & Heref. Episc. vel ejus Vicar. gen. ipso Episc. in remotis agent, 19 Abbatibus only: After which follow two Writs to both the Archbishops reciting, the former, with an Et licet singulis Episcopis, &c. Nolentes tamen n gotia nostra, &c. like that forecited, p. 34, 35.

〈…〉 mandatum est Custod Spirit. Archiep. Ebor. Episcopat. Heref. et Exon. seed vacante, reciting the first writ with an Et licet singulis Episcopis praedictis, &c. Nolentes tamen, &c. Teste ut supra.

Claus. 2. E. 3. m. 31. dorso. Eodem modo mandat. est Custodi Archiep. Cantu r. et Episcopatus Bangor. seed vacante, 18 Episcopis, 17 Abbatibus only, and no Prior.

Claus. 2 E. 3. dorso. 15. Eodem modo mandatum est Custodi Spirit. Archiepiscopatus Cant. 19 Episcopis, 1 Abbatibus, Priori Ho p. S. Johan. Jerus. in Anglia: After which ensue 2 writs to the Archbishop of York, et Custod. Spirit. Archiepisc. Cant. rehear ing the first; with an Et licet singulis Episcopis, &c. Nolentes tamen, &c., Teste ut supra.

Claus. 4 E. 3. dors. 41. Eodem modo mandatum est, Archiep. Ebor. 19 Episcopis, 27 Abbatibus, 3 Prioribus. After that ensues a writ to both the Archbishops, relating the first with an Et licet singulis Episcopis, &c. Nolentes tamen, &c. Teste apud Odiham, 1 die Febraarii.

Claus. 4 E. 3. dors. 19. Eodem modo mandatum est Archiep. Ebor. 19 Episcopis, 27 Abbatibus, 3 Prioribus.

Claus. 6 E, 3. dorso. 4. Eodem modo mandat. est 17 Episcopis, 25 Abbatibus, 2 Prioribus.

Claus. 9 E. 3. dorso 8. There is a second writ to both the Archbishops, reci ing the first with an Et licet singulis, &c. Nolentes tamen, &c. T. Rege apud Nottingham 3 die Aprilis. Per ipsum Regem. And Dorso 2. there is au Ordinary writ of Summons Archiepisc. Cant. to a Parliament apud Westm. prox. post diem Dominicam in medio Quadragesimae prox. futur. with a Praemunientes, &c. T. Rege apud Berewic. super Twedam, 22 die Ian: Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo mandatum est Arch. Ebor. 19 Episcopis, 27 Abbatibus, 3 Prioribus: And 2 writs to the Archbishops only with an Et licet, &c. Nolentes tamen, &c. T. ut supra. Per ipsum Regem.

These are the only Omissions, in the writs to the Bishops, Abbots, Priors and Spiritual Lord's, and mistakes in the numbers of them in the Eodem modo, Consimiles literae, and Consimilia Brevia, omitted casually in the premises.

The 2. thing I shall acquaint the Readers with, are the reasons inducing me to recite so many writs to the Archbishops and Prelates, running all in the self-same form; which may seem to many a mere Tautology and super •• uity, which might have been better expunged, than inserted into this Breviat, though in truth not so. For I recited them all in this manner upon these considerations. 1. To inform the Readers in what Clause Rolls in the Tower all the writs of Summons are extant, and in what Membranaes and dorses they may readily find them upon all occasions; A very useful, & hitherto unpublished, yea generally unknown part of Antiquity and learning. 2ly. To inform the Readers of the exact numbers of these writs of Summons, their several dates, and the particular places, days of all Parliaments and great Councils meetings extant on Record, from 49 H. 3. to 23 E. 4. and the numbers of the Spiritual Lord's and Prelates of all sorts summoned to them, not hitherto published by any. 3ly. Because the beginnings and recitals of all or most writs in these Rolls to the Temporal Lord's, Sherifs, Council of the King, and Warden of the inqueports, cited by me in the ensuing Sections, refer for the most part to the writs to the Archbishops and Bishops, (usually entered at large in every Roll) and to their respective dates, with an, &c. ut supra, Teste ut supra, and the like, and must be compared with them by the Readers to make them complete. 4ly. Because the stiles of some Bishops who were Patriarchs, Cardinals, Bishops elect, or elected and confirmed; and the writs to such; yea, to the Guardians of Bishops Spiritualties during the vacancy of their Bishoprics, and to their Vicar Generals during their absence in foreign parts; and to the Administrators of Bishoprics, are for the most part recorded only in the Eodem modo, Consimiles literae, or Consimilia brevia, subjoined to those usual writs here abbreviated; therefore it was absolutely necessary to repeat them, to evidence and clear up those hitherto unknown, uncommon particulars and rarities. All which reasons duly pondered, will, I hope, absolve me from the guilt of any Tautologies, or super fluous recitals in the premised Writs, and adjuncts annexed to them.

Vsefull Annotations and Observations upon the precedent Writs to the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Ecclesiastical Barons, and Clergy.

FRom the precedent Writs of Summons issued to the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors. Ecclesiastical Barons, and Clergy, wherewith I have presented you in a Chronological Series according to their Antiquities, I shall here, for the information of such Lawyers, Gentlemen, and other Readers unversed in Records of this nature, recommend these ensuing particular Observations to them, before I proceed to the Writs of Summons to the Temporal Lord's; reserving my General Annotations and Observations concerning Parliamentary writs for the Close of the first Part of this Brief Register, Kalendar and Survey; when they have taken a full view of all the several kinds and varieties of Parliamentary writs of Summons, whereon they must be grounded.

1. That as the Spiritual Lord's and Barons, are mentioned in all Great Councils, Parliaments, Prologues, and Acts of Parliament before the Temporal Lord's and Barons: So generally for the most part, the writs of Summons directed to them are first entered, recorded in the Dorse of the Clause Rolls, before the writs to the Temporal Lord's, though now and then the writs to the Prince of Wales, and some other Temporal Peers, are first enrolled, but yet very rarely.

2. That when there was an Archbishop of Canterbury in being, the first writ of Summons to, or Prorogation of Parliaments entered in the Rolls, is generally that which issued unto him, as Primate of all England; if within the Realm, or to his 〈…〉 absence out of it; But when there was no Archbishop of Canterbury living; the first writ 〈…〉 in the Ro •• s issued to the Archbishop of 〈◊〉 as Primate of England: yet now and then the first writ of Summons entered, is directed to the Archbishop of York, when both are living; and the writ to the Guardian of the Spiritualties of Canterbury 〈…〉 of that See is some imes first entered before the writ to the Archbishop of York: Yea, if the Archbishop of York was a Cardinal▪ and Canterbury none ye 〈…〉 of Summons, as appears by Cl •• s 25 H. 6. m. 16. & 24 dorso, and 29 H. 6. m. 〈…〉 orso, and other Rolls.

3. That when both Sees of Canterbury and York were void, the first writ entered was directed to the Bishop of London (as in 22 E. 3. where the Archbishop of Canterbury was elected and confirmed, but not installed, and York quite void) and sometimes to some other Bishop, without any certain method therein observed.

4. That in Claus. 6 Johannes (the first writ of Summons extant) there is only one single writ of Summons without the Bishops name to whom it was issued, and in Claus. 26 H. 3. only one single writ of Summons to the Archbishop of York, without mention of any writs to other Bishops, which yet no doubt had writs of Summons as well as he, though not entered, as some clauses in the bodies of both these writs do intimate.

5. That in the Summons of 49 H. 3. the first, and only writ registered is directed to the Bishop of Durham, and 18 Abbots and Priors are listed in the Eodem modo mandatum est, before the Archbishop of York and other Bishops.

6. That the writs directed to the Archbishops of Canterbury always styled them▪ Venerabili in Christo Patri eadem gratia Cantuariae Archiepiscopo, totius Angliae Primati: That the writs issued to the Archbishops of York ever use this style; Venerabili in Christo Patri eadem gratia Eborum, Archiepiscopo, Angliae Primati, leaving out totius: And the writs sent to all other Bishops run thus, Venerabili in Christo Patri eadem gratia Episcopo, &c. (But i any Archbishop or Bishop were made a Cardinal, then the style was, Cardinali et Archiepiscopo Eborum, et Cardinali et Episcopo Wynton: as in Claus. 25 H. 6. m. 16, 24 dorso. 29 H. 6. m. 21. dorso, and other Clause Rolls of Hen. 6. when York and Winchester were both Cardinals; and Winchester is still placed whiles a Cardinal next after York. The writs to Abbots, Priors, Guardians of Spiritualties of Bishops, and other Ecclesiastical persons, usually run in this form, Dilecto sibi in Christo Abbati Sancti Augustini, &c, or Priori de Louis, &c. which I have here omitted in their writs for the most part, with an, &c. to avoid frequent Repetitions, and p olixity.

7. That in the Eodem modo, and Kalendar of the Bishops names to whom writs were directed, the Archbishop of York is for the most part first named, yet sometimes he and his Suffragans are listed after all the Bishops of the Province of Canterbury, sometimes before them, sometimes intermixed with them. In the entering of the Bishops names, there is no certain order or method observed; for sometimes the Bishop of Durham is first named, other times the Bishop of London, elewhere the Bishop of Winchester: sometimes the Bishop of Rochester, otherwhiles Chichester: Now and then all the Welsh Bishops are named together after all the rest of the Province of Canterbury, yet in some Rolls they are named promiscuously, & intermixed with the English Prelates, as the writs came first to the Registers hands, and not according to the Antiquity of their Sees or consecrations, for ought I can discern by comparing their entries; Only it is observable, that Anthony Beak Bishop of Durham (a very wealthy Prelat) procuring himself to be made Patriarch of Jerusalem by the Pope, was summoned by the Title of A. Patriarch. Jerusalem. et Episc. Dunolm. in the Summons of 1, 2, 13 of Edward 2. Here, p. 15, 16. and entered next after the Archbishop of York in the Rolls.

8. That the Bishops for the most part are named in the Rolls, and entered by themselves before the Abbots and Priors, yet now and then (but very rarely) they are intermixed with the Abbots and Priors, as in 49 H. 3. dors. 11.

9. That all the Archbishops and Bishops were usually summoned to all our Parliaments, but not to Councils of State, and that in person, if in England, or alive. But when any Archbishop or Bishop was absent in foreign parts, the King usually sent writs of Summons to their Vicars Generals: and when their Bishoprics were void by their deaths, or translations to another Bishopric, to the Guardians of their Spiritualties, to supply their places.

10. That when any Archbishop, Bishop, or Abbot, was elected only, before his confirmation or installment; the writ of Summons issued to him by the name of I. Electo Cantuanae, electo Hereford, &c. If elected and confirmed, but not installed; then Electo Cantuariae, or Hereford▪ confirmato: By which it is evident, that Archbishops, Bishops, and Abbots only elected, or elected or confirmed, might be and were usually summoned to 〈…〉 likewise in their absence beyond the Seas; Yea, in 2 E. 2. dors. 14. There is a writ issued R. Electo Dublin Episcopo, in the Eodem modo, registered amongst the Bishops of England, next after the Patriarch of Jerusalem, and Bishop of Durham:

12. That the chief reason why sometimes there are more Bishops summoned to one Parliament than another, is only the vacation of their Sees by their deaths or translations: what the number of them was summoned to each Parliament, I have mentioned in the gross where I find them entered in the Rolle at large, to avoid the repetition of their names, which those who please may peruse in the rolls themselves.

1 That the first writs to the Archbishops of Canterbury, York, or any other Bishop in the Clause Rolls, be they writs either of Summons to a Parliament, Council, or Convocation, or of Adjournment, or Prorogation, are usually entered at large: which I have abbreviated with an, &c. where the form and clauses are the same with those I transcribe at large. And the writs which follow the first issued to the rest of the Bishops, are but briefly entered for the most part, with an Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis, or Consimiles Literae, or Consimilia Br via diriguntur subscriptis, viz. &c. unless it be where there are different Clauses in some of the writs varying from those to the first Bishops; which Clauses (recited at large) I have here printed, when they occur in the Rolls.

13. That the writs of Summons to Parliaments directed to the Archbishops and Bishops are of various forms, differing very often one from the other, not only in their recitals of the particular causes of summoning them; but in sundry special and unusual clauses, as I have touched in the recital of them, and shall more largely insist on in my General Obs rvations in the close of this Part of my Register. That the writs of Summons to Councils and Convocations, issued to the Archbishops and Bishops are usually different one from another, not only in form and special Clauses, but likewise from the writs of Summons to Parliaments, unless where the word Concilium is used for a Parliament: There being no Praemuni ntes, &c. in any writs of Summons to Councils of State, but only to Parliaments, and that not always, but a the Kings pleasure: and no general Summons of all the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, and Priors holding by Barony to all Councils of State; but only of such and so many of them as the King and his Council thought meet, when as they were usually all summoned to Parliaments.

14. That the writs of Summons to Convocations of the Clergy, were directed only to the two Archbishops or their Vicars Generals, to summon all the Bishops, Abbots, Priors and Clergy of their respective Provinces to them, not always on a certain day or place as in writs for Parliaments and Great Councils, but at such time (or place) as they deemed most convenient, without any particular writs at all issued to any other Bishops, Abbots, Priors, or Clergy men, as in Summons to Parliaments and Great Councils: where though they had all particular writs of Summons, yet the King oft times issued special writs to the two Archbishops, to summon all the Bishops, Abbots, Priors and Clergy, within the several Dioceses of their Provinces to appear at the Parliaments, Councils, and Convocations, to prevent all negligence, defects, or faylers in their Summon , and excuses for not appearing, whereby the affairs of the King and kigdom might be prejudiced.

15. That he number of Abbots and Priors summoned to our Parliaments, was sometimes more, sometimes less, as I have briefly touched, relating their number in the gross for brevity sake; where I find them particularly mentioned in the Rolls. The names of those Abbots and Priorr who were ordinarily or extraordinarily summoned to Parliaments and Parliamentary Councils, with the reasons of this incertainty in their numbers by subsequent exemptions, because they held no Lands by Barony or Knights service from the King, but only in Frankalmoigne, or by act of special grace, or through vacancy by death, or otherwise; those who please may read at large in Mr. Seldens Titles of Honor, Book 2. ch. 5. Sect. 22, 23, 25. p. 732. to 735. and more particularly in the ensuing Alphabetical Table of their names and Summons.

I shall here only present the Readers with 3. Kalendars of their names out of the Clause Rolls, as I find them there recorded.

The 1. List is that in the Clause Roll of 49 H. 3. m. 11▪ dorso in Cedula. where the writ at large being directed to R. &c. Episcopo Dunolm, &c. (as it is here transcribed, p. 5, 6.) immediately after the writ, this Catalogue of the Bishops, Abbots, Priors, and Deans names summoned to it follows, in this form.

    Eodem modo mandatum est Episcopo Karliol.
  • Abbati Sanctae Mariae Eborum.
  • Priori Dunolm.
  • Priori Sanctae Trinitatis Eborum.
  • Abbati de Seleby.
  • Abbati de Furness:
  • Abbati de Fontibus.
  • Abbati de Royvall.
  • Abbati de Melsa▪
  • Archiepiscopo Eborum.
  • Priori de Parco.
  • Abbati de Rup .
  • Abbati de Bella Lauda.
  • Priori de Bridlington.
  • Priori S. Oswaldi.
  • Abbati de Rufford.
  • Priori de Blida.
  • Priori de Thurgarton.
  • Priori Karliol:
  • Abbati de Wyteby.
  • Priori de Giseborne.
  • Decano Eborum.
    Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis.
  • Episcopo London.
  • Episcopo Wynton.
  • Episcopo Exon.
  • Episcopo Wygorn.
  • Episcopo Lincoln.
  • Decano Exon.
  • Decano de Well.
  • Episcopo Elien.
  • Episcopo Sarum.
  • Episcopo Coventr. et Litchf.
  • Episcopo Cic str.
  • Elect Bath. et Wellen.
  • Decano S rum.
  • Decano Lincoln.
    In forma praedict a scribitur Abbatibus, Prioribus subscriptis sub hac data. Teste Rege apud Wodest. XXIIII. die Decembr.
  • Abbati Sancti Edmundi.
  • Abbati de Wautham.
  • Abbati de Sancto Albano.
  • Abbati de Glaston.
  • Abbati de Rading.
  • Abbati de Cirencestr.
  • Priori de Merton.
  • Abbati de Oseney.
  • Priori Sanctae Fresewid: Oxford.
  • Abbati de Missenden.
  • Abbati de Waverle.
  • Priori Elien.
  • Priori Norwicen.
  • Abbati Cestr.
  • Abbati Salop.
  • Abbati de Hulmo.
  • Abbati de Bardene.
  • Priori de Lenton.
  • Abbati de Bello.
  • Priori Ordinis de Sempli gham.
  • Priori de Watton.
  • Electo de Evesham.
  • Abbati Westm.
  • Priori Hospitalis Sancti Johannes Jerusalem in Anglia.
  • Magistro Militis Templi in Anglia.
  • Abbati de Ramesey.
  • Abbati de Burgo.
  • Abbati de Thorn.
  • Abbati de Crouland.
  • Abbati Colecestr.
  • Priori de Dunstaple.
  • Abbati de Bello loco.
  • Abbati de Parco Lude.
  • Abbati de Stanlegh.
  • Abbati de Lilleshull.
  • Abbati de Buttlesden.
  • Priori de Betuve r.
  • Priori de Lews.
  • Abbati de Clervaus.
  • Priori de Stodley.
  • Abbati S. Augustine. Cantuar.
  • Abbati de Cercesey.
  • Priori Sanctae Trinitatis Cantuar.
  • Abbati de Hida Winton.
  • Abbati de Middleton.
  • Abbati de Cerne.
  • Abbati de Abbotisbury.
  • Abbati de Tavistocks.
  • Priori de Huntingdon.
  • Abbati de Sulebey.
  • Abbati S. Augustini Bristol.
  • Abbati de Malmesbery.
  • Abbati de Milchene.
  • Abbati de Abingdon.
  • Abbati S. Petri Gloucestr.
  • Abbati de Persour.
  • Abbati de Winchecombe.
  • Priori de Coventr.
  • Abbati de O elveston.
  • Abbati de Teukesbury.
  • Priori de Swinesheued.
  • Priori de S. Neoto.
  • Abbati de Wardon.
  • Abbati Sancti Iacobi Northampt.
  • Abbati de Leicestr.
  • Abbati de Kirkested.
  • Priori de Eton.
  • Priori de Cruceroys.
  • Abbati de Kirkestall.
  • Abbati de Tame.
  • Abbati de Bermundesy.
  • Priori de Barnewell.
  • Abbati de Meryvall.
  • Priori Sancti Swithin Winton.
  • Abbati de Lesenes.
  • Priori de Ledes.
  • Priori de Lauda.
  • Priori de Spalding.
  • Priori Sancti Barthol. London.
  • Priori de Kenelworth.
  • Priori de Nuttell.
  • Abbati de V lle Dei.
  • Abbati de Croxton.

Here you see 36 Priors, in ermixed promiscuously with 65 Abbots, (one of them only Abbot Elect, but not installed) the Bishops and Deans in erposed between them, most of which Priors, and some of which Abbots, were never after summoned to any other Parliaments, nor yet these Deans in this manner.

The 2. is that of Clause 23 E. 1. m. 4. dorso, and 24 E. 1. m. 7. dorso: where the Abbots and Priors summoned to those 2. Parliaments are thus registered and distinguished by their several Orders in both these rolls alike, and in no Summons else besides these: though they are again all summoned and entered almost in this Order in Clau e 28 E. 1. dors. 17. and 3. and some Rolls in E. 2.

  • Abbati de S. Edmundo.
  • Abbati de Waltham.
  • Abbati de Alnewik.
  • Abbati de Egleston.
  • Abbati de Sta. Agatha.
  • Abbati de Barlinge.
  • Abbati de Tupholme.
  • Abbati de Byley.
  • Abbati de la Dale.
  • Abbati de Newhus.
  • Abbati de Cokirsand.
  • Abbati de Croxton.
  • Abbati de Kirkested.
  • Abbati de S. Radegunda.
  • Abbati de Heppe.
  • Abbati de Fur eyes.
  • Abbati de Sallaye.
  • Abbati de Holmecoltram.
  • Abbati de Novo Monasterio.
  • Abbati de Iornall (or) Iereval.
  • Abbati de Fontibus.
  • Abbati de Bella Lauda.
  • Abbati de Melsa.
  • Abbati de Kirkestede.
  • Abbati de Rupe.
  • Abbati de Rughford.
  • Abbati de Valle Dei.
  • Abbati de Gerndon.
  • Abbati de Stanley in Ardern.
  • Abbati de Pippewell.
  • Abbati de Comb.
  • Abbati de S. Albano.
  • Abbati de Evesham.
  • Abbati de Tichefeld.
  • Abbati de Suleye.
  • Abbati de Lavendox.
  • Abbati de Torre.
  • Abbati de Wellebecks.
  • Abbati de Hales.
  • Abbati de Bello capite.
  • Magistro Militiae Templi in Anglia.
  • Priori Hospitalis John. Ierus. in Anglia.
  • Magistro Ordinis de Semplingham.
  • Abbati de Blanca Lauda.
  • Abbati de Basingwerk.
  • Abbati de Cumbermere.
  • Abbati de Crokesden .
  • Abbati de Valle Regali.
  • Abbati de Deulacresse.
  • Abbati de Mira Valle.
  • Abbati de Stanlawe.
  • Abbati de Byldewas.
  • Abbati de Stanle in Wiltes.
  • Abbati de Swynesheued.
  • Abbati de Wardon.
  • Abbati de Boxle.
  • Abbati de Stratford.
  • Abbati de Tyletye.
  • Abbati de Binedon.
  • Abbati de Quarrera.
  • Abbati de Leteley.
  • Abbati de Dunkeswell.
  • Abbati de Bell loc Regis.
  • Abbati de Strata florida.
  • Abbati de Flaxele.
  • Abbati de T nt rn .
  • Abbati de King swode.
  • Abbati de Waverle.
  • Abbati de Revesbye.
  • Abbati de Parco Lude.

16. That in the writs of Summons to Abbots and Priors, the writs are very seldom recited at large to any of them, unless in 27 E. 1. d. 9. and towards the latter end of the reign of King Edward the 3. where some writs to the first Abbot named in the lists of Summons, are entered at large; the rest only recited with an, &c. or not mentioned at all, but only thus, Eodem modo mandatum est, &c. or Consimiles Literae, or Consimilia Brevia diriguntur Abbatibus et Prioribus subscriptis; entered in the Roll, with a Catalogue of their names subscribed under it.

17. In ancient times the first writ that is entered, for the most part issued to the Abbot of S. Augustine's in Canterbury, (in which Rolls there is no certain order observed in the Abbots and Priors names and summons.) sometimes the Abbot of S. Albans, now and then the Abbot of Glastonbury; sometimes some other Abbots are first named in the List of Summons, and one name frequently praeponed, & then postponed after another, as the Register was pleased to enter them in the Rolls: But from 1 H. 4. to the end of King Ed. 4. the first writ entered is, Abbati de Burgo Sancti Petri. As for the Priors, they are for the most part registered after the Abbots; now and then but rarely, before the Abbots, and frequently intermixed with them: sometimes one Prior is placed before another in some Summons, which was named last in other Lists: few Lists agreeing in the order of their names, unless that of 23 E. 1. d. 4. and 24 E. 1. d. 7. which exactly accord in all things, from which that of 28 E. 1. d. 3. & 17. doth somewhat vary in the order, though not in the number of their names.

18. That the absence of the Archbishops, Bishops or other Great men from, and no coming to Parliaments an Great Council when summoned, did many times hinder the proce dings in them, and caus them to be prorogued or adjourned, to the public prejudice▪ yet upon particular nec ssary occ sions for the kingdoms defense and afety, their personal presence was dispensed wi h, and their Summons superseded; wi nesse this memorable writ to the Bishop of Durham, Claus. 6 E. 2. m. 12. dorso.

Rex, Venerabili in Christo Patri R. eadem gratia Dunolm. Ep s opo salut m. Li •• t nuper Vobis mandaver mus quod omn bus aliis praetermissis essetis ad Nos tertia Dominica Quadragesimae prox▪ fu ur, apud Westm, ibidens Nobiscum t cum Praelatis t Proceribus Regni nostri super diversis negotiis Nos et Statum ejusd m Regni nostri tangentibus tractaturi, vest umque consilium impensur ▪ Pre securitate tamen Custodiae et maj r tuitione part um vestrarum contr Scotos inimicos t Rebe les nostros, vobis man▪ damu , quod à partibus praedictis vos nu •• atenus •• anf ratis, sed Procuratorem vestrum sufflo •• nter instructum addictos diem et locum mittatis, ad consent nd, hi s qu tun ib dem per Nos t dictos Pr latos, t Proc re •• n •• geris ordinari. Teste Rege apud Westm, 20 di Feb.

Eodem modo mandatum est Episcopo Karliol. T. ut supra.

And this other observable writ of Supersedeas to the Bishops of Durham, and Karliol, with other Lord's and Great men summoned to Parli m nt, thus recorded, in Claus. 12 R. 2. m. 42. dorso.

〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 Vobis mandamus▪ quod prop •• r r siste tiam inimicorum nostrorum pr dictorum meliori et fortiori mod quo poteritis, in propriis partibus vestris, aut alibi ubi in hac parte melius videritis expedire, expectetis, mandato nostro non obstante. Ita quod semper dil ctis et fidelibus Henr. de Percy Comiti Northum: & Johanni ae Nevill de Raby quos ad supervidend: et gubernand: Marchias Scotiae assignavimus, obedientes, intendentes sitis et auxiliantes quot •• ns et q ando per ipsos, seu orum alterum fueritis rationabiliter praemuniti. Teste Rege apud Northampton 20 die Augusti. Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia diriguntur subscriptis sub eadem data, viz. Th. Episcopo Karliol, Rogero de Clifford, Johanni de Roos de Hamlake, Rado▪ Baroni de Graystock, Philippo Darcy, Henr. Fitz Hugh; Willielmo de Dacre.

Consimilia Brevia diriguntur Henr. de Percy Comiti Northumb. Iohanni de Nevill de Raby, excepto ultimo Clauso. Ita semper.

Of which see more in my Observations on the next Section, and here p. 51, 52.

19. That some writs to particular Bishops, varied in certain special clauses now and then from those issued to other Bishops at the self same time, upon special occasions, and in the form of the Praemunientes, &c.

20. That as there are some single writs of Summons to Bishops, or Archbishops entered in the Clause Rolls now and then, without any to the Temporal Lord's or Barons registered together with them; So there are some writs of Summons to and prorogations of Parliaments iss ed to Temporal Lord's in some Rolls, without any to Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors or Ecclesiastical Lord's entered with them, though no doubt they had the like writs of Summons and Prorogations, although not registered, as the bodies of the writs do manifest.

21. That the writs issued to the Archbishops, Bishops Abbots, Priors and Clergy, run usually in this form▪ Vobis mandamus quod in fide et dilection quibus nobis tenemini, &c. not in fide et homagio. But the writs to the Earls, Barons and Temporal Lord's: though they sometimes retain the self same words in fide et diloctione, yet for the most part they run thus; quod in fide & homagio, or ligeantia, quibus nobis t n mini, &c. or in homagio, id et dilection: or in homag o et lige ntia; homagio, or ligeantia being put in the place of dilection , or added to fide et dilection quibus nobis tenemini.

22. That the writs to the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots and Priors, for the most part, observe this style; Vobiscum, ac cum caeteris Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proceribus, &c. in all clauses of the writ; The writs to the Earls, & Temporal Lord's, Vobiscum, ac cum Praelatis et caeteris Magnatibus et Proceribus, or caeteris Magnatibus, or Proceribus, only: cae eris being ev r placed before Praelatis, in the writs to the Bishops, Abbots, but after Praelatis, and before Magnatibus or Proc ribus, in all writs to the Tem oral Lord's, because of different Orders▪ the Prelates no being Magnates or Proc r s by birth, or in their own right, but only the Temporal Lord's; and they being not Praelati, or Eccl s astical Peers by order or function, but only the Bishops, Abbots, Priors, and other Ecclesiastical▪ Barons.

23. That the number of Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors and Ecclesiastical persons summoned by writs to our Parliaments, was for the most part equal to, and many times far exceeding the number of the Temporal Lord's, & Barons; as you may easily discern by computing and comparing their numbers in this, with those of the Temporal Lord in the ensuing Section. In the Parliamvnt of 49 H. 3. the number of the Prelates, Abbots, and Spiritual persons summoned by writ, was 120. the number of Temporal Lord's, but 23. Anno 23 E. 1. d. 9. the number of the Spiritual Lord's summoned was 77; of the Temporal Lord's but 63. And dors. 3, 4. the Spiritual Lord's summoned to another Parliament that year, amounts to 90. the Temporal Lord's only to 50. In 24 E. 1. d. 7. the Spiritual Lord's summoned, were in all 91. the Temporal but 43. yet in other Parliaments the Temporal Lord's exceeded the Spiritual, as in 27 E. 1. d. 18. the Spiritual Lord's were 58. the Temporal 90. but in the next Parliament 28 E. 1. m. 3. the Spiritual Lord's summoned were 102. the Temporal only 89. Their differences in number in other Parliaments I shall for brevity sake omit, only in most summons under King H. 4, 5, & 6. during these Kings absence and wars in France, (when most of the Earls and Temporal Lord's were in actual service in the wars) the Spiritual Lord's were near double to the Temporal.

24. That the first writ wherein I find any mention of, and provision for the Defense of the Church of England, is in 6 E. 2. here, p. 20. the next is in 11 E. 3. p. 39, & 40. 12 E. 3. p. 42. & 14 E. 3. p. 46. After which in the writs of 18 E. 3. p. 50. 31 E 3. p. 60, 61, 62. 46 E. 3. p. 67. 49 E. 3. p. 69. 1 R. 2. p. 69, 70, 72. and in most succeeding them, Defensionem Ecclesiae Anglicanae, Salvationem et defensionem Ecclesiae Sanctae; Et oc sicut salvationem et defensionem Ecclesiae Sanctae diligitis, were usually inserted into the writs of Summons, as well to Parliaments as Convocations, and in writs to the Temporal Lord's and Sherifs, as they were in writs to the Clergy, it being one principal end of summoning Parliaments and Convocations.

25. That sometimes the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors were authorized by the writs themselves to make Proctors, or Proxies to supply their places; other times prohibited to make any Proctors or Proxies at all, but peremptorily enjoined to appear in person, without any excuse, or Proctor to supply their absence. But the Deans, Chapters, Archdeacons, Priors and Clergy of every Diocese by a special clause of Praemunientes, &c. in the writs to the Archbishops and Bishops, and by second writs to the Archbishops, were summoned the Deans, Pri rs and Archdeacons by themselves, their Chapters by one, and the Clergy of each Diocese, Quod per duos Procuratores idon os p enam et sufficient̄ potestatē ab ipsis Capitulis et Clero habentes, dictis die et loco intersint, ad fac end. & consentiend. hiis, quae tun ibidem de Com: Consilio regni nostri, divina favent clementia co tig rit ordinari. Amongst others, the Bishop of Bath and Wells was particularly enjoined Praemunientes Priorem et Capitulum Bathon. et Decanum et Capitulum Wellen▪ Ecclesiarum suarum, &c. quod idem Prior et D canus in propriis personis suis, & dicta Capitula per unum Procuratorem idoneum, &c. una nobiscum inter sint, ad▪ &c. Hereupon the Prior of Bath when sick appeared not in person, but by a Proctor, and the Chapter of Bath by one or more Pr ctors, specially chosen and authorized by their Letters of Procuration under their Seals; Which Letters of Procuration, I find entered in the ancient Parchment Leiger Book of the Priory of Bath in sundry forms in the reign of King Edward the 1. which I shall here insert, for their rarity; and because they will inform us, what ull and sufficient power other Priors, Deans, Chapters, and the Clergy of each Diocese, (as also the Spiri •• all Lord's when absent, and authorized to make Proxies, ) gave to their Procurators; and in what forms other Letters of Procuration were made in former times, of which I find only one printed in Mr. Selden.

The first of these Procurations runs in this manner, being directed to the King himself:

Serenissimo Domino suo, Domino Edwardo, Dei gratia, illustri Regi Angliae, Domino Hiberniae, et Duci Aquitan ae, sui devoti Thomas Prior, et Capi : Bathoniensis Ecclesiae, salutem, et debitam cum orationibus assiduis reverentiam et fidelitatem. Ad tractandum▪ ordinandum et faciendum una Vobiscum et caerer s Praelatis et Proceribus, et aliis Regni incolis, in praesenti Convocatione Generali ap d Westm. die Dominica proxima post festum S. Martini, pro diversis Regni negotiis convenientibus, dilectum in Christo Con ratrem, et Conprofessum nostrum Fra rem W. de Hampt n, ostrum facimus, ordinamus, et constituimu PROCURATOREM per praesentes, plenam et liberam po estatem eidem in hac parte conceden es. In cujus rei testimonium sigillum, Capituli nostri praesentibus est appensum. Datum in Capitulo nostro Bathon: die Mercurii prox. ante festum S. Martini. Anno grat. 1295. (A . 23 Ed. 1.)

There is another Letter of Procuration to this W. d Hampton, made by the Sub Prior and Chapter of Bath the same year in the same words with the former, except in this variation and addition; Et aliis Regni incolis in hac instanti Convocatione generali apud Westm. die Dominica prox. ante festum Sancti Andreae Apoli, &c. PROCURATOREM LEGITIMUM per praesentes: Dan es eidem, &c. (as before) omnia nostro nomin facienda quae Nos faceremus si in Convocatione memora a praesentes esse possemus. In c j s, &c. ut supra. Datum in Capit. nostro Bathon: die Sanctae Celiciae Virginis & Martyris. Anno gr. 1295.

Anno 24 E. 1. I find this form of Procuration by the Sub-Prior and Chapter of Bath directed to the Archbishop of Canterbury.

Reverendae Sanctitatis Patri in Christo, Domino C. Dei patientia Cantuar: Archiepiscopo, totius Angliae Primati, sui filii humiles et devoti Frater Philippus Subprior. et Capitulum Bathoni nsis Ecclesiae Cathedralis devotos obedientiae et reverentiae Spiritus cum salute. Ad tractandum una cum caeteris Religiosis in Convocatione vestra praesenti London. convenientibus die Dominica qua cantatur Laetare Jerusalem, cum continuatione diei, si opus fuerit seu di rum, et ad faciendum omnia quae Nos ipse faceremus si praesentes ibidem esse possemus, dilecto Confratri nos ro, et Conmonacho Will: de Hampshire PROCURATORI NOSTRO plenariam per praesentes contedimus faculta em: Ratum habentes stabile et fi mum quicquid per eundem nomine nostro in Convocatione praedicta actum fuerit sen concessum. In cujus rei testimonium Sigillo Capituli nostri fignari fecimus hanc Indenturam. Datum in Capi ulo nostro Bathon: die Sancti Cuthberti. Anno Dom. 1296.

In the 27. year of King Edward 1. there is this Procuration made in another form.

Sancto Patri ac Domino, Domino C. Dei gratia Archiepiscopo Cantuar. totius Angliae Primati, Frater Thomas, Prior Ecclesiae Bathon. salutem, subjectionem, honorem et reverentiam debitam tanto Patri. Sanctae Congregationi Patrum Reverendorum Dominorum Episcoporum, Abbatum, Priorum, caeterorumque Praelatorum ac Cleri Provinciae Cantuar. in vestra praesentia reverenda post instantem commemorationem Animarum London faciendae, ob debilitatem nimiam nostri corporis, non valen es personaliter interesse; vestrae Paternitati supplicamus attente, quatinus tunc ibidem hanc no •• ram excusationem habere dignemini benignius excusatam. Ad tractandum vero providendum e ordinendum super utilitatibus Ecclesiae promovendis, et aliis articulis de quibus in vestrae Paternitatis mandato plenior it men io, ac consent endum hiis quae oportuna et expedientia videbuntur, dilectum nobis in Christo fratrem Hugonem Godmer nostrum Commonachum, NOSTRUM PROCURATOREM facimus et constituimus loco nostri, ad faciendum omnia ac singula quae Nos faceremus, seu facere deberemus si personali er praesentes essem s. Ratum habituri et gratum, quicquid idem Procurator noster cum unanimi Sanctorum Patrum et Cleri praedictorum assensu in praemissis duxerit faciendum. Valeat vestra S ncta Paternicas reverenda in Christo per tempora longiora. Datum Bathon. 4 to. Kal. Novembr. Anno Dom: 1299.

There is another Procuration of the self-same date made by the Sub-Prior and Chapter of Bath, directed to the said Archbishop with the self-same Preface, to tanto Patri: and then Vestrae Sanctae Paternitati notum fa •• mus per praesentes, quod Nos ad tractandum, providendum, ordinandum super ut litatibus Ecclesiae promovendis, e aliis rtioulis de quibus in vestrae Paternitatis mandato plenior fit meant o, et ad consentiendum hiis quae oportuna et expedientia videbuntur; dilectum nobis in Christo Fra rem Rober um de Clapcote nostrum Commonachum nostrum Procuratorem facimus et constituimus loco nostri, ad faciendum omnia 〈◊〉 singula quae verus et legitimus Procurator fac r d bet et consuevit. Ratum habi uri et gra um, quicquid idem Proourator, &c. (as in the next before.) Datum in Capitulo nostro Bathon: 4 Kal. Novembr. Anno Dom. 1299.

The same year on the first Lord's day in Lent, I meet with another Procuration of this Prior in a different form from the precedent.

Universis sanctae Matris Ecclesiae iliis rater Thomas Prior E clesiae Bathon: salutem in Domino sempiternam. Quia IN PARLIAMENTO DOMINI REGIS HABENDO LONDON secunda die Dominica Quad agesimae OB NIMIAM CORPORIS NOSTRI DEBILITATEM ADESSE PERSONALITER NON VALEMUS, dilectum Nobis in Chri •• o Fra rem Willielmum de Hampton, nostrum Commonacum, NOSTRUM PROCURATOREM FACIMUS ET CONSTITUIMUS, ad faciendum pro Nobis ibidem quaecunque facere deberemus, secundum tenorem mandati Regis si in propria nostra persona tunc praesentes essemus, et consentiend m sicut justum fuerit et canonicum hiis quae de Communi Consilio pro utilitate Domini Regis et Regni, favente Domino tunc ordinand. con igerit, vel tiam provideri. Ratum habituri et gratum quicquid idem Frater Wilhelmus NOSTER PROCURATOR cum unanimi Praelatorum Ecclesiasticorum, Procerum ac Magnatum, et Cleri assensu in praemissis sic duxerit faciendum. Datum B thon: die Dominica prima Quadragesimae. Anno Dom. 1299.

There is the like Procuration of the s me date made to him by the Prior and Chapter of Bath in all their names, and in the same words.

About the same year, the Sub Prior and Chapter of Bath made this form of Procutation, entered in their Le ger Book.

Pa eat universis per praesentes, quod Nos Prior et Capitulum Ecclesiae Bathon. dilectos nobis in Christo William de Syw nham Clericum, et I hannem de Merston PROCVRATORES NOSTROS VEROS ET LEGITIMOS, conjunctim et divisim, et quemlibet eorum in solidum, ita quod non sit melior conditio occupantis, ad infra scripta fecimus, ordinavimus et constituimus per praesentes. Dantes eisdem et eorum alteri nomine nostro potestatem IN PARLIAMENTO DOMINI NOSTRI REGIS apud W stm. in crastino S. Hilary prox futur. per Dei gratiam celebrando, cum continuatione et prorogatione dierum sequentium, usque ad •• nalem dicti Parliamenti expeditionem, comparendi cum caeteris Religiosis, et aliis de Clero Regni Angliae Proceribus et Magnatibus dicti regni, caulas et negoci quas vel quae habuerint in Parliamento tractandi, proponendi, necnon super tractandis et proponendis ibidem Statum dicti Domini Regis, e regni sui, ac etiam STATUM ECCLESIAE ANGLICANAE concernentib s: nostrumque deliberatum consensum et cons •• iium hiis quae mediante Domino ibidem contigerit utiliter ordinari una cum aliis impendendi. Ulteriusque faciendi in praemissis et eà concernentibus quod juris fueri et rationis. Promittentes Nos ratum, firmum et gratum sub Ypotheca re um quos et ligare pos umus, habituri, quicquid dicti PROCURATORES NOSTRI VEL EORUM ALTER in praemissi et ea contingentibus duxerint, vel duxerit faciend. In cujus rei estimonium igillum nostrum commune praesentibus est appensum. Dat. in Domo nostro Capitulari Bathon.

26. That it appears by the Clauses and contents of sundry Praemised Writs, as likewise by the Protestations of the Clergy, and their Distinct Aydes, and Subsidies from the Temporalty granted in Parliaments to our Kings by d ••• erent Acts of Parliamen , ex ant in our Printed Statute Books, as well as Parliament, and Stat te Rolls; that the King and Temporal Lord's and Commons in Parliament could not legally impose any Aydes, Subsidies or Taxes whatsoever on the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Deans, Chap ers, Archdeacons, and inferior Clergy o England, without their own special Grants and Consents in their Co vocations; it being contrary to the Great Charters of Henry the 1. King John, and Henry the 3. Chap. 1. yea to the Freedom, Rights, Liberties of the Church confirmed by them, and to all other Acts confirming Magna Charta, and to a particular Act, Rot. Parl. anno 8 H. 4. . 36. exempting them from making Contributions with the Laity. Therefore they cannot do it now, upon the self same grounds, they having as full, as large an interest in their Rights, freedoms, Libe ties, and those Grand Char ers, Statutes confirming them, as any of the Laity have in theirs: Yet when they obstinately refused to grant▪ King Edward the first a necessary Ayde for the defense of the Realm in two successive Parliaments one after the other, against their allegiance and duty, only because Pope Boniface by his Constitution had prohibited under pain of excommunication, Ne Talliae vel Exactiones à Clero per seculares Principes quocunque modo exigentur, vel eis solvantur de rebus Ecclesiae: the King thereupon did put them out of his protection: to redeem which, many of the Clergy by themselves, and many of them by Mediators gave the King the fifth part of their goods, notwithstanding the Popes Inhibition; which is thus related by Matthew Westminster, Anno 1296. p. 407, 408.

Die Sancti Hilary, celebravit Archiepiscopus Concilium suum cum Coepiscopis suis Suffraganeis Londini in Ecclesia Sancti Pauli. Quibus tractantibus per dies octo super postulatione regia, non invenerunt iter rectum, nec modum exclusivae sententiae, si aliqui vel quae ito color, vel aliquo titulo quippiam contulissent, etiam si plurimi clerici, aulici, curiale que accessi •• ent, qui postulatis consilium dederan & favorem. Quae omnia Regi per Episcopos, aliósve nuncios, funt relata. Qui statim mutatus in crudelem, perversa regali aequalitate in tyrannidem, licentiatis suis famulis, obviantium cle icorum religiosorumque virorum, quasi modo hostili, equitaturas ibi arripere meliores, prohibitis insuper placitatoribu , in lege sua peritis, coram Baronibus de Scaccario, seu ante quemvis lium Justiciarium secularem, pro personis Ecclesiasticis allegare, Ecclesiasticos ministros censuit sua pace in ignos. Mandavit etiam singulis ordinatis, sponte offerre sibi suorum proventuum quintam partem, a t invite cedere omnibus bonis suis. Huic mandato primitus obtemperaverunt quidam onsorati, in curia regali praelati, in cura vero animarum Pilati manifesti, ut inducerent pari modo animos caeterorum. Quo facto, seisita sunt protinus per manus Vicecomitum omnia bona clericorum mobilia & immobilia, super laicum feodum inventa, a qu fisco regio titulata, cum superabundanti molestia suis ablatis libertatibus, q as praedecessores reges, Christianitatis conservatores, Ecclesiis contulerant, authors bonorum. Et quod nequius est ferendum, appreciabantur ipsorum facultates, emptoribus quantocius expo endae, nec securi audebant clerici equitare, nisi in majori conventu propter militum in cl ricos violentiam, à rege licentia data. Sed & omni bona Archiepiscopi, mobilia & immobi ia, capta sunt in manu regis. Ipse quidem sustinuit patiente . Ig •• ur Clero si ut supradictum est passo in corpore, pas us est & Rex in animo. Hinc dolor et metus omnium Praelatorum. Hi •• mque in perplexitate maxima constituti sunt, ut si quicquam concederent, sententiam excommunicationis incurrerent ipso facto, et si non darent, non effugerent immisericordes manus ipsorum praedonum. His madefacti adversitatibus, pro se ipsis anxii, pro grege sibi commisso inco solabiliter moestificati, tanquam non habente alimoniam, ingruente fame, necessario seculum reperere quaesierunt, protectionem regis facultatibus suis, ratioci io magno, redemptis.

Yet notwithstanding all the Clergy procured special Absolutions from this Po e, from that Excommunication they conceived they had incurred by this their Ayd granted to the King against his Constitution, though done only through force, and such fear as might happen even to a constant man, as I observe by certain Instruments of Absolution, remembered by none of our Historians, but registered in the Leiger Book of the Priory of Bath; out of which I have transcribed them, as not unworthy public knowledge.

Venerabili in Christo Patri, Dei gratia Archiep s opo Cantuar. vel ejus Vicario in Spiritualibus, Frater Gentilis, miseratione divin , Ecclesiae Sancti Martini in Montibus Presbyter Cardinalis, salutem, et synceram in Domino caritatem. Ex parte Joh nnis de Godmer perpetui Vicarii Ecclesiae de Ched ern. Bathon. & Wellen. Diocaes. Nobis oblata pet tio continebat, Quod ipse olim per vim & metum qui cadere posset in constantem, invitus Ministris se Collectoribu illustris Regis Angliae, contra novae Constitutionts tenorem Sanctissimi Patris Domini Bonefacii, divina providentia Papae 〈◊〉 , Tallias sive Collec tas per solvit; per quod sententiam Excommunicationis incurrit, in tales generaliter promulgataem, et sic ligatius, non tamen in contemptum Clavium, in suis Ordinibus ministravit, et alias se ingressit divinis. Super quibus, supplicari fe it humiliter si i de absolutionis beneficio et dispensationis gratia per sedem Apostolicam salubriter provideri. Nos igitur, authoritate Domini Papae, cujus Penitentiariae curam gerimus, circumspectioni vestrae committimus, quatenus si ita est, ipsum Vicarium à dictae excommunicationis Sententia uxtae formam Ecclesiae absolvatis. Proviso attente, quod idem Vicarius super hoc mandatis Domini Papae, et Romanae Ecclesiae semper parebit, et faciet illam poenitentiam quam sibi duxerit injungend m, eoque ad tempus prout expedire vider •• is a suorum Or •• num executione suspenso. Demum Suffragan ibus ei meri is alioque Canonico non obstante super irregularitate dicto modo contracta cum eo misericorditer authoritate dispensetis predicta. Datum Agnan: 6to Idus Augusti. Ponti icatus Domini Papae Bonefacii 8. Anno sexto.

Sancto Patri in Christo et Domino reverendo R. Dei gratia Cantuar. Archiepiscopo totius Angliae Primati, sui filii humiles et devoti Thomas Prior et Conventus Bathon. salutem, et devotus obedientiae et reverentiae Spiritus cum omni honor debito tanto Patri. Ad petend. et recipiend. à vestrae clementia sanctitatis beneficium absolutionis, super excommunicationis sententia quàm incurrisse veremur, ex eo quod contra Constitutionem sanctissimi Patris et Domini Bonifacii divina providentia Papae octavi editam, contra omnes qui Collectas et exactiones sibi à Ministris, Nunciis seu Collectoribus illustris Regis Angliae persolveru t nolentes vel inviti, Protectionem Domini Regis super hoc impetrantes et recipientes; dilectum Nobis in Christo fratrem Hugonem Godmer, praecentorem Ecclesiae nostrae Bathoniae Conmonacum nostrum, nostrum in hiis constit imus Procuratorem. Dantes eidem liberam et plenam potestatem estra in hac parte recipiendi mandata quae secundum Deum ad salutem animarum nostrarum juxta tenorem, formam, vim et effectum mandati Apostolici super hoc vobis directi, nobis duxeritis injungenda, una cum potestate jurandi in animas nostras secundum quod postulaverit ordo Juris. In cujus rei testimonium Sigillo nostro communi signari fecimus hanc scripturam. Datum Capitulo nostro Bathon: 5 Idus Novemb. Anno dom. 1300.

Universis praesentes literas inspecturis pateat evidenter, Quod nos Thomas Prior Bathon. et ejusdem lo i Conventus Ordinis S. Benedicti, Bathoniensis et Wellensis Diocaes. bona side promittimus et sub ypotheca omnium bonorum Monasterii nostri cavemus, quod nos semper Romanae Ecclesiae et Domini Papae mandatis par bimus, super excommunicationis et interdicti sententiis quas incurrimus, pro eo quod dudum contra Constitutionis tenorem Sanctissimi Patris nostri Domini Bonifa •• ti Papae octavi, Nunciis, seu Ministris Domini Regis Angliae Subsidium de bonis nostris Ecclesias icis contribuimus propter vim et metum qui cadere poterit in constantes. In cujus rei testimonium, &c. Datum in Capitulo nostro Bathon. 5 Idus Novembr. Anno Dom. 1300.

Universis praesentes Literas inspecturis Robertus permissi ne divina Cantuar. Archiepiscopus totius Angliae Primas, aeternam in Domino salutem. Literas Venerabilis Patris Domini Matthaei Dei gratia Portuensis, et Sanctae Rufinae Episcopy sanctissimi Patris Domini Bonifacii Papae 8vi. Paenitentiarii recepimus, tenorem qui sequitur continentes. Venerabili in Christo Pat i Dei gratia Archiepiscopo Cantuar. vel ejus Vicario in Spiritualibus, Fr ter Matthaeus miseratione divina Portuensis, ac Sanctae Rufinae Episcopus, salutem, et sempiternam in Domino caritatem. Ex parte Prioris et Conventus Monasterii Bathoniensis Ordinis Sancti Benedicti fuit propositum coram Nobis, quod ipsi olim viet me u qui cadere po erit in constantem, Ministris, Nunciis, eu Collectoribus illustris Regis Angliae contra Constitutionem et tenorem Sanctissimi Patris et Domini, Domini Bonifacii divina Providentia Papae octavi noviter ditae contra Tallias, Collectas et Exactiones sibi impositas persolverunt, propter quod Excommunicationis incurrunt sententiam ex ipsius Constitutionis tenore in omnes et singulos contra facientes generaliter promulgatam: Et sic ligati in suis, non tamen in contemptum Clavium, ministraverunt Ordinibus, et aliis divinis se ingesserint Officiis sicut prius; Verum cum parati sint Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae in omnibus obedire mandatis, supplic ri fecerunt humiliter eis per sedem Apostolicam salubriter provideri. Nos igitu ipsorum supplicationibus quantum cum Deo po •• umus favorabi iter annuent s, authoritate et mandato Domini Papae cujus Paenitentiariae curam gerimus, providentiae vestrae praesentium tenore committimus, quatinus i est ita, ipsos et eorum quemlibet a reatu exces us hujusmodi et excommunicatione quam propter hac incurrerunt absolvatis juxta formam Ecclesiae consuetam; Interdictum ab ipso Monasterio amovendo, et injunc a eorum cuilibet pro culpae modo paeni entia salutari, et alia quae talibus debent et consueverunt injungi; quodque tabunt mandatis Ecclesiae, et facient illam poenitentiam quam sedes Apostolica eis duxerit injungendam▪ Super i regularitate ex praemissis contracta dispensetis auctorita e et mandato praedictis, alio non obstante canonico, misericorditer eisdem prout secundum Deum animarum ipsorum salu i ideri is expedire. Datum Lateran. 3. Nona Martii. Pontificatus Domini Papae Bonifacii octavi Anno sexto. Nos igitur dictos Priorem et Conventum Monasterii Bathon. et eorum quemlibet in per or a Fratris Hugonis Godomer, Procuratoris ipsius Ecclesiae Bathon. Commonachi et Procuratoris sui, à majoris Excommunicationis sententia memorata, praestita nobis primitus ab eisdem idonea cautione quod stabunt Mandatis Ecclesiae, e facient illam poenitentiam quam sedes Apostolica eis dixe it injungendam, authoritate nobis in ha parte, commissa, juxta formam nobis in hac parte commissa juxta formam Ecclesiae absolvimus, et eis injunximus poenitentiam salutarem. Interdictum de ipso suo Monasterio amovendo. Et super irregularitate quam ea occasion sic liga i in suis Ordinibus ministrando, et alias se divinis Officiis inmiscendo contraxerant, cum eisdem et eorum quolibet misericorditer authoritate dispensamus praelibata, prout secundum Deum animarum ipsorum saluti vidimus expedire. In testimonium vero praemissorum Sigillum nostrum praesentibus est appensum. Datum apud Lyminge 17 Kal. December. Anno Dom. 1300. Consecrationis nostrae septimo.

There is another absolution from this excommunication granted almost in the like form and words by the Archbishop of Cant. to Iordanus Vicar of W ston, who made a Procuration to another Clerk to request and receive it in his behalf; quia gravi corporis agritudine perpetua detentus ad v stram venerabil m praesentiam accedere non valens. By which it is evident, that every Clergyman and religious person whatsoever from the highest to the lowest, who through force or fear contribu ed any aid to the King, against this Antimonarchical Constitution of Pope Boniface the 8. was excommunicated, interdicted for it, and forced to Peti ion the Pope and his Penitentiaries, to be absolved from the same; and that only upon their Oaths and caution given to yield obedience always to the Popes and Church of Rome's manda es for the future, and to undergo such penance as the Pope should please to i flict upon them for what was past; yet thi is styled, a dealing mercifully with them. After which Oath a d absolution, An. 1300, when as the Temporal Lord's and Commons granted the King the 15. part of their goods for the Confirmation of the Great Char er and their Liberties; Robertus Archiepiscopus Cantuar. pro Clero nihil voluit concedere, neque de temporalitate annexa Ecclasiae, sine licentiasummi Pontificis special; yet the Pope the next year usurped and received from him & them the Tenth of all their Ecclesiastical goods for 3. years, against their wills and the Kings too. Such vassals then were the English Clergy to the Popes; as of late years they have been in another kind to all arbitrary Commi tees, New Tax-masters and Governors, who not only tax them at their pleasures without their consents, but eject, suspend, silence thē frō preaching, administering the Sacraments, or instructing children as Schoolmasters, in Public or Private, without any legal cause, trial, or proceedings, against all the Great Charters and S atutes for maintenance of their Liberties and Freeholds in their Benefices, they being mere tenants at will both of their Ministry and Livings, the only means to make them time-servers, Men-pleasers, Cor upters of the Gospel▪ and Daubers with untempered mortar, instead of sincere Ministers of the Gospel, and real Servants of Jesus Christ; Therefore fit to be timely redressed for the future; as this Papal Constitu ion was timely opposed by King Edward the first, as is evident by Pat. 25 E. 1. pars 1. m. 9. 11. pars 2. m. 5. 6▪ & Claus. 30 E. 1. m. 13. which I shall hereafter reci e at large in their due place. And this Passage of Mat. Westm▪ An. 1297. p. 408. Anno Gratiae 1297. congregatis Archipraesule Cantuar. & quibusdam aliis coepiscopis suffraganeis suis apud s nctum Paulum Londint. 26 die Martii, iterum pro stat ecclesiae consulturis, insurgentes protiniss duo causidici, & duo de ordine Praedicatorum fratres, regalem & temporalem favorem aucupantes, conati sunt argumentis probare clerum ipsi regi, in tempore belli, non obstante prohibitione apostolica, de suis facultatibus posse licit subvenire. Insuper prohibitio sub poena incar erationis, ne quis contra ipsum regem et eos, qui jam pridem suam protectionem quaesierant, excommunicationis sententiam promulgar t, provocatione facta pro se ad Romanam curiam & pro ipsis. Recesserunt igitur omnes oneratis suis conscientiis per Archi piscopum sic dicentem, salvet suam animam unusquisque.

A most rare, useful Alphabetical Table of all the Abbots, Ma ters, and Priors of Religious Orders, to whom any particular Writs of Summons to our Parliaments or Great Councils issued from Anno 49 H. 3. to 23 E. 4. extant in the Clause Rolls and Lists of Summons in the Tower of London, with the several years of each Kings reign wherein they were summoned: If they (or others) were twice or oftener summoned in any year before R. 2. then the several dorses of the Clause Rolls that year, are expressed after the year d. for dorse, and the number of it next ensuing it in a parenthesis, if but once, the figure for that year is only mentioned; the dorse of the Clause Roll for that year, you may readily find in the writs thereof mentioned in the precedent Section; and where were 2. Writs of Summons in one year under R. 2. H. 4, 5, & 6. there the Abbots and Priors were all twic summoned, in the Rolls and dorses, mentioned in the Writs of Summons here cited.

    (A)
  • ABbotesbury, 49 H. 3.
  • Abingdon, 49 H. 3. 23, 25, 27, 28, 30. (d. 9. 12.) E. 1. 5, 6, 7. (d. 15. 27.) 8, 9, 11. (d. 8. 14.) 12. (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14▪ (d. 5. 23.) 16, 17, 18, 19, 20 E. 2. 1. (d. 3. 16.) 2 (d. 15. 31.) 4 (d. 19. 41.) 5. (d. 7. 25.) 6. (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, 8, 9. (d. 2. 28.) 10. (d. 1. 5.) 11. (d. 8. 11. 40.) 12. 13. (d. 1. 28.) 14. (d. 23. 33.) 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21. (d. 9, 28.) 22. (d. 7. 32.) 24, 25, 27, 28, 29. (d. 7, 8.) 31. (d. 2. 21.) 34, (d. 4. 35.) 36, 37, 38, 39, 42, 43, 44, 46, (d. 9. 11.) 47, 50 E. 3. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12. 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 11, 12, 14 H▪ 4. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 18, 20, 23, 25 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38, 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6, 12. 22, & 3 E. 4.
  • Agatha 23, 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 32 E. 1.
  • Albans 49 H. 3. 23, (d. 4. 9.) 24, 25, 27, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 5, 6, 7, (d. 15, 27.) 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 16, 17, 18, 19▪ 20 E. 2. 1, (d. 3. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 31.) 4, (d. 19. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, 8, 9, (d. 2. 28.) 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, (d. 9. 28.) 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 28, 29, (d. 7. 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 32, 33, 34, (d. 4. 35.) 38, 39, 42, 43. 44▪ 46, (d. 11.) 47, 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50 E. 3. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 5, 7, 8, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1, 2. 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 18. 20, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38, 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6, 12. 22, & 23 E. 4
  • Alnewick 23, 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 32, 34, E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) E. 2.
  • Augustine's Bristol 49 H. 3. 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) E. 1. 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 11. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 15, 17 E. 3.
  • Augustine's Canterbury 49 H. 3. 23, (d. 4. 9.) 25, 27, (d. 17, 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 23. 33.) 16, 17, 18, 19, 20 E. 2. 1 (d. 3. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 31.) 4, (d. 19. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 4, 9 19. 36.) 7, 8, 9, (d. 2. 18.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 8. 11. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 15, 17, 18, 20, 21, 27, 28, 29, (d. 7, 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 32, 33, 34. (d. 4. 35.) 36, 37, 38, 39, 42, 43, 44. 46. (d. 9. 11.) 47, 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50 E. 3. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 12, 14 H. 4. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 18. 20, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38, 49 H. 6. 1, 6, 12, 22 & 23 E. 4.
    (B)
  • BArd n y, or Bardnay 49 H. 3. 23. d. (9.) 25, 27, (d. 17, 18) 30 (d. 9. 12.) E 1. 6. (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, 8, 9, (d. 8. 18. 12, 13. (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 15, 17, 18, 20, 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 29, (d. 7, 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 34, (d. 4. 35.) 36, 37, 38, 39, 42, 43, 44, 46, (d. 9. 11.) 47. 49. (d. 4. 6.) 50 E. 3. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9. 10, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4, 7, 11, 13, 15, 18, 20, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38, 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6, 12, 22 & 23 E. 4.
  • Barlinge 49 H. 3. 23, (d. 4.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30▪ (d. 9. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, d. 19.) 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) E 2.
  • Basingwerk 23, (d. 4.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 3 . 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, 4, 6 E. 2.
  • Bella Lauda 23, (d. 4.) 24, 28. (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32. 34 E. 1. 1. (d. 19.) 2, E. 2.
  • B llo, Bello loco, Bello loco Regis, & Bello Campo Regis, 49 H. 3. 23, (d. 4.) 24, 27, (d. 17. 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 32 E. 1. 1, (d. 3. 16. 19.) 2, (d. 31.) 4, 5, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 16, 17, 18, 19▪ 20 E. 2. 4. (d. 19. 41.) 6, (d▪ 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, 8, 9▪ (d. 18.) 10, (d. 1, 5.) 11, (d. 8. 11. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 15, 22, (d. 7.) 23, 24 E. 3. 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15. 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38. 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6, 12. 22 & 23 E. 4.
  • Bello Capite, 23. (d. 4.) 24. E. 1.
  • S •• cti Benedicti de Hulmo 43 H. 3. 23, 27. (d. 17, 18.) 30. (d. 9. 12.) E. 1. 1. (d. 19.) 2, 4, 5, 6, 7. (d. 15. 27.) 8, 9, 10. (d. 8. 13.) 12. (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14. (d. 5. 23.) 16, 17, 18, 19 E. 2. 2. (d. 15.) 4. (d. 19. 41.) 5. (d. 7. 25.) 6. (d. 4. 9. 19. 36) 7, 8, 9. (d. 2. 28.) 10. (d. 1. 5.) 11. (d. 8. 11. 40.) 12, 13. (d. 1. 18.) 14. (d. 23. 33.) 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 22. (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 29, (d. 7, 8.) 31. (d. 2. 21.) 34. (d. 4. 35.) 36, 37, 38, 39. 42, 43, 44, 46. (d. 9. 11.) 47. 49. (d. 4, 6.) 50 E. 3. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15. 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5▪ 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 18, 20, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38, 39 H. 6. 1, 2, 6, 12, 22, & 23, E. 4.
  • Bildewas 23. (d. 4.) 24. 28. (d. 3. 17.) 30. (d. 9. 12.) 32 E. 1.
  • Blanca, or Glauca Lauda 23. (d. 4.) 24 E. 1.
  • Bocland 12. (d. 11.) 14, (d. 5.) E. 2.
  • Boxle 23. (d. 4.) 24. 28. (d. 3. 17.) E. 1.
  • Burgo, & Burgo Sancti Petri 49 H. 3. 23, 25, 27, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30. (d. 9. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1. (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2. 4, 6, 7. (d. 15. 27.) 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12. (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14. (d. 5. 23.) 16, 17, 18, 19, 20 E. 2. 1. (d. 3. 16.) 2. (d. 15. 31.) 4. (d. 19, 41.) 5. (d. 7. 25.) 6. (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, 8, 9, (d. 8. 18.) 10. (d. 1. 5.) 11. (d. 8. 11, 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14. (d. 23. 33.) 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21. (d. 9. 28.) 22. (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 29 (d. 7, 8.) 31. (d. 2. 21.) 34. (d. 4. 35.) 36. 42, 43, 44, 46, (d. 9, 11.) 47, 49, (d. 4, 6.) 50 E. 3. 1, 2, 3▪ 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 22, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 18, 20, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29. 31, 33, 38. 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6, 12, 22, & 23 E. 4.
  • Burton Super Trent 23, 27. (d. 3. 18.) 30. (d. 9. 12.) E. 1. 8, 9, 11. (d. 8. 14.) 12. (d. 11. 29.) 14 (d. 5.) E. 2.
  • Butlesden 49 H. 3.
  • Byly 23 (d. 4.) 24. 28. (d. 3. 7.) 32. 34 E. 1.
  • Bynedon 23. (d. 4.) 24. 28. (d. 3. 17.) 32 E. 1.
    (C)
  • CErcesey, or Certeseye 49 H. 3. 23. 27 E. 1. 22. (d. 7.) 23 E. 3.
  • Cerne 49 H. 3.
  • Cestriae (S. Werburge) 49 H. 3. 28. (d. 3. 17.) 32 E. 1.
  • C rencester 49 H. 3. 23. 27. (d. 17, 18.) 30. (d. 3. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 16, 17, 18, 19, 20 E. 2. 1. (d. 3. 16.) 2. (d. 15. 31) 4, (d. 19. 41.) 5▪ (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 4. 9. 19, 36.) 7, 8, 9, (d. 2. 18.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 8. 11, 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, (d. 28, 29.) 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 29, (d. 7, 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 34, (d. 4. 35.) 36, 39, 46. (d. 9. 11.) 47, 49, (d. 4, 6.) 50 E. 3. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 18, 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 11, 14 H. 4. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9▪ H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 18, 20, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38, 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6, 12, 22, & 23 E. 4.
  • Clerva x 49 H. 3.
  • Cokersand, Crokersand 23, 24, 28 (d. 3. 17.) 32 E 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, 4, 6 E. 2.
  • Colecester 49 H. 3. 23, 27, (d. 17, 18.) E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, 4, 5, 6, 7. (d. 27.) 8, 9, 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5, 23.) 16, 17, 18, 19 E. 2. 4, (d. 19. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6. (d. 4. 9. 19, 36.) 7, 8, 9, (d. 2. 18.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11. (d. 8. 11. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 15, 16, 17▪ 18, 20, 21, (d. 9.) 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 29, (d. 7, 8,) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 36, 37, 38. 39, 42, 43, 44▪ 46, (d. 9. 11.) 47, 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50 E. 3. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14. 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 18, 20, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38, 49 H. 6, 1, 2, 6, 12. 22 & 23 E. 4.
  • Comb, or Cumbe 23. (d. 4.) 24▪ 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (9, 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, 4, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 14, (d. 5.) E. 2.
  • Crokesden 23 (d. 9.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 32, 34 E. 1.
  • Croyland, or Crowland 49 H. 3. 23, (d. 9.) 25, 27, 28, (d. 3.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) E. 1. 2, 4, 6, 7, (d. 15.) 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 16, 17. 18, 19, E, 2. 4, (d. 19. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d, 4. 9, 19, 36.) 7, 8, 9, (d. 2. 18.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11. (d. 8. 9. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.), 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, (d. 9. 28.) 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 29, (d. 7, 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 34, (d. 4. 35.) 36, 37, 38. 44, 46, (d. 9. 11.) 47, 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50 E. 3. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 11, 12, 14 H, 4. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 18, 20, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38, 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6, 12, 22 & 23 E. 4.
  • Croxton 49 H. 3. 23, (d. 4.) 25, 28▪ (d. 3. 17.) 30. (9. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 1 ▪) 2, 4, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 29.) 14, (d. 5.) E. 2.
  • Cumbermere 23, (d. 4.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 32 E. 1.
    (D)
  • DE la Dale 23, (d. 4.) 24, 28, (3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, 4, 6 E. 2.
  • Deu acresse 23, (d. 4.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 32 E. 1.
  • Dunkeswell 23, (d. 4.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 32 E. 1.
    (E)
  • EDmunds d Bury 49 H. 3. 23▪ (d. 4. 9.) 24, 25, 27, (d. 3. 17. 18) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 16, 17, 18, 19, 20 E. 2. 1. (d. 3. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 31.) 4, (d. 19. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, 8, 9, (d. 2. 18.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 8. 11. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23, 33.) 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21. (d. 9. 28.) 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 28, 29. (d. 7, 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 34. (d. 4. 35.) 36, 37, 38, 39, 42, 43, 44, 46, (d, 9. 11.) 47, 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50 E. 3. 1, 2, 3, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 18, 20, 23, 25, 27, 31, 33, 38, 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6, 12. 22 & 23 E. 4.
  • Egleston 23▪ (d. 4.) 24, 28 E. 1.
  • Evesham 49 H. 3. 23, (d. 4. 9.) 24, 25, 27, (d. 3. 17, 18.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) 8, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 16, 17, 18, 19, 20 E. 2. 1, (d. 3. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 31.) 4. (d. 19. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, 8. 9, (d. 2. 18.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 8. 11. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, (d. 9. 28.) 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 28, 29, (d. 7. 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21) 32, 34, (d. 4. 35.) 36, 37, 38, 39, 42, 43, 44, 46, (d. 9. 11.) 47, E. 3. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1, 2, 3, 4. 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 18, 20, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38, 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6, 12, 22 & 23 E. 4.
  • Eynesham 27, (d. 17, 18.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) E. 1. 36, 37, 38, 39, 42, 4 , 44 E. 3. 1 R. 2.
    (F)
  • FEversham 23, 27 E. 1. 6. 7, (d. 15. 27.) 8, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 14, (d. 5.) 17, 18 E. 2. 21. (d. 28.) E. 3.
  • Fl x le, or Flaxley 23. (d. 4.) 24. 28. (d. 3. 17.) 32 E. 1.
  • Fontibus 49 H. 3. 23, (d. 4.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1. (d. 19.) 2, 4, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) 8▪ 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 16 E. 2.
  • Forneyes, or Furneys 49 H. 3. 23, (d. 4.) 24, 28, (d. 4. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1 (d. 19.) 2, 4, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14 (d. 5.) E. 2.
    (G)
  • GErndon, Grendon, Gerwedon 23, (d. 4.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, 4, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12▪ (d. 11. 29.) 14 (d. 5.) E. 2.
  • Glaston 49 H. 3. 23, 25, 27, (d. 17, 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 16, 17, 18, 19, 20 E. 2. 1, (d. 3. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 31.) 4, (d. 19. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6 (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, 8, 9, (d. 2. 18.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 8. 11. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, (d. 9. 28.) 22▪ (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 29, (d. 7, 8.) 31, (d. 2. 24.) 34, (d. 4, 35.) 36, 37, 38, 39, 42, 43, 44, 46. (d. 9. 11.) 47, 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50 E. 3. 1, 2, 3▪ 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 18, 20, 21, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38, 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6, 12, 22 & 23 E. 4.
  • Glo cester Sancti Petri 49 H. 3. 23, 25, 27, (d. 3. 17, 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 16, 17, 18, 19, 20 E, 2. 1, (d. 3. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 31.) 4, (d. 19. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 4. 9, 19. 36.) 7, 8, 9, (d. 2. 18,) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11. (d. 8. 11. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, 23. 33.) 15, 16, 18, 20, 21, (d. 9. 28.) 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 29, (d. 7, 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 34, (d. 4. 35.) 36, 37, 38, 39, 42, 43, 44, 46, (d. 9. 11.) 47, 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50 E. 3. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, 9, 10, 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p. . d. 4.) 7, 8, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 18, 20, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38, 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6, 12, 22 & 23 E. 4.
    (H)
  • HAles, or Hayles (2. distinct Abbots usually summoned together) 23 (d. 4. 9.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, 4, 5 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 14, (d. 5.) E. 2.
  • Heppe 23 E. 1. (d. 4.)
  • Hid juxt Winton 49 H. 3. 23, 27, (d. 3. 17. 18,) 30, (d. 9. 12.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 16, 17, 18, 19, 20 E. 2. 1, (d. 3. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 31.) 4. (d. 19. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, 8, 9, (d. 2. 18.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11▪ (d. 8. 11. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, (d. 9.) 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 29, (d. 7. 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 34, (d. 4. 35.) 36, 37,, 38, 39, 42, 43, 44, 46. (d. 9. 11.) 47, 50 E. 3. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, 9, 10, 11, 12 (d. 13. 24.) 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21 R. 2. 1, 3, 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 4.) 7, 8, 11, 12, 14, H. 4. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11. 13, 15 18, 20, 23▪ 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38, 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6, 12, 22 & 23 E. 4.
  • Holmencoltram 23, (d. 4) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, 4 E. 2.
  • Hulme, See Benedict.
    (I)
  • James (See Northampton. )
  • Ierevall, Iornal, I rval, Gereval, Gervaux, 23 (d. 4.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, 4, 6, 7, (d. 27.) E. 2.
    (K)
  • KI geswode 23, (d. 4.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 32 E. 1.
  • Kirk stead 49 H. 3. 23, (d. 4. 9.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, 4, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 14, (d. 5.) E. 2▪
  • K rkestall 49 H. 3.
    (L)
  • LAvedon, Lanedon 23 (d. 4.) 24, 28. (d. 3. 17.) 32 E. 1.
  • Lesenes 49 H. 3. 23 E. 1.
  • Leicester 49 H. 3. 23, 27, (d. 17, 18.) E. 1. 12. (d. 11.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 16, 17, 18, 19, 20 E. 2. 1, (d. 3 16.) 2, (d. 15. 31.) 4, (d. 19. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, 8, 9, (d. 2. 18.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11. (d. 8. 11. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28. 14, (d. 23. 33.) 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, (d. 9. 28.) 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24. (25. cancellatur) 27, (summoned again) & 29, d. 7. E. 3. cancellatur.
  • Lilleshull 49 H. 3.
  • Litely, Letely, 23, (d. 4.) 24, 28. (d. 3. 17.) 32 E. 1.
    (M)
  • MAlmeshury 49 H. 3. 23, 25, 27, (d. 3. 17, 18) 28, 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 16, 17, 18, 19, 20▪ E, 2. 1, (d. 3. 16.) 2, (d. 11. 31.) 4, (d. 19. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, 8, 9, (d. 2. 18,) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11. (d. 8. 1 . 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 15, 16, 18, 20, 21, (d. 9. 28.) 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 29, (d. 7, 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 34, (d. 4. 35.) 36, 37, 38, 39, 42, 43, 44, 46, (d. 9. 11.) 47, 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50 E. 3. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, 9, 10, 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, (d. 28. . . d. 4.) 8, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9▪ 10, 11, 13, 15, 18, 20, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38, 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6, 12, 22 & 23. E. 4.
  • Mary Eborum 49 H. 3. 23, 27, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, 4, 5, 6▪ 7, (d. 15, 27.) 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 14, (d. 5. 23.) 16. 17, 18, 19, 20. E. 2. 1, (d. 3. 16.) 2, (d. 11. 31.) 4. (d. 19. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 9. 19. 36.) 7, 8▪ 9, (d. 2. 18.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 8. 11. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 15, 17, 18, 21. (d. 9.) 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 29, (d. 7. 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 37, 38, 39, 42, 43, 44, 46, (d. 9. 11.) 47, 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50 E. 3.
  • Melsa 49 H. 3. 23, (d. 4.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 14, (d. 5.) E. 2.
  • Meryval, Mira Valle 49 H. 3. 23, (d. 4.) 24, 28▪ (d. 3. 17.) 30. (9. 12.) 32 E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2,▪ 4, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 14, (d. 5.) E. 2.
  • Middleton 49 H. 3. 12, (d. 11.) 14, (d. 5.) E. 2. 22, (d. 7.) 23 E. 3.
  • 〈◊〉 49 H. 3.
  • Mucheln ye 22, (d. 7.) 23 E. 3.
    (N)
  • NEwhus 23, (d. 4.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 32, 34 E. 1▪ 1, (d. 19.) 2, 4, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) E. 2.
  • N •• some 23 E. . (d. 4.)
  • Northampton, James 49 H. 3. 12, (d. 11.) 14, (d. 5.) E. 2.
  • Novo Monasterio 23 (d. 4.) 24, 28. (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9, 12.) 32, 34 E. 1.
  • Nuttel 49 H. 3.
  • Nywenham 2, 5, 6 E. 2.
    (O)
  • OSelveston 49 H. 3.
  • Os ney 49 H. 3. 23, 27, (d. 17, 18.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) E. 1. 12. (d. 11.) 14, (d. 5.) 16, 17, 18, 19 E. 2. 4, (d. 19. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, 8, 9, (d. 8. 18.) 1 , (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 8. 11. 40.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 15, 17, 18, 21, (d. 28.) 23, 46, (d. 9. 11.) 47 E. 3.
  • Osytha 23, 32 E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) E. 2.
    (P)
  • PArco Lude 49 H. 3. 23, (d. 4.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 32 E. 1.
  • Sancti Petri Bristol 32, 34, E. 1. 1, (d▪ 19.) E. 2. 32 E. 3.
  • Pershor , Persour, Pershor 49 H. 3. 23. 27. (d. 17, 18.) E. 1. 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 14, (d. 5.) E. 2.
  • Pippewell 23, (d. 4▪) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, 4, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) E. 2.
    (Q)
  • QU rrera, Quarrere 23, (d. 4.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32 E. 1.
    (R)
  • RAdegunde 23, (d. 4. 9.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32, 34, E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, 4, E. 2.
  • R •• ing, Reding, Reding s 49 H. 3. 23, 25, 27, (d. 17, 18.) 28, 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 19.) 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12 (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 16, 17, 18, 19, 20 E. 2. 1, (d. 3. 16.) 2, (d. 15, 31.) 4, (d. 19. 41.) 6,▪ (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, 8, 9, (d. 2. 18.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 8, 11. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 2 , (d. 9. 28.) 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, (d. 2. 21.) 34, (d. 4. 35.) 36, 37, 38. 39, 42, 43, 44, 46. (d. 9. 11.) 47, 49, (d. 4, 6,) 50 E. 3. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, 9, 10, 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 4.) 7, 8, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 10, 11, 13, 15, 18, 20, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38, 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6, 12, 22 & 23 E. 4.
  • R m s y Ramsey 49 H. 3. 23, 25, 27, (d. 17. 18.) 28, 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11▪ 19.) 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) 8, 9, 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14,) (d. 5. 23.) 16, 17, 18, 19, 20 E. 2. 1, (d. 3. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 31) 4, (d. 19. 41.) 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, 8, 9, (d. 2. 18.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 8. 15. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 15, 17, 18, 20, 21, (d. 9. 28.) 22, (d. 32.) 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, (d. 7. 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 34, (d. 4. 35.) 36, 37, 38, 39, 42, 43, 44, 46, (d. 9. 11.) 47, 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50 E. 3. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, 9, 10, 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21 R. 2, 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 11, 12, 14 〈◊〉 . 4. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 〈◊〉 . 5. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 18, 20, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38, 49 H. 6. & 6, 12, 22, & 23 E.
  • Revesbye 23, (d. 4.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 32 E. 1. 14 (d. 5.) E. 2.
  • Ryevall, Ryaval, Rival 49 H. 3. 4, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) E. 2.
  • Rufford, Rughford 49 H. 3. 23, (d. 4.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2. 4, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) E. 2.
  • Rupe 49 H. 3. 23, (d. 4.) 24, 48, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 3. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, 4. 6, 7, (d. 27.) E. 2.
  • Rouc ster. 12 E. 2. (d. 11.)
    (S)
  • SAllay 23, (d. 4.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 34, E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, 4, 6, 7, (d. 27.) E. 2.
  • Salop 49 H. 3. 23, 27, (d. 17, 18.) 32 E. 1. 5, 12 (d. 11.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 16, 17, 18 E. 2. 4, (d. 19. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, 8, 9, (d. 18.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 8, 11. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 15, 17, 18, 20, 21, (d. 9.) 22, (d. 7. 32.) 2 . 24, 25, 27, 29, (d. 7, 8,) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 34, (d. 4. 35.) 38. 39, 42, 43, 44, 46, (d. 9. 11.) 47, 50 E. 3. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, 9, 10, 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, (d. 28. p. 2. d. 4.) 8, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 18, 20, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38, 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6, 12, 22 & 23 E. 4.
  • Selebey, Selby, Suleby 49 H. 3. 23, 24, 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 19.) 2, 4, 6, 7, (d. 27.) 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 4.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 16, 17, 18, 19, 20 E. 2. 1, (d. 3. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 31.) 4, (d. 19. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 9. 19. 36.) 7, 8, 9, (d. 2. 18.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 8. 11.) 12, 13▪ (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 15, 17, 18, 21, (d. 9.) 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 29, (d. 7, 8.) 34, (d. 4.) 36, 37, 38, 39, 44, 46, (d. 9. 11.) 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50 E. 3. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, 9, 10, 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 5, (d. 28. & 1. d. 4.) 7, 8, 10, 12, 14 H. 4. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 18, 20, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38, 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6, 12, 22 & 23 E. 4.
  • Sherburne 23, 27, (d. 18.) E. 1. 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) E. 2.
  • Stanley in Arderne 23, 24, (d. 1. 17.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, 4, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) E. 2.
  • Stanlawe 23, (d. 4.) 28, (d. . 17.) 32 E. 1.
  • Stonely, Stanley, Stanlegh in Wilts 23 (d. 4.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 32 E. 1. 5, 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) E. 2.
  • Strata florida 23, (d. 4.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 2 E. 1.
  • Stratford at Bogh 23, (d. 4.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32 E. 1. 1, (d. 19. 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) E. 2.
  • Swynesheued 23, (d. 4.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 32 E. 1.
    (T)
  • TAme 49 H. 3
  • Tavistoke 49 H. 3. 30, (d. 9. 12.) E. 1. 22, (d. 7.) 23 E. 3.
  • Teukesbury 49 H. 3. 23, 27, (d. 17. 18.) E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) E. 2.
  • Thorney 49 H. 3. 23, 25, 27, (d. 3. 18.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) E. 1. 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, (d. 16. 17.) 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 4, (d. 5. 2 .) 16, 17, 18, 19 E. 2. 4, (d. 19. 4 . 5, (d. 7. 5.) 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, 8, 9, (d. 2. 18.) 11, (d. 8. 11. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 15, 17, 18, 20, 1, (d. 9. 28.) 22, (d. 32.) 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, (d. . 8.) 1, (d. 2. 1.) 34, (d. 4. 35.) 36, 7, 38, 39, 42, 43, 44, 46, (d. 9. 11.) 47, 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50 . 3. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, 9, 10, 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 4.) 7, 8, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 18, 20, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38, 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6, 12, 22 & 23 E. 4.
  • Thornton super Humber 23, (d. 4.) 27 E. 1. 5, 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 16, 17, 18, 19, 20 E. 2. 2, (d. 3. 16.) 4, (d. 19. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, 8, 9, (d. 8. 18.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 8. 11. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 15. 23 E. 3.
  • Tiche ielde 23, (d. 4.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) E. 2.
  • Tint rne 23 (d. 4.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 32 E. 1.
  • Torre 23, (d. 4.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, 4, 6 E. 2.
  • Tupholme 23, (d. 4.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, 4, 6, 7, (d. 27.) E. 2.
  • Tyletye 23, (d. 4.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) E. 1.
    (V)
  • VAlle D i 49 H. 3. 23) (d. 4.) 24. 28. (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, 4, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 14, (d. 5.) E. 2.
  • Valle R gali 23, (d. 4.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 32, E. 1.
    (W.)
  • Altham & Wautham Sanctae Crucis 49 H. 3. 23 (d. 4. 9.) 24, 25, 27, (d. 17, 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2. 4, 5, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) 8. 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 16, 17, 18, 19 E. 2. 2, (d. 15.) 4, (d. 19. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, 8, 9, (d. 2. 34.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 8. 11. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 15, 16 17, 18, 20, 21, (d. 9. 28.) 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 27, 28 29, (d. 7. 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 33. 34, (d. 4. 35.) 36, 38, 39, 42, 43, 44, 46, (d. 9. 11.) 47, 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50 E. 3. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15. 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 18, 20, 21, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38, 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6, 12, 22 & 23 E. 4.
  • Warden, Wardon de Boxle 49 H. 3, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 32 E. 1.
  • Waverly, Waverle 49 H. 3. 23. 25, 27, (d. 3. 17,) 28, 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32 E. 1.
  • Wellebeck 23, (d. 4.) 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, 4, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) 8, 9. 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 14, (d. 5.) E. 2.
  • Westminster Sancti Petri 49 H. 3. 23, 25, 27, (d. 3. 17, 18) 28, 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1. (d. 19.) 5, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 16, 17, 18, 19, 20 E, 2. 1, (d. 3. 16.) 2, (d. 15, 31.) 4, (d. 19. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 4. 9, 19. 36.) 7, 8, 9, (d. 8. 18,) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11. (d. (d. 8. 11. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 15, 17, 18, 21, 21, (d. 9. 28.) 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24; 25, 27, 28, 29, (d. 7, 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 33, 34, (d. 4. 35.) 38, 39, 42, 43, 44, 46, (d. 9. 11.) 47, 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50 E. 3. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 5, 7, 8, 11, 12, 14 H, 4. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 18, 20, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38, 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6, 12, 22 & 23 E. 4.
  • Whiteby, Wyteby 49 H. 3. 23, 27, (d. 18.) E. 1. 12. (d. 11.) 14, (d. 5.) E. 2.
  • Winchecombe 49 H. 3. 23, 27, (d. 17. 18) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, (d. 15, 27.) 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 14, (d. 5.) 16, 17, 18, 19, E. 2. 4. (d. 19. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, 8, 9, (d. 2. 18.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 8. 11. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 16, 17, 20, 21, (d. 9.) 22. (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 29, (d. 7, 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 34, (d. 4. 35.) 46, (d. 9. 11.) 47, 49, (d. 4. 6.) E. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9. 10, 11, 12, 13, 14▪ 15. 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23. R 2. 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9. 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, 18, 20, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38. 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6, 12, 22 & 23 E. 4.

The total number of the Abbots summoned at several times, (taking Hales and Hayles as distinct,) is 22.

    An Alphabetical Catalogue of the Priors and Masters of Religious Orders summoned to the Parliaments and Great Councils of England.
  • BArtholmew London 49 H. 3.
  • Bath 23 E. 1.
  • Bermundesey 49 H. 3.
  • Bernewell, 49 H. 3.
  • Blida 49 H. 3.
  • Bridlington 49 H. 3. 1. (d. 11.) 12, (d. 11.) 14, (d. 5.) 16, 17, 18, 19 E. 2.
  • Bouver, or Beuver 49 H. 3.
  • Christ-Church Canterbury 23, 25, 27, (d. 18.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11.) E. 2. 21, (d. 28.) 22, (d. 7,) 32, 33 E. 3.
  • Coventre 49 H. 3. 13, 14, (d. 23.) E. 2. 36, 37, 38, 39, 42, 43, 44, 46, (d. 9. 11.) 47, 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50 E. 3. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 18, 20, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38, 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6, 12, 22 & 23 E. 4.
  • Cruceroyes 49 H. 3.
  • Dunolme 49 H. 3. 29 E. 1.
  • Dunstaple 49 H. 3.
  • Eli 49 H. 3. 23, 25 E. 1. 21 E. 3. d. 28.
  • Eton 49 H. 3.
  • Finnesh ued 49 H. 3.
  • Friswid Oxford 49 H. 3.
  • Giseburn 49 H. 3. 23, 27 (d. 18.) E. 1.
  • Huntingdon 49 H. 3.
  • John Jerusalem in Anglia 49 H. 3. 23, 25, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9.) 32 E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, 4, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) 8, 9, 11. (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 16, 17, 18, 19 E. 2. 2, (d. 15.) 4, (d. 19. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 9. 19. 36.) 7, 8, 9, (d. 2. 18.) 10, d. (1, 5.) 11, (d. 8. 11. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, (d. 9. 28.) 22. (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 28; 29, (d. 7, 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 32, 33, 34, (d. 4. 35.) 36, 37, 38, 42, 43, 44. 46, (d. 9. 11.) 47, 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50 E. 3. 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23, R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1, 2, 3, 4 H. 5. 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 15, 18, 23, 25, 28, 31, 33, 38, 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6, 12. 22 & 23 E. 4.
  • Karliol 49 H. 3.
  • Kinleworth 49 H. 3.
  • Lauda 49 H. 3.
  • Ledes 49 H. 3.
  • Lenton 49. H. 3.
  • Lews, or Louis 49 H. 3. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2. 4. 5, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 16, 17, 18, 19 E. 2. 4. (d. 19. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, 8, 9, (d. 2. 18.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 8. 11. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23, 33.) 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, (d. 9. 28.) 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 27, 36, 37, 38 E. 3.
  • Merton 49 H. 3. 23, (d. 9.) 27, (d. 18.) E. 1.
  • N ots 49 H. 3.
  • N rwich 49 H. 3. 23, 25 E. 1.
  • Oswald 49 H. 3.
  • Parco 49 H. 3.
  • Roffen. 21 E. 3. d. 28.
  • Magist •• Ordinis de S mpingham, Semplingham, and Sempringham, sometimes written Prior 49 H. 3. 24, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30. (d. 9.) 32 E. 1. 6, 7. (d. 15. 27.) 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) E. 2. 10. (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 8. 11. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 15 E. 3.
  • Stodley 49 H. 3.
  • Spalding 49 H. 3. 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, (d. 15. 27.) 8, 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 14, (d. 5.) 16, 17, 18, 19, E. 2. 4, (d. 19. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 4. 9. 19, 36.) 7, 8, 9, (d. 2. 18.) 10, (d. 5.) 11, (d. 8. 11. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 15 E. 3.
  • Swithe •• Winton 49 H. 3. 23, 25 E. 1. 21 E. 3.
  • Magister Militiae Templi in Anglia 49 H. 3. 23, 24, 27, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30. (d. 9.) 32 E. 1. 1 (d. 19.) E. 2. This Order of the Templars was dissolved under King Edward the 2. and their Lands scheated, settled on the Hospitallers by the Statute of 17 E. 2. So that the Mr. of the Templars was never after summoned.
  • Thurgarton 49 H. 3.
  • Trinity Cant. 49 H. 3.
  • Trinity Ebor. 49 H. 3.
  • Watton 49 H. 3.
  • Wigorne 23 E. 1.

The total of the Priors and Masters of Orders 41.

    Deans and other particular Clergy-men summoned.
  • Decan. Ebor. Decan. Sarum, Decan. Lincoln, Decan. Exon, Decan. de Well: 49 H. 3.
  • Magistro Gilberto Middleton Archid. Northampton Offic. Cur. Cantuar. Magistr. Roberto de Sanct. Albano Decano de Arcubus London: 18 E. 2. dors, 5. Decano Wellen. 32 E. 3. dors. 14.

By this Alphabetical exact Table it is apparent,

1. That the total Number of the Abbots at any times summoned to Parliaments and Great Councils of State by special Writs and Memorials entered in the Clause Rolls, was 122. And the total sum of Priors and Masters of Religious Orders thus summoned, 41. in all 163. besides the 5 Deans, and the Official of the Court of Canterbury and Dean of the Arches.

2. That of all this numerous multitude of Abbots, Priors, and Masters of Religious Orders thus summoned at several times upon particular reasons and occasions, there were only 25 Abbots constantly summoned towards the latter end of King Edward the 3. his reign, and the beg •• ning of Richard the 2d. to the end of King Edward the 4th, and the dissolution of Monasteries; to wit, the Abbots of Abingdon, St. Albans, St. Augustine's Canterbury, Bardeny, de Bello, de Burgo Sancti Petri, Cirencester, Colecester, Croyland, St. Edmond's Bury, Evesham, Glaston, Gloucester, Hida, Hulmo, Malmesbury, St. Mary's of York, Rading, Ramesy, Salop, Seleby, Thorney, Waltham, Westminster and Winchecombe; And two Priors only, namely of Coventre, and of the Hospital of S. John of Jerusalem in England.

3. That 13. of these 122. Abbots, and 27. of these Priors, were summoned only but once; 4. of these Abbots and 1. of these Priors but twice; 3. of these Abbots and 3. Priors only thrice; 6. Abbots and 2. Priors but 4. times; 17. Abbots but 5. times, others 6. 7. 8. 9. or 10. times summoned, and no more, then totally omitted out of the Summons ever after.

4ly, That some Abbots and Priors summoned to very many Parliaments, and Great Councils, were yet afterwards omitted out of the Summons, and never called by writ unto them afterwards. For instance, the Abbots of St. Augustine's Bristol were summoned to 16. of Barlinges to 25. of Cumbe to 21. the Abbots of Croxton to 22. D ontibus to 25. Of urneyes to 23. Of Hales to 21. Of Melsa to 23. Of Mira Valle to 21. Of Osency to 39. Of Thornton to 43. the Master and Prior of the Order of Semplingham to 29. the Prior of Lews or Louis to 61. and the Prior of Spalding to 41 Parliaments and Great Councils under Henry the 3. Edward 1. 2. or 3. and yet they were never summoned to any Parliaments after King Edward the 3. The Prior of St. James Northampton summoned once under Henry the 3d. being Summoned Ann. 12 E. 2. was (upon his Petition prosecuted by his Proctor) discharged from any future summons, and lest out of the Rolls after 14 E. 2. because Non tenet de Rege per Baroniam, nec 〈◊〉 Capite; sed tantum in puram et perpetuam eleemosynam, nec praedecessores sui unquam in Cancellaria i rotulati fuerunt, nisi ad stimulationem aliquorum malignorum▪ possent alias, p r casum irrotulari , et per consequence citari▪ as you may read at large in Mr. Sclden. The Prior of Bridlington was summoned 9. times under Henry the 3. and Edward 2. and then in 14 Ed: 2. there was this entry made in the Roll, Nihil tenet de Rege, and no future Summons issued to him afterwards: The Abbot of Leicester was summoned to no less than 50 Parliaments and Great Councils under Henry 3. and Ed. 1, 2, 3. before 25 E. 3. yet after all these Summons there is this entry made upon his 51 summons, Ann. 25 E. 3. (Here, p. 6.) Abbas Leicestr, cancellatur, quia habet Cartam Regis quod non compellatur venira ad Parliamentum: The Grounds of which discharge are thus expressed in the Charter of his exemption from future summons granted upon his Petition in Parliament.

Rex omnibus ad quos, &c. Salutem. Supplicavit nobis dilectus nobis in Christo Abbas de Lecestria, ut, cum Abbatia sua praedicta per Robertum Fitz Robert de M kan, dudum Comitem Leycestriae, fundata fuisset in puram & perpetuam elemosinam, & advocatio ive patronatus ejusdem ad manus Domini H. quondam Regis Angliae proavi nostri, per forisfactum Simonis d Mont orti tune Comitis Leycestriae & pa •• oni ejusdem devenerir, idemque Abbas aliqua terras seu tenementa de nobis per Baroniam seu alio modo non teneat, per quod ad Parliamenta sen Consilia nostra venire teneatur, nec aliquis Praedecessorum suorum ante quadragesimum nonum annum dicti proavi nostri, post orisfacturam praedicti Simonis (quo anno omnes Abbates et Priores Regni nostri Angliae, ad Parliamentum ejusdem proavi nostri tune tentum, voluntary summoniti fuerunt) summonitus extiterit, velimus ipsum Abbarem de hujusmodi adventu ad Parliamentum factae exonerari; Et quia visis cartis & confirmationibus de erris & tenementis eidem Abbatiae datis et concessis in Cancellariae nostrae irrot ulatis compertum est, quod dicta Abbatia per praedictum Robert Fitz Robert de Mekan, tunc Comitem Leycestriae, fundata erat in puram et perpetuam Elemosinam, et non invenitur in rotulis praedictis, quod prae dictus Abbas aliqua erras seu tenementa de nobis tenet per Baroniam seu aliquo alio servitio, nec quod Praedecessores sui Abbates loci praedicti ad aliqua Parliamenta progenitorum nostrorum ante praedictum quadragesimum nonum annum dicti proavi nostri aut postmodum continue , sed vicibus interpola is, summoniti fuerint; Nolentes ipsum Abbatem indebire sic vexari, concessimus pro nobis et haeredibus nostris, quod idem Abbas et successores sui de veniendo ad Parliamenta et Consilia nostra vel haeredum nostrorum de caetero quieti sint & exonerati imperpetuum. Ita semper quod dictus Abbas & succe •• ores sui in Procuratores ad hujusmodi Parliamenta & Consilia per Clerum mittendos consentiant & ut moris est expensis contribuant eorundem. In cujus, &c. Teste Rege apud West monasterium XV. die Februar. Per petitionem de Parliamento.

After which Patent and entry this Abbot being summoned again in the lists of 27. & 29 E. 3. upon complaint thereof, there was this Memorandum made in the Clause Roll of 29 E. 3. Cancella ur Abbas Leycestriae, quia hab •• Cartam Regis, quod Non Compellatur v nir ad Parliam ntum.

The Abbot of Tavistock was summoned to 5 Parliaments and Parliamentary Councils under H. 3. Ed. 1. and Ed. 3. the last whereof was in 23 E. 3. but never after; yet King Henry the 8. in the 5. year of his reign, created Richard Banham Abbot of Tavistocke and his successors, to be one of the Spiritual and Religious Lord's of the Parliament, of himself his heirs and successors; yet withal pardoned their absence at any time from Parliament, by reason of their great distance from it, paying only the fine of 5. marks for every time they should be personally absent into the Kings Exchequer, as this Patent manifests.

Henricus, &c. Sciatis quod certis considerationibu nos specialite moventibus, & o specialem devotionem quam ad Beatam Virginem Mariam matrem Christi, sanctumque Rumonum, in quorum Honore Abbatia de Tavistocke, quae de fundatione nobilium progenitorum nostroum quondam Regum Angliae & nostro patronatu dedicata existir; gerimus et habemus, hinc est, quod de gratia nostra specially ac ex certa scientia & mero motu nostris, volumus candem Abbatiam sive Monasterium nostrum gaudere honor, priuilegio, ac liberratibus spiritualium Dominorum Parliamenti nostri Haeredum & successorum nostrorum. Ideo concessimus & per praesentes concedimus, pro nobis haeredibus & successoribus nostris quantum in nobis est, dilecto nobis in Christo Richardo Banha Abbati de Tavistocke praedicto & successoribus suis, ut eorum quilibet qui pro tempore ibidem fuerit Abbas, sit et erit unus de spiritualibus & Religiosis Dominis Parliamenti nostri Haeredum & successorum nostrorum, gaudendo honor, privilegio ac libertatibus ejusdem; Et insuper, de uberiori gratia nostra, a ••• ctando utilitatem dicti nostri Monasterii, considerando ejus distantiam, Ita quod si contingat aliquem Abbatem qui pro tempore fuerit fore vel esse absentem propter praedicti Monasterii utilitatem in non veniendo ad Parliamentum praedictum Haeredum vel successorum nostrum, quam quidem absentiam eidem Abbati perdonamus per praesentes; Ita tamen quod tune solve pro hujusmodi ab entia cujuslibet Parliamenti integri in nostro Scaccario, suum per Attornatum quinque Marcas nobis, haeredibus sive succe •• oribus nostris, totiens quotiens, ho infuturum contigerit. In cujus, &c. Teste, &c. Vicesimo ter io die Ianuarii, &c.

Sir Edward Cook in his 4. Institutes, p. 45. affirms this Patent to be void in Law; but upon such a poor reason, as will made all Temporal Lord's, Barons, Earls, and Dukes Patents likewise void, if they hold not by Barony; and I conceive it to be good in Law, upon consideration of the premises, that our Kings did at their pleasure, without any special Patents of Creation, summon what Abbots and Priors they thought meet to their Parliaments, and omitted, discharged them at their pleasures, as the premises plentifully manifest beyond contradiction.

5. It is most demonstratively and experimentally evident by this Table: That the Kings bare writs of summons of Abbots, Priors, Masters of Religious Orders, Deans, and other Clergymen not holding by Barony, and their sitting in Parliaments and Great Councils, and debating, consulting, advising with the King and the rest of the Abbots, Priors, Bishops, Earls, Lord's and Barons of the Realm in Parliament according to the tenor of the writs of Summons (issued to them all in the self-same form) did neither really or actually ennoble either them, nor their successors (for then by Sir Edward Cooks own doctrine) they ought, ex debito justitiae, to have been summoned constantly during life, and their Successors after them, when they had been called by writ, actually sat in one, two, much more if in three or four Parliaments; when most of them who were summoned sat only in 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, or 8. Parliaments and no more; and neither they nor their Successors were ever after summoned; yea some of hem after above 20, 30, 40, 50, and 60. summons to, and Sessions in Parliaments under several Kings, have been afterwards discharged, or left out of the writs of Summons, as no Barons nor Peers of the Realm, because they held not by Barony of the King: Therefore their writs of Summons and Session did only make them but momentary and quasi temporary Peers, or Spiritual Lord's pro hac vice only, when and whiles they were summoned to, and sat in any particular Parliament or great Co ncil amongst the rest of the Prelates and Lord's, not after they were dissolved, when both their tempora ie. Pe ••• ge and Lordships (if their writ and Session made them Lord's or Peer pro tempore, ) expired with the Parliaments: And by the self-same ground, reason, the Kings summons of any Knights, Esquires, or other Laymen to Parliament by a general wri •• , who held not by Barony, without any special Clause creating them Barons by writs or Parents, and their actual sitting in Parliament, can neither ennoble themselves, nor make them Lord's, Barons, or Peers of the Realm for life, much less their heirs males in fee, or for perpet ity after their deceases, but only make them quasi Peers, or Great men, or rather Assistants to, and joint Co nsellors with the Lord's in Parliament pro tempore, so long as the Parliaments to which they are summoned and in which they sit continue, but no longer; as I have elsewher proved, and shall further demonstratively evidence in the next Section, against Sir Edward Cooks and others mistakes therein.

8. That our Kings by their Prerogative and royal Authority alone did upon all extraordinary occasions summon what Abbots, Priors, Religious and Ecclesiastical persons they thought meet, in the self same manner, and by the self same forms of writs, as they summoned the Bishops, Abbots, Peers and other Lord's who were actual Peers and Barons of the Realm, in greater or smaller numbers as they and their Council thought me est; who sat, consulted, advised in Parliament, together with the King and the rest of the Lord's: which royal Prerogative and Jurisdiction was never questioned, oppugned, complained or voted against in any ancient Parliaments to my knowledge; which being our Kings Parliaments, yea the Grand Councils both of the King and kingdom, (as the writs of Summons and all Prologues and Acts of Parliament style them) they might thereupon lawfully summon to them what persons they deemed most fit and able to advise, assist them, and to promote, dispatch their public affairs, for their own and the kingdoms benefit, safety, defense, and common welfare; though no actual Peers, Lord's, or Barons of the Realm by Patent, or Tenure; as will more fully appear by the two next Sections.

7. This Table doth undeniably convince the forecited Memorandum (p. 34.) entered in Cl. 6 E. 3. m. 36. Istis Abbatibus et Prioribus subscriptis, non solebat scribi in aliis Parliamentis; viz. Abbati de Teukesbury, with 26 Abbots and Priors there named to be full of gross mistakes: For I find the Abbot of St. Augustine's Bristol summoned no less than 5. times before, and 11. times after 6 E. 3. and the Abbot of Bardenay no less than 33. times summoned before, and 80. times after it, being one of the Abbots constantly summoned till the 23 E. 4. and dissolution of Monasteries: the Abbot of Barlinges 25. times before it: the Abbot de Bello 30. times before, and 70. after it, being one of the 25 Abbots constantly summoned as a Baron: the Abbot of Burton upon Trent 12 times: the Prior of Bridlington 8. times, the Prior of Chester 4. times, the Abbot de Fontibus 26. the Abbot of Furneyes 23. times: the Abbot of Gerveux (Gervall, or Iorvall ) 13. times: the Prior of Gis urn thrice: the Abbot of Hayles 21 times: the Abbot of L •••• nes twice: the Abbot of St. Ositha 12. time , the Abbot of Per hore 11. times the Abbot of Ryevall 14. times: the Master and Prior of the Order of Sempingham 29. times, the Abbot of Stratford 12. times, all of them before 6 E. 3. the Abbot of Tavistock. thrice before, and twice after i : the Abbot of Tham once, the Abbot of Teukesbury 5. times, and the Abbot of Wardon 4. times before it: Only to the Abbots of Boghland, Langedon and W alley therein mentioned I find no writs of Summons in any Rolls, unless Boghland, be meant of Bocland (as I conceive it is) who was twice summoned; and Langedon for Lavedon who was 5. times; and Whalley for Wave ley, who was 9. times summoned by writ before this Memorandum; entered by some ignorant Clerk, who had not well examined the former Clause rol s and lists of Summons.

8. That the Bishops, Abbots and Priors summoned constantly and of right to our Parliaments and Great Councils by writ, were thus summoned to them, not as they were Bishops, Abbots, or Priors, but in respect of their Baronies, which they held of, by, from and under our Kings; as is evident by the Recognition made in the Great Parliamentary Council at Clarindon, Ann. 1164. by Petrus Blesensis his Treatise De Institution Episcop : dedicated to King Henry the 2d; by the Judgment given against Thomas Becket Archbishop of Canterbury in a Council at Northam ton Anno 1165. (11 H. 2.) recorded by William Fitz-Stephens; by the Great Charter of King John, Anno 1215. (15 Iohanis ) by that of Matthew Paris Anno 1231. Septimo Calendas Februarii, convenerunt ad Colloquium apud Westmonasterium Rex, cum Praelatis et aliis Magnatibus, ubi exegit idem Rex Scutagium, de quolibet Scuto tres marcas▪ ab omnibus qui Baron as tenebant tam Laicis quam Praelatis: ui Richardus Can uariensis Archiepi copus, et quidam Episcopy cum eo, and cter resistentes, dixerunt. Quod non tenentur viri Ecclesiastici judicio subjici Laicorum, cum absque 〈◊〉 concessum uit, Scutagium in finibus ransm •• inis. Tandem et post mustas inde disceptationes, negotium quan •• m ad Praelatos reclamantes pertinebat usque 15. dies post Pascha dilationem ac •• pit; And by this notible passage of the Continuer of Matthew Paris Anno 1267. (51 H. 3.) Rex citati f cit Comites et Barones, Archiepiscopos, Episcopos et Abbates, omnesque communiter militare servitium sibi debenter, ut apud Sanctum Edmundum, equis et a mis sufficienter instructi convenirent, ad imp endum os, qui contra pacem Regiam occupaverunt Ins l m Eljensem, &c. Abaduna is qui ad Parliamentum citati suerant, praeter rebels, primo principaliter Rex et Legarus subscriptos Articulos exigebant; Ut omnes Praelati & rectores Ecclesiarum decimas sibi concederent, de tribus annis sequentibus, & de anno pr ximo prae e ito▪ quantum dabunt Baronibus ad custodiendum mare contra alienigena . Responsio. Ad hoc responderunt, quod bellum inceptum fuerat per iniquam cupiditatem, & durat in praesens, & necessarium esset, hujusmodi petitions pessimas praeterire, & de pace regni tractare, et Parliamentum suum ad utilitatem Ecclesiae et regni convertere, non ad denatiorum extorsionem: praecipue quum terra in tantum destructa sit per bellum, quod nunquam, vel saltem sero poterit respirate. Secundu . Item petitum est, ut Ecclesiae taxarentur per manus Laicorum, justa et alta taxatione, ad valorem omnium bonorum spectantium ad easdem. Responsio. Ad hoc respondebatur, quod non est ratio, sed omnino contra justiciam, ut Laici de decimis colligendis se intromittant, nec in hoc unquam consentirent communiter, sed tantum ut taxa io antiqua staret. Tertius. Item, ut Episcopy & Abbates, &c. decimam suam darent DE BARONIIS SUIS plenary, et de Laico feudo recta & alta taxatione. Responsio. Ad hoc respondebatur, quod depraedationibus sunt depauperati, et sequuti sunt Regem in expeditione, & tanta pecuniarum effusione, quod omnino paupers sunt effecti, e etiam errae eorum incultae ac bant propter bellum. Quartus. Item petirum est, ut Clerus communiter daret domino Regi, ad relevandum sta um suum, triginta millia marcarum, propter ante dictas decimas, quas quidem Legat us vendicabat ad opus Romanae curiae, propter debita Siciliae, Apuliae, et Calabriae contracta, in nomine domini Edmundi filii Regis modo praesentis. Responsio. Ad hoc respondebatur, quod ihil darent, quia omnes hujusmodi taxationes & extorsiones per Regem factae prius, nunquam in Regis utilitatem vel regni sunt conversae. Quiutus. Item petitum est, ut omnes Clerici TENENTES BARONIAS, vel Laicum feudum, personaliter armati procederent contra regios adversarios, vel tantum servirium in expeditione Regis invenirent, quantum pertineret ad tantam terram, vel tenementum. Responsio. Ad hoc respondebatur, quod non debent pugnare cum gladio materiali, sed spiti uali, scilicet cum lachrymis & orationibus humilibus & devotis. Et quod propter beneficia sua tenentur pacem manu tenere, non bellum. Et quod BARONIAE EORUM ab eleemosynis puris stabiliuntur: unde servitium militare non debent, nisi certum, nec novum incipient. Sextus. Item petitum est, ut Clerus communiter a quietaret novem millia marcarum, quas Episcopus Roffensis Laurentius, Episcopus Bathoniensis Wilhelmus, & Abbas Westmonasterii Richardus, mutuo receperunt à mercatoribus domini Papae in curia Romana, quando fuerunt ibidem, pro Regiis negotiis ex ediendis. Responsio. Ad hoc respondebatur, quod nunquam consentiebant mutuationi tanti debiti, nec unquam inde scieb nt, unde in nullo tenentur illud adquietare. Septimus. Item petitum est ex parte Papae, ut fi ret praedicatio in omni festinatione de cruce per totum regnum, ad expugnand m populum, quem curia providere, vel ad crucem perpet am redimendum. Responsio. Ad hoc respondebatur, quod populus t rrae per bellum in magna parte perimitur, & si modo cruce signarentur, pauci vel nulli ad defensionem patriae remanerent. Unde manifestum est, quod Legatus vellet naturalem terrae progeniem exulare, ut alienigenae liberius conquirere possint terram. Octavus. Item dicebatur, quod Praelati tenebantur ad omnes petitions, vellent nollent, propter juramentum de Coventre, ubi juraverunt quod domino Regi auxiliarentur modis omnibus, quibus possent. Responsio. Ad hoc responderunt, quod quando juramentum fecerunt, non intelligebant de alio auxilio quam Spirituali, consilioque salubri.

By which demands and answers (not unsuitable nor unseasonable for the consideration of our present times) it is apparent; that the Clergy ought not to be taxed by the Laity for their Ecclesiastical Baronies and Temporal Lands in Parliament, but only by themselves, much less then for their Spiritualties and Benefices; and that their BARONIES held of the King, obliged them to sit and serve in Parliaments, yet did not bind them to serve the King in person in his wars; nor to foment any wars between him and his Subjects, but rather to advise him to maintain peace not wars. By Matthew Westminsters relation, That the Archbishop of Canterbury who the year before had all his Temporalties and goods seised into the Kings hands for refusing to grant a Subsidy to the King, for fear of Pope Boniface the 8. his Constitution to the contrary; together with the rest of the Clergy being put out of the Kings protection upon this occasion, was this year restored to the Kings grace and favor, atque REDDITA SIBI BARONIA SUA. And by this Protestation of the Bishops, Abbots, Priors and Clergy in the Parliament of 11 Rich. the 2. Rotul. Parliamenti parte 1. nu. 2. Artic. 34. De Iure et consuetudine Regni Angliae ad Archiepiscopum Cantuariensem qui pro tempore fueri , n •• non caeteros Suffraganeos, Comfraires & Compatres ABBATES ET PRIORES, ALIOSQVE PRAELATOS QVOSCUNQVE PER BARONIAM DE DOMINO REGE TENENTES, PERTINET IN PARLIAMENTIS REGIIS QUIBUS CUNQUE UT PARES REGNI PRAEDICTI PERSONALITER INTERESS . ibidemque de Regni Negotiis ac aliis tractari 〈…〉 cum caeteris decti Regni Paribus, et aliis I 〈…〉 INTERESSENDI 〈…〉 , consulere et tractare, ordinare, statuere et diffinire, ac caetera facere quae Parliamenti tempore ibide •• invenient facienda. Of which, those who please may find many other Testimonies, in my Plea for the Lord's, p. 151. to 158. 221. to 290. and in Mr: Seldens Titles of Honor, Part. 2. Chapter 5. Section 17. to 26.

27, It is observable, that when any Archbishop died, after the writ of Summons to Parliament issued to him with a Praemunientes, &c. and before the return and execution thereof; the King thereupon issued a new Writ of Summons to the Guardian of the Spiritualties of the Archbishopric, with a Praemunientes to summon the Dean, Chapter, Archdeacon and Clergy of the Province, with a particular writ to the Dean and Chapter of his Church to appear at the said Parliament; as is evident by these two memorable writs in Claus. 9 E. 2. m. 20. dorso.

Rex Custodi Spiritualitatis Archiepiscopatus Eborum. seed vacante, salutem. Quia nup r tempore quo Parliamentum nostrum usque Lincoln. in Quindena S •• ncti Hilary prox. futur. summoneri mandavimus bonae memory W. pro tunc Archie piscopo loci praedicti jam de uncto, quod in propria persona sua dicto Parliamento nostro interesser, ac quod praemuniri faciet Decanum et Capitulum Ecclesiae suae be ti Petri Ebor. totumque Clerum suae Dioc: quod dicti Decanus et Archidiaconi in propriis pers nis suis, dictumque Capitulum per unnm, et dictus Clerus per duos Procuratores idoneos dicto Parliamento similiter interestent, ad tractandum ibidem Nobl cum super negotiis Nos et Statum Regni nostri •• ng •• tibus pro quibus dictum Parliamentum mandavimus Convocari. Nos nolentes per mortem praefati Archiepiscopi dicta mandata nostra differri, set ea potius per vos executioni debito demandari, Vobis mandamus, quod Vos in propria persona vestra dictis die et loco intersitis. Praemunientes praedictos Decanum et Capitulum, Archidiaconos, totumque Clerum praedictum, quod iidem Decanus et Archididiaconi in propriis personis suis, dictumque Capitulum per unum, ac dictus Clerus per duos Procuratores dicto Parliamento nostro in Quindena praedicta intersint. Ad tractandum ibidem Nobiscum super Negotiis praedictis in forma supradicta, et ad consentiendum hiis quae unc ibidem de Communi Consilio contigerit ordinari. Et hoc nullatenus omittatis. T. Rege apud Clipston 17 die Januarii, Per ipsum Regem.

Rex dilectis sibi in Christo Decano et Capitulo Ecclesiae beati Petri Ebor: salutem. Quia nuper, &c. (ut supra;) Et quod praemuniri faciet vos, Archidiaconos, totumque Clerum suae Diocaes. quod praefati Decanus et Archidiaconi in propriis personis vestris, dictumque Capitulum per •• um, et praedictus Clerus per duos Procuratores dicto Parliamento nostro similiter interessetis, ad tractandum ibidem, &c. Nos nolentes, &c. Vobis mandamus, quod vos praefatus Decanus in propria persona vestra dicto Parliamento in Quindena praedicta intersitis, Et vos dictum Capitulum per unum Procuratorem sufficientem sitis similiter, ad tr ctandum ibidem, &c. Teste ut supra. Per ipsum Regem.

28 That no private Prelates and Clergy men could grant a Subsidy to bind the rest of the Clergy for the necessary defense of the Church, King, kingdom, against invading Enemies, without the general Consent of the Archbishops, and all the Clergy summoned in Convocation within their respective Provinces; as is most apparent by this memorable writ to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the like to the Guardian of the Spiritualties of the Archbishopric of York, wherewith I shall close up this Section, and my Observations on it.

Claus. 9 E. 2. m. 17. Rex venerabil in Christo Patri. W. eadem gratia Archiepiscopo Cantuar. &c. salutem. Pro firmo credimus et tenemus, quod ad ea quae regni nostri salva ionem et opul Nobis commissi tranquillitatem et quietem respi iunt cum Dei adjutorio feliciter promovenda mauus velitis extendere liberalit r adjuvantes. Quidam itaque Praelati et alii de Clero Provinciae vestre convoca i, quos ad interessendum Parliamento nostro apud Lincoln. f •• imus summoneri, ibidem, ex parte nostra super Subsidio nobis pro guerra nostra Scotiae fa ••• nda requisiti ad urgentem necessitatem in hac parte, & inevitabile periculum quod tam Ecclesiae Anglicanae quam Nobis et toti poputo nostro ex Scotorum inimicorum et rebellium nostrorum, (qui pluries R gnum nostrum hostiliter sunt ingressi, depraedationes, ino ndia, homicidia at alla dampna quamplunima intul runt perpetrando) obstinate a malitia pot rit imminere, nisi orum nequitiae citius et poten •• cus cum Dei adjutorio resistatur, suae considerationis intuitum dirigentes ad Subsidium Nobis ex causa praedict s faciendum, quatenus vo is absentibus cui subsu , t in quorundam aliorum tam Praelatorum, quam Religiosorum et caeterorum de Clero dictae Provinciae absentia potuerunt, unanimiter consenserunt: Ita tamen quod tam ipsi quam alii de Clero vestrae Provinciae qui in dicto Parliamento pra entes non fuerunt coram vobis ad tractandum et consentiendum vestra authoritate interveniente de certo Subsidio Nobis, ut praemittitur, faciendo, in loco debito convocentur. Vestram ig •• ur Paternitatem reverendam, de qua fiduciam gerimus pl ni rem requirimus et rogamus, quatinus omnes Pralatos, tam Religiosos quam alios, caterosque de Clero Provinciae vestrae supradictae, quod sint coram Vobis apud Lond n die M rcurii prox. post Quindenam Pasch. prox. futur. ad ultimum, ad tractand. in vestra praesentia, et una vobiscum consentiend. super Subsidio memorato, convocari faciatis. 〈…〉 Subsidio nomine nostro audiendam, it nobis post modū reportandam. Teste Rege apud Lincoln. 17 die Febr.

Eodem modo mandatum est Custodi Spiritualitatis Archiepiscopatus Eborum. seed vacante mutatis competenter mutandis, excepto quod Clerum Eborae. Provinciae venir 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ipso apud Eborum à di Paschae in un m mensem▪ &c. Teste ut supra.

What ever else concerns the Prelates, Abbots, Priors, Convocation and Cl ry; is reserved for its proper plac in subsequent Sections.

SECTION II.

Of the several writs of Summons to Parliaments and Great Councils, directed to the Temporal Lord's; as The King of Castel, the Prince of Wales, Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, Viscounts, Lord's, Barons, and other Great men of the Lord's House; whereof there are several forms and varieties; with Observations on them.

SOme pretended Antiquaries, not well versed in our Records, in their late printed Discourses of The Antiquity of the Parliaments of England, p. 22. 24. 88. 89. meeting with a Transcript of ancient writs issued to Earls, Barons and Great men holding lands of the King by Knight service, to repair to him at a certain time and place, cum equis et armis, for his defense against Enemies or Rebels in times of wars, insurrection, or danger, have injudiciously conceived these writs, to be Writs of Summons to Parliaments, or confounded them promiscuously with them; affirming; That they find these writs recorded AMONG THE PARLIAMENT ROLLS of 14. (or 15.) E. 3. and therefore thought good to remember them. When as there are o such writs extant in any Parliament Rolls in the Tower; nor any Writs of Summons to Parliaments or Great Councils, entered in our Parliament Rolls (as they ignorantly publish) but only in the Dorse of the Clause Rolls, quite different and distinct from the Rolls of our Parliaments, as the meanest Novice in Records can ascertain them.

Upon the like mistake some have conceited these ensuing writs of Claus. 45 & 47 H. 3. to be writs of Summons to Parliaments and Great Councils, when as the writs themselves declare the contrary, that they were only Summons, to assist the King against Enemies and Rebells, with horses and arms, and all their power; not to counsel, advise, or grant any aids of money to him in Parliament.

Rex Willielmo de Bello Campo de Aumel, salutem. Mandamus Vobis in fide et homagio quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes, quod omnibus aliis praetermissis ad Nos sitis London in craftino Apostolorum Simonis et Iudae absque dilatione ulteriori, CUM EQUIS ET ARMIS, ET CUM POSSE VESTRO, tam de servitio vestro Nobis d bito, quam de subventione amicorum vestrorum, pro quibusdam urgentibus •• egotiis personam nostram specialiter et Statum Coronae nostrae tangentibus. Et hoc sicut de vestra fid litate et dilection confidentiam gerimus speciale ullatenus omittatis. Quia SUBVENTIONEM qu m Nobis et Coronae nostrae praeter servicium Nobis debitum ad praesens feceritis, in consequentiam trahi nolumus, nec vobis per hoc ullo tempore derogari. Taliter vos habeatis in hac parte quod dicto die absque defalta ad Nos sitis, ita quod vobis exinde in perpetuo teneamus ad grates. Teste Rege apud Turrim London 18 die Octobris.

Eodem modo mandatum est Phil: Basset, and 107. Barons and great men holding by knights service, there registered by name. After which this writ ensues in the same Dorse.

Rex Abbati de Burgo Sancti Petri, salutem. Mandamus vobis in fide et dilection quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes, quod omnibus aliis praetermissis mittaris Nobis Servitium vestrum quod Nobis debetis; ita quod sitis ad Nos in crastino Sancti Martini absque defalto, pro quibusdam urgentibus negotiis personam nostram specialiter et statum regni nostri tangentibus. Et hoc sub debito fidelitatis qua Nobis enemini nullatenus omittatis. Teste ut supra.

Eodem modo mandatum est, to 36 Abbots more, whose names are there listed in the Roll: Then follows this entry.

Isti subscripti vocati sunt ad crastinum Apostolorum Simonis & Iudae CUM EQUIS ET ARMIS; Thomas de Chauro: with 16. more there named after him.

Mandatnm est Vicecomiti Essex, quod summoneri faciat omnes illos de Honoribus de Redleg et Castro Baynard, et de Hundredo de Rochford, quod veniant ad Regem ad undem diem cum servicio suo Regi debito.

The like writs issued to divers others in this and other Membrana s of this Roll of 45 H. 3. to aid the King against the Barons then in rebellion against him, and reduce them to their obedience, as is evident by this writ to the Earl of Flanders, though not particularly expressed in the precedent writs.

Rex Comiti Flandriae, salutem. Quiae Magnates nostri NOBIS ALIQUANDIU REBELLES EXTITERINI, propter quod, nisi citius resipiscant, aliud consilium Nos opponere oportebit, dilectionem vestram requirimus et rogamus, quatinus taliter vobis providere velitis, quod ad Nos centum Milites et tot servientes ad arma been munitos Nobis mi tere possitis: Taliter vos habentes in hac parte, quod specialiter vobis teneamur ad gratias. Teste Rege apud Windesor. 22 die Augusti.

In 47 H. 3. there issued these ensuing writs to sundry Noblemen and others to aid the King against the Welshmen then in rebellion against him, to suppress their Rebellion, and reduce them to obedience.

Rex, Rogeto de Bigot, Comiti Nor •• : & Mariscallo Angliae, salutem. Mandamus vobis sub debito fidelitatis et homagii quibus Nobis tenemini et sicut ea quae de n bis t n tis, diligitis, quod in festo beati Petri ad Vincula prox. futur. sitis apud Wigorn. CUM EQVIS & ARMIS, et cum servitio vestro Nobis debito: parati exinde Nobiscum proficisci in expeditionem nostram contra Lewellinum filium Griffini et complices suos REBELLES NOSTROS, et ita decenter in hac necessitate nostra ibidem v niatis, ut dictorum NOSTRORUM REBELLIVM versutia adeo potenter reprimatur, quod Nobis et Vobis cedat ad honorem, et exinde vobis ad grates teneamur speciales. Teste Rege apud Westm. 25. die Maii.

Eodem modo mandaium est to 133. Nobles and others, whose names are there recorded.

The like writs of Summons against the Scots, Welsh, French and other Enemies and Rebels, frequently occur in the Clause Rolls of King John, Henry 3. and Edward 1, 2, 3. Rich. 2. and other Kings: which have no Analogy with writs of Summons to Parliaments or Great Councils, wherewith some Ignorant Antiquaries would conjoin them as Homogeneal; which I thought it to premise, to avoid all mistakes of this kind.

It is evident by this Clause in the writs i •• ued to the Bishops, Claus. An. 6. Johannes Regis m. 3. dorso. ( orecited, p. 2, 3.) vestrum expedit habere consilium et ALIORUM MAGNATUM terrae nostrae QUOS AD DIEM ILLVM ET LOCUM FECIMVS CONVOCARI: that King John issued forth writs of Summons to the Temporal as well as Spiritual Lord's, to summon them to the Parliamentary Council then held at London, though neither the form of the writs by which they were then summoned, nor any list of their names be entered in that or any other Roll now extant. And by this Clause in the writ of Summons to the Archbishop of York Claus. 26 H. 3. m. 13. dorso: ad tractandum Nobiscum una cum CAETERIS MAGNATIBUS NOSTRIS QUOS SIMILITER FECIMUS CONVOCARI; it is most apparent, that the Temporal Lord's and great men were likewise called to the Parliamentary Great Council then assembled at London by writ, though there be no entry of those writs, nor catalogue of their names in that or any other Rolls to be found, but only the single writ to one Archbishop.

All the ancientest writs of Summons of our Temporal Lord's to Great Councils being utterly lost through negligence, or perished through the rust or consumption of time, the very first writ of Summons to them, and Kalendar of their names now remaining, is that of 49 H. 3. dors. 11. Cedula already recited at large, p. 5, 6. one and the self-same form of writ verbatim, being then directed both to the Temporal and Spiritual Lord's, though they usually differed in after times in some special clauses. After the Eodem modo mandatum est; and Catalogue of the Bishops, bbots, Priors, Deans, and Ecclesiastical persons names then summoned to that Parliamentary Council by the self-same writs, there followed this list of the Temporal Lord's and Barons.

Item in forma praedicta mandatum est COMITIBUS et aliis subscriptis: dat: de Wodestok. Comiti Leicestr. Comiti Gloucestr. Com. Norff: & Mariscallo Angliae, Comiti Oxford. Comiti D rby, Radulpho Cameys, Rogero de Sancto Iohanne, Hugoni le Despencer Justic. Angliae, Iohanni Filio Johannes, Willo. de Munchensey, Nicho. de Segrave, Iohi, de Vescy, Rado: Basset de Drayton, Henr. de Hasting. Galfrido de Lucy, Roberto de Ros. Iohanni de Eyvil, Ade de Novo-Mercato, Waltero de Colevyll, Willielmo Maryun, Rogero Bertram, Rado. Basset de Sapcote, Gilberto de Gaunt.

This Parliamentary Council was summoned soon after the great bloody battle at Evesham (wherein the Barons who opposed K. Henry were totally routed, Simon de Montford their General, and many others of of them slain in the field, and the rest scattered) to settle the peace and tranquility of the Realm as the writ informs us; the most of the Barons and Great men upon on this occasion being omitted out of the Summons, though many more Abbots, Priors, and Clergymen were summoned to it, than to any other succeeding Parliament whatsoever, to supply the places of the Barons then in actual rebellion, and give the greater reputation to this Assembly, as I appreh nd.

The 2. writ of summons to the Earls and Temporal [ 2] Lord's, is this of Claus. 23 E. 1. m. 9. dorso. which I shall transcribe at large: though entered with an &c. in the Roll, with reference to the Bishops writs, ut supra.

Rex, dilecto et fideli suo Edmundo fratri suo Com. Lanc. salutem. Quia super quibusdam arduis negotiis Nos et Regnum nostrum, ac Vos caeterosque Procetes et Magnates de eodem regno, quae sine vestra et orum praesentia nolumus expediri, Parliamentum nostrum tenere, et vobiscum super hiis colloquium habere volumus et tractatum; Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes, quod sitis ad Nos apud Westm. primo die mensis Augusti prox, futuro, vel saltem infra tercium diem subsequentem ad ultimum, nobiscum super dictis negotiis tractaturi, et vestrum consilium impensuri. Et hoc nullo modo omittatis. Teste me ipso apud Album Monasterium 24 die Iulii. Per Breve de Privato Sigillo.

Eodem modo mandatum est singillatim per Brevia Clausa Comitibus & Baronibus subscriptis, viz. 12 Earls, and 53 Barons, and Great men of the Temporalty; whose names, because tedious to repeat after every writ, I shall present you with in a short Table in the Observations, for brevity sake.

The 3. writ is that recorded in Clause Anno 23 E. 1. [ 3] m. 3. dorso.

Rex dilecto Consanguineo et fideli suo Edmundo Comiti Cornub. salutem. Quia super remediis contra pericula quae toto Regno nostro hiis diebus imminent providendis, Vobiscum et cum caeteris Regni nostri Proceribus habere volumus Colloquium et Tractatum: Vobis mandamus in fide et dilection quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes, quod die Dominica prox. post festum Sancti Martini in hieme prox. futur. apud Westm: personaliter intersitis, ad tract nd. ordinand. et faciend. Nobiscum et cum Praelatis, et caeteris Proceribus, et aliis Incolis Regni nostri, qualiter sit hujusmodi periculis obviand: Teste rege apud Cantuar. primo die Octobris.

Consimiles Literae diriguntur subscriptis, viz. 8 Earls and 41 Barons and others Great men of the Laity: This writ differs in the Prologue and date from that to the Archbishop, Bishops, Abbots and Priors, Claus. 23 E. 1. dors. 4. summoned to the same Parliament, ( H re, p. 6, 7.) as you may discern by comparing them.

The 4. writ is recorded in Clause 24 E. 1. m. 7. dorso.

[ 4] Rex dilecto Consanguineo et fideli suo, Edmundo Comiti Cornub. salutem: Quia super remediis contra pericula, &c. (as before writ 3.) Vobis, &c. injungentes, quod in crastino Animarum prox. utur. apud S. Edmundum personaliter intersitis, ad tractand. ordinand. et faciend. Nobiscum, et cum aliis Regni nostri Magnatibus &c. qualiter sit hujusmodi periculis obviand. et s atui ejusdem Regni tutius et utilius consulend. Teste Rege apud Berewic. super Twede 26 die Augusti.

Consimiles literae diriguntur subscriptis, viz. 5. Earls and 37 Barons and Great men.

The 5. writ is thus registered, Claus. 25 E. 1. m. 25. dorso.

[ 5] Rex, &c. Edmundo Comiti Cornub: salutem. Quia super quibusdam arduis negotiis Nos et Vos ac Regnum nostrum contingentibus vobiscum, una cum quibusdam aliis Proceribus et Magnatibus ejusdem Regni habere volumus Colloquium et tractatum; Vobis mandamus in homagio, fide et dilection quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes, quod modis omnibus sitis ad Nos apud Sarum, die Dominica in festo Sancti Matthaei Apostoli prox. sutur. ad ultimum; Nobiscum super dictis Negotiis Colloquium et Tractatum specialiter habituri, vestrumque consilium impensuri; Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum, ac salvationem Regni nostri, et incolarum ejusdem diligitis, nullatenus omittatis. Teste Rege apud Wetings 26 die Januarii.

Consimile mandatum habent siuguli Comites, Barones, et MILITES subscripti, viz. 5 Earls, 65 Barons, 13 Knights. The word Milites being written over against the Judges, and those of the Kings Council in the Margin of the Roll.

The 6. writ I find extant in Claus. 27 E. 1. m. 18. [ 6] dorso.

Rex, &c. Edmundo Comiti Cornub: salutem, Quia super negotiis nostris ultramarinis, &c. (ut supra, p. 9. 10. in the writ to the Archbishop.) Vobis mandamus in fide et hom gio quibus Nobis tenemini, &c. ut supra: Teste ut supra.

Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis, viz. 10 Comitibus; After which follows, the beginning of a writ, Henrico Percy, &c. and then Consimiles literae diriguntur BARONIBUS subscriptis, being 79 more in particular.

The 7. writ is entered in Claus. 27 E. 1. m. 16. dorso. [ 7]

Rex, &c. Edmundo Comiti Cornub: salurem. Propter quaedam specialia et ardua negotia Nos et statum regni nostri tangent ia, &c. (as in the writ to the Archbishop, p. 10.) Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio quibus Nobis tenemini firmitet injungentes, quatinus sitis ad Nos apud Westm. in quindena Paschae prox. nunc ventur. omnibus praetermissis d tractand. &c. Teste ut supra.

Cons miles literae diriguntur, viz. 10. Comitibus, et Baronibus et Militibus subscriptis, viz. Iohanni de Hastings, and 45. more.

The 8. is in Claus. 27 E. 1. m. 9. dorso; (the same [ 8] verbatim with that to the Archbishop, p. 10, 11.) directed only to 3 Earls and 5 Barons entered on the Roll.

[ 9] The 9. is recorded in Clause 28 E. 1. m. 16. & 17. dors .

Rex, &c. dilecto Consangnineo et fratri suo Edmundo Comiti Cornub: salutem. Quia ad salvationem Coronae nos rae et communem tilitatem populi Regni nostri Sancta die Dominica Quadragesimae prox. futur. L ndon. Parliamentum enere, et vobiscum ac cum caeteris Magnatibus et Proceribus ejusdem Regni super negotiis No , et idem Regnum contingentibus speciale Colioquium habere volumus et tractatum. Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes, quod ad praedictos diem et locum personaliter intersi is Nobiscum, ac cum caeteris Magnatibus et Proceribus praedictis, super dictis negotiis tracta uri, et vestrum consilium impensuri. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum diligitis nullatenus omittatis. Teste Rege apud Barwicum super Twede 29 die Decembris.

Consimiles literae diriguntur subscriptis; viz. 10 Comitibus, 99 other Barons and Great men: entered on the Roll before the writs to the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, and their lists of names.

[ 10] The 10. is registered in Clause 28 E. 1. m. 2. & 3 dorso.

Rex dilecto et fideli suo, Iohanni de Warrena Comiti Surr: salutem. Cum nuper pro communi utilitate, &c. (as in the writ to the Archbishop, p. 12, 13.) Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio quibus Nobis tenemini, &c. Teste ut supra.

Consimiles Literae diriguntur Comitibus, Baronibus et Mil ibus subscriptis, viz. 8 Earls, and 80 others.

[ 11] The 11. is thus filed in Claus. Anno 30. E. 1. m. 7. & 9. dorso.

Rex, Edwardo Princip Walliae et Comiti Cestriae filio suo carissimo, salutem. Licet vos non lateat qualiter in Parliamento nostro habito London: his diebus extitit ordinatum; ut ad providendum consultius et salubrius ordinand. &c. (as in the writ to the Archbishop, p. 13.) Ex abundanti tamen vobis in fide et homagio quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungendo mandamus, quod eidem futuro Parliamento aliis quibuscunque negotiis omissis personaliter intersitis. Teste ut supra.

Consimiles literae diriguntur subscriptis, viz. 9▪ Comitibus, and 88 Lord's and Great men.

The 12. is that in Claus. 30 E. 1. m. 12. dorso. [ 12]

Rex Edwardo Principi Walliae, &c. (ut supra) Quia super quibusdam ardnis negotiis nos et vos totumque Regnum nostrum specialiter tangentibus, quae fine vobis et Praelatis ac caeteris Magnatibus dicti Regni nostri nolumus expediri, vobiscum et cum Praelatis et Magnatibus habere volumus colloquium et tractatum. Vobis in fide et homagio quibus Nobis tenemini mandamus firmiter injungentes, quod in Octabis Nativitatis S. Johannes Baptistae prox. futur. ad ultimum apud Westm. modis omnibus personaliter intersitis, Nobiscum et cum Praelatis a Magnatibus supradictis, super dictis negotiis tractaturi, vestrumque Consilium impensuri. Et hoc nullatenus omittatis. Teste Rege apud Thurrock Grey 2. die Iunii.

Consimiles Literae diriguntur subscriptis, viz. 9▪ Comitibus, and 82 other Lord's and Great men.

The 13 is registered in this form; Claus. Ann. 32 E. [ 13] 1. m. 2. dorso.

Rex Edwardo Principi Walliae et Comiti Cestriae, filio suo Karissimo, salutem. Quia pro quibusdam negotiis quae Regnum nostrum Angliae specialiter tangent, necnon stabilimentum terrae nostrae Scotiae, et etiam pro aliis diversis negotiis quae disponere proponimus Deo dante, die Martis in quindena Purificationis beatae Mariae Virginis prox. futur. apud Westm. Parliamentum tenere, et vobiscum ac cum caeteris Magnatibus et Proceribus ejusdem Regni super negotiis illis speciale colloquium haber volumus et tractatum. Vobis mandamus, quod ad praedictos diem et locum personaliter intersitis Nobiscum et cum caeteris Magnatibus et Proceribus praedictis super dictis negotiis tractaturi, vestrumque consilium impensuri. Et hoc nullatenus omutatis. Teste Rege apud Brustwyk 12 die Novembr.

The like writ issued, Dilecto & fideli suo Henr. de Lacy Comiti Lincoln. &c. ut supra, with Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio quibus Nobis tenemini: &c. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem, dictique Regni nostri commodum diligitis (omitted in the writ to the Prince) nullatenus omittatis. Teste ut supra.

Consimiles literae diriguntur subscriptis, viz. 7 Comitibus more, and 92 Barons and Great men.

[ 14] The 14. is inserted into Clause Anno 33 E. 1. m. 8. dorso.

Rex dilecto & fideli suo Henr. de Lacy Comiti Lincoln. salutem. Licet nuper vobis mandaverimus quod essetis apud Westm. ad Parliamentum nost um quod ordinavimus tenend. in Octabis Nativitatis beatae Mariae Virginis prox. futur. Nobiscum et cum caeteris de Consilio nostro, super negotiis Nos et statum Regni nostri specialiter tangentibus tractaturi. Nihilominus exhabundanti vobis iterato mandavimus in fide et homagio quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes, quod omni excusatione postposita apud Westm. in dictis Octabis modis omnibus personaliter intersitis tractaturi Nobiscum et c m caeteris de Consilio nostro de negotiis antedictis; Et hoc nullatenus omittatis. T. Rege apud Boxle 30 die Iulii.

Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis, viz. W. Episcopo Winton. Humfredo de Bohun. Com. Heres. & Essex, Gilberto de Roubiry, Magistro Regin, de Brandon, Hugoni le Despencer, Johanni de Hastings, Johanni de Botetourte, Abbati Westm. Willielmo Martyn, Abbati de Waverle, Magistro Pho. Martyn, Fratri Hugoni de Manicestr. Rogero Brabazon, Radulpho de Hengham.

Dors. 8. in the same Roll the like writs issued to the same persons, and to the Bishops of Wigorn. Coventre and Lichf: with this variation: Licet hactenus vobis mandavimus quod essetis ad Nos apud Westm. ad Parliamentum nostrum quod in Octab. Nativita . beatae Mariae Virginis prox. futur. tenere volumus Deo dante. Vobis nih lominus iterato mandamus in fide et dilection quis Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes, quod die dictarum Octab. vel in crastino eorundem ad ultimum aliis omnibus praetermissis intersit s. Et hoc nullatenus omittatis. T. Rege apud Rothinge 27. die Augusti. Per Breve de Privato Sigillo.

After which follows this single writ, varying somewhat from these two preceeding.

Rex dilecto et fideli suo Henrico de Percy salutem. Quia Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. in Octabis Nativitais beatae Mariae Virginis prox. futur. tenere proponimus Deo dante. Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio quibus, &c. quod die dicta um Octab. vel in crastino earundem ibidem ad ultimum aliis praetermissis omnibus intersitis Nobiscum, et cum caeteris Magnatibus Regni nostri ibidem tunc ventur. s per negotiis Nos et statum ejusdem Regni specialiter tangentibus, tractaturi: Et hoc nullo modo omittatis. T. Rege ut supra.

The 15. is endorsed on Claus. Anno 34 E. 1. m. 2. [ 15] dorso.

Rex Edwardo Principi Walliae, &c. (as before in 13.) Quia super ordination et stabilimento terrae nostrae Scotiae, necnon et aliis negotiis Nos et statum Regni nostri specialiter tangentibus apud Karliol. in Octabis S. Hilary prox, futur. Parliamentum tene e, et vobiscum ac cum cae eris Magnatibus de eodem Regno habere volumus Colloquium et Tractatum. Vobis mandamus quod omnibus aliis praetermissis ad praedictos diem et locum dicto Parliamento personaliter intersitis Nobiscum, ac cum caeteris Magnatibus de dicto Regno, super ordination et stabilimento, et negotiis praedictis tractaturi vestrumque Consilium impensuri. Et hoc nullo modo omittatis. T. Rege apud Lauretof 3. die Novemb. Anno Regni s i 34.

Rex dilecto et fideli suo Henr. de Lacy Comiti Lincoln. a utem. Quia, &c. ut supra; Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio quibus Nobis enemini, &c. ut supra.

Consimiles literae diriguntur subscriptis, viz. 10 Comitibus: 86 Lord's and Great men, besides Assistants of the Kings Council.

[ 16] The 16. I meet with is Clause 35 E. 1. m. 13. dorso.

Rex dilecto et fideli suo, Thomae Comiti Lancastr. Cum nuper vobis mandaverimus, quod in Octabis Sancti Hillar i prox. praeterit. essetis apud Parliamentum, Nobiscum super quibusdam arduis negotiis Nos et Statum Regni nostri tangentibus, pro quibus venerabilis Pat r Dom. Petrus Sabinen. Episc. Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinalis, ad Nos ex parte Domini Summi Ponti icis est venturus, ut quem ante Octab. praedict. ad Nos venisse credebamus, colloquium habitur. Et idem Cardinalis non erit ad Nos apud Karliol. ante diem Dominicam prox. post mediam Quadragesimae, viz. primam Dominicam in Passione Domini quae jam instat. Vobis mandamus in fide et dilection quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes, quod dictis die et loco modis omnibus personaliter intersitis Nobiscum super praemissis habitur. Colloquium et Tractatum, vestrumque Consilium impensur. et hoc sub forisfactura omnium quae nobis forisfacere poteritis nullatenus omittatis. T. Rege apud Lavercost. 22 die Febr.

Consimiles literae diriguntur subscriptis, viz. 2 Comitibus, and 24 Barons.

[ 17] The 17 writ is thus registered, Claus. Anno 1 E. 2 m. 19 dors.

Rex dilecto et fideli suo Hen. de Lacy Com. Lincoln. salutem. Quia super quibusdam arduis negotiis Nos in ista recenti susceptione regiminis Regni nostri, &c. (as here to the Archbishop, p. 14.) Vobiscum et cum caeteris Magnatibus de eodem regno, &c. Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio quibus, &c. Nobiscum et cum aliis Magnatibus ejusdem Regni ibidem super dictis negotiis tractaturi, vestrum{que} consilium et auxilium impen ur. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum ac commodum dicti Regni diligitis nullatenus omittatis. T. Rege ut supra. ( p. 15.)

Eodem modo scribitur subcriptis, viz. 8 Comitibus, and 69 others.

The 18. is in Clause 1 E. 2. m. 11. dorso.

Rex dilecto et fideli suo Iohanni de Warrena Com. [ 18] Surr. salutem. Quia super diversis arduis negotiis Nos et statum regni nostri tangentibus, vobiscum et cum caeteris Praelatis, Proceribus, et aliis fidelibus nostris de eodem Regno Colloquium et tracta um habere et Parliamentum tenere proponimus, Domino concedente. Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio quibus &c. quod prima Dominica quadragesimae prox. futur. apud Westm. omnibus aliis prae ermissis personaliter intersitis, Nobiscum ibidem et cum caeteris Praelatis ac Magnatibus de regno praedicto super praefatis negotiis tractatur. vestrumque consilium impensur. Et hoc nullatenus omittatis. T. ut supra ( p. 15.)

Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis, viz. 10 Comitibus, and 46 other Great men.

The 19 is Claus. 1 E. 2. dors. 8. Rex dilecto et fideli [ 19] suo Henr. de Lacy Com. Lincoln. salutem; Quia super diversis, &c. (as p. 15.) Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio, &c. Teste ut supra, p. 15.

Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis, viz. 9 Comitibus, and 46 others.

The 20. is in Clause 2 E. 2. m. 20. cedula. Rex dilecto [ 20] et fideli suo Gilberto de Clare Com. Glouc. & Heref. salutem. Quia &c. ut supra p. 15, 16. Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio, &c. Nobiscum et cum caeteris Magnatibus et Proceribus de regno praedicto, &c. (as p. 15. 16.)

Eodem modo mandatum est, viz. 7. Comitibus, and 57 more.

The 21. is in Claus. 2 E. 2. m. 14. Cedula. Rex dilecto [ 21] Nepoti et fideli suo, Gilberto de Clare Com. Glouc. et Hertf. Quia, &c. vobiscum et cum aliis Proceribus et Magnatibus▪ &c. Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes, &c. as p. 16.

Eodem modo mandatum est, viz. 8 Comitibus, and 41 other Lord's and Great men.

[ 22] The 22. is entered in Claus. 2 E. 2. m. 1 . dors.

Rex dilecto Nepoti et fideli suo Gilberto de Clare Com. Glouc. et Hertf. Quia, &c. vobiscum et cum aliis Proceribus et Magnatibus ejusdem Regni, &c. Vobis in fide et homagio quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungendo mandamus, &c. as p. 16.

Eodem modo scribitur subscriptis, viz. 8 Comitibus; and 81 Great men more.

[ 23] The 23. is that of Claus. 2 E. 2. m. 20. dors.

Rex dilecto Nepoti et fideli suo Gilberto de Clare, &c. Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio, &c. sitis ad Nos apud Stamford, nobiscum et cum Praelatis et Proceribus praedictis super praemissis tractatum et colloquium habituri, &c. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum, accommodum regni nostri diligitis nullatenus omittatis. T. ut supra. p. 17.

Eodem modo scribitur subscriptis, viz. 8 Comitibus, and 70 other Great men.

[ 24] The 24. is the writ of Anno 3 E. 2. m. 17. dorso.

Rex dilecto et fideli suo Gilberto de Clare, Com. Glouc. et Hertf. salutem; Quantae audaciae, &c. (as p. 17, 18.) Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio, &c. T. ut supra.

Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis, viz. xi. Comitibus, and 84 other Lord's and Great me .

[ 25] The 25. is that of 4 E. 2. m. 2. dorso.

Rex dilecto Consanguineo et fideli suo Thomae Com. Lancast. salutem. Qui propter plura, &c. (as p. 18.) Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio, &c. T. ut supra. Per breve de Privato sigillo.

Eodem modo scribitur subscriptis, viz. 5. Comitibus and 54 others.

[ 26] The 26. is in Claus. 5 E. 2. m. 17. dorso.

Rex dilecto Consanguineo et fideli suo Thomae Comiti Lancastr. salutem. Quia in ultimo Parliamento, &c. as p. 18, 19. Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio, &c. quod praedicto die Veneris sitis ap d Westm. in propria persona vestra, Nobiscum, et cum caeteris Praelatis, Proceribus et fidelibus nostris supradictis, super dictis negotiis tractaturi, vestrumque consilium impensuri: et hoc sicut de vobis con idimus nullatenus omittatis. T. ut supra.

Consimiles literae diriguntur Comitibus et Baronibus subscriptis, viz. 7. Comitibus, & 60 other Grandees.

The 27. is the writ in Claus. 5 E. 2. m. 11. (or 13.) [ 27] dorso.

Rex dilecto Consanguineo et fideli suo Thomae Comiti Lancastr. salutem. Quia propter plura et ardua negoti Nos et Statum regni nostri tangentia die Dominica prox. post ses um beatae Mariae Magdalenae prox. futur. ordinavimus Deo propitio apud Lincoln. Parliamentum tenere, et vobiscum, ac cum caeteris Praelatis et Proctribus de dicto Regno nostro super dictis negotiis habere Colloquium et Tractatum. Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio, &c. ibidem, nobiscum et cum Praelatis et Proceribus supradictis super dictis negotiis tractaturi vestrumque consilium impensuri. Et hoc nullatenus omittatis. T. Rege apud Ebor.

Eodem modo scribitur subscriptis, viz. 8 Comitibus, 42 others: and 16 more, over against whose names is written in the margin Cleri is Consilii; and 16 others styled Iusticiar' in the margin.

The 28. is that of Claus. 6 E. 2. m. 31. dorso. Rex [ 28] dilecto et fideli suo Thomae de Brotherton Comiti Norff. salutem: Quia tertia Dominica, &c. (as p. 19.) Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio, &c. quod omnibus aliis praetermissis sitis ad Nos in proptia persona vestra ad diem et locum praedictos, Nobiscum, &c. T. ut supra.

Eodem modo scribitur subscriptis, viz. 9 Comitibus, and 88. other Lord's and Great men.

The 29. is the writ in Clause 6 E. 2. m. 3. dorso. [ 29]

Rex dilecto sibi Thomae de Brotherton Comiti Norff. salutem. Licet ad requisitionem, &c. (as p. 20, 21.) Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio, &c. T. ut supra.

Eodem modo scribitur subscriptis, viz. 9 Comitibus and 88 others.

[ 30] The 30. is that of Claus. 7 E. 2. m. 27. dorso.

Rex dilecto et fideli suo Thomae de Brotherton Comiti Norff. salutem. Cum diversa, &c. (as p. 21,) Vobiscum et cum Praelatis, et caeteris Mag atibus, &c. Vobis man damus in fide et homagio, &c. Teste ut supra.

Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis, viz. 9 Comitibus, and 99 other Lord's and Great men.

[ 31] The 31. is that in Claus. 7 E. 2. m. 15. dorso.

Rex dilecto et fideli suo Thomae de Brotherton, &c. (as p. 21, 22.) Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio, &c. T. ut supra.

Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis, viz. 9 Comitibus, and 88 others.

[ 32] The 32. is Claus. 8 E. 2. m. 35 dorso.

Rex dilecto Consanguineo et fideli suo Thomae Com. Lancastr. salu em. Quia super, &c. as p. 22. Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio, &c. T. ut supra.

Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis, viz. 8 Comitibus, and 93 others, besides 8 Judges and Assistants intermixed with them.

[ 33] The 33. is Claus. Ann. 8 E. 2. m. 29. dorso.

Rex dilecto Consanguineo et fideli suo Thomae Comiti Lancastr. salutem. Quia, &c. Vobis mandam s in fide et homagio, &c. T. ut supra, p. 22. & 23.

Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis, viz. 8 Comitibus, and 85 more, besides Officers, Judges, Assistants, joined together with them without distinction.

[ 34] The 34. is Claus. 9 E. 2. m. 22 dorso.

Rex dilecto Consanguineo et fideli suo Thomae Com. Lanc. &c. T. ut supra. p. 22.

Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis, viz. 7 Comitibus, 83. Greatmen, and 34. others, with a lines distance only between their names, summoned ormerly as the Kings Council, and as assistants.

The 35. is Claus. 11 E. 2. d. 14. [ 35]

Rex, &c. Th. Com. Lancastr. &c. (as here, p. 97,)

Eodem modo scribitur 17, Comitibus, and 118 others, with those of the Kings Council intermixed with the Lord's and Barons.

The 36. is Claus. 12 E. 2. m. 29. in cedula pendente. [ 36]

Rex dilecto Consanguineo et fideli suo Thomae, Com. Lanc. &c. (as in 33.) Teste ut supra p. 23.

Eodem modo scribitur subscriptis, viz. 8 Comitibus, 79 Great men, and 24 more with a lines space▪ between them usually summoned as Assistants, and the Kings Council.

The 37. is Claus. 12 E. 2. m. 11. dorso. [ 37]

Rex dilecto consanguineo. &c. Thomae Com. Lancast. (as 33.) T. ut supra. p. 23.

Eodem modo scribitur subscriptis, viz. 8 Comitibus, 79 Great men, and 25 more with a lines distance, formerly summoned as the Kings Council.

The 38. is in Claus. 13 E. 2. m. 13. dorso. [ 38]

Rex dilecto Consanguineo▪ &c. Thomae, Com. Lanc. &c. (as 33.) T. ut supra, p. 23.

Eodem modo scribitur subscriptis▪ viz. 8 Comi •• bus, 72 more, and 25 of the Council, with a lines space from the former.

The 39. is in Claus. 14 E. 2. m 23. dorso. [ 39]

Rex Edwardo Comiti Cestriae filio nostro carissimo, salutem. Quia super diversis et ard is nego iis, &c. Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio quibus Nobis tenemini, &c. T. ut supra, p. 23.

Eodem modo scribitur subscriptis, viz. 9 Comitibus, 74 others, and 32 more of the Kings Council, with a lines distance from the former.

The 40. is Claus. 14 E. 2. m. 5. dorso. [ 40]

Rex dilecto Consanguineo e fideli suo Thomae Com. Lancastr. salutem. Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio, &c. T. ut supra, p. 23. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo scribitur subscriptis, viz. 8 Comitibus, and 88 others, besides Assistants of the Council.

[ 41] The 41. is Claus. 15 E. 2. m. 16. dorso.

Rex Edwardo Comiti Cestriae filio suo carissimo, salutem. Quia super diversis, &c. Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio, &c. T. ut supra, p. 23. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis, viz. 8 Comitibus, and 72 others besides the Council.

[ 42] The 42. is Claus. 16 E. 2. m. 26. dorso.

Rex Edwardo Comiti Cestriae, &c. (just as in 40.) T. ut supra, p. 24. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo scribitur subscriptis, viz. 9 Comitibus▪ and 52 other Lord's and Great men.

[ 43] The 43. is in Claus. 18 E. 2. m. 34. dorso.

Rex dilecto et fideli suo Edwardo Comiti Cestriae filio suo carissimo, salutem. Quia super diversis arduis negotiis Nos et statum Regni, ac terrarum nostrorum Subditorum et populorum eorundem specialiter tangentibus, vobiscum ac cum caeteris Magnatibus et Proceribus dicti Regni apud Sarum, à die Sancti Michaelis prox. futur. in tres Septimanas colloquium habere volumus et tractatum. Vobis mandamus in fide et dilection quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes, quod omnibus aliis praetermissis dictis die et loco person liter intersitis Nobiscum, et cum caeteris Magnatibus et Proceribus praedictis super praemissis tractatur. vestrumque consilium impensur. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum, et Regni et terrarum praedictarum diligitis nullatenus omittatis. T. Rege apud Porcestr 13 die Septembris. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo scribitur subscriptis, viz. 8 Comitibus, 48 others. The 2. Archbishops, and 2 Bishops more, with &c. follow them, and 2 only de consilio.

[ 44] The 44. is the writ in Claus. 18 E. 2. m. 21. dorso.

Rex dilecto et fideli suo Thomae Comiti Norff. et Mariscal o Angliae fra ri suo carissimo, salutem. Quia ad partes Ducatus nostri Aquitaniae, de quo Rex Franciae malitiose nos exhaereditare proponit, in succurs ejusdem Ducatus nostri passagium nostrum ordinavimus Domino disponente, et vobiscum ac cum Praelatis, et caeteris Magnatibus et Proceribus regni nostri super passagio nostro praedicto, et aliis arduis negotiis Nos et sta um Regni nostri et Ducatus praedicti tangentibus, habere volumus colloquium et tractatum. Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes, quod omnibus aliis praetermissis sitis ad nos apud Winton. secunda Dominica Quadragesimae prox. futur. Nobiscum et cum Praelatis, et caeteris Magnatibus et Proceribus regni nostri super praemissis tractaturi, vestrumque consilium impensuri. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem ac commodum dicti regni nostri diligitis nullo modo omittatis. T. Rege apud Notingh. 30 die Decembr. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo scribitur subscriptis, viz. Edwardo Comiti Cestriae filio Regis , 7 Earls more, and 50. others: After which follows a short recital of this writ to the Archbishop of York, and Eodem odo to Canterbury, and the other Bishops.

[ 45] The 45. is that of Claus. 18 E. 2. m. 5. dorso.

Rex dilecto & fideli suo Edwardi Comiti Cestriae fili suo catissimo, salutem. Quia pro quibusdam arduis negotiis nos et statum regni nostri, ac Ducatum nostrum praedictum (Aquitaniae) speci liter con ingentibus, Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. in cra ino Nat vi atis Sancti Johannes Baptistae prox. futur▪ tenere, et Vobiscum ac cum Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proceribus dicti regni super negotiis praedictis colloquium habere volumus et tracta um. Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter in ungentes, quod omnibus aliis praetermissis ad dictos diem et locum in Parliamento praedicto personaliter inters •• is; Nobiscum ac cum Praelatis, Magna ibus et Proceribus praedictis, super dictis negotiis trac ar •• i vestrumque consilium impensuri. Et hoc nullo modo omittatis. T. Rege apud Winton. 6 die Maii. Per ipsum Regem.

Eodem modo mandat m est subscriptis, viz. 4 Comiti us, 39 others: after which follows a brief recital of the writ to the Archbishops, Bishops, &c.

[ 46] The 46. is in Claus. 19 E. 2. m. 27. dorso.

Rex dilecto et fideli suo Thomae Comiti Norff. et Marescallo Angl. fratri suo catissimo salutem. Q ia super &c. T. ut supra, p. 25.

Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis, viz. 3 Comitibus, and 39 Great men more.

[ 47] The 47. is Claus. 20 E. 2. dorso 4.

Rex, &c. Th. Com: Norff. et Marescallo Angl. &c. Licet nuper, &c.

Eodem modo mandatum est Magnatibus subscriptis, viz. 6 Comitibus, and 46 others▪

[ 48] The 48 is the writ i Claus. 1 E. 3. parte 2. m. 16. dorso.

Rex dilecto et fideli suo, Thomae Comiti Norff: Marescallo Angl. salutem. Qualiter Scoti, &c. (as p. 25.) Vobis mandamus in ide et homagio, &c. dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis Nobiscum, si interesse possumus, seu interveniente impedimento deputandis a No is super de ensione ac custodia, ac aliis negotiis supradi •• is tractatur. vesirumque cons •• ium impensur. Et hoc nullatenus omittatis. T. ut supra, p. 26.

Eodem modo mandatum est Edmundo Comiti Kan . Avunculo Regis, and 5. Comitibus besides, 47 other Lord's and Great men.

[ 49] The 49 is Claus. 1 E 3. pars 2. m. 3. dorso.

Rex dilecto et fideli suo Thomae Com. Norff. &c. Cum super reformatione pacis, &c. (as p. 26, 27.) Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio, &c. T. ut supra.

Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis, viz. 4 Comitibus, and 49 more.

[ 50] The 50. is in Claus. 2 E. 3. m. 31 dorso.

Rex dilecto et fideli suo Thomae Com. Norff. et Marescallo Angliae Avunculo suo carissimo falutem. Cum Parliamentum nostrum nuper apud Eborum, &c. (as p. 27.) Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio, &c. quod omni excusatione postposita dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis Nobiscum, et cum Praelatis, Magnatibus &c. Scientes pro certo quod aliquem Procuratorem pro Vobis, seu pro aliquo Praelato vel Magnati ad praesens propter arduitatem negotiorum praedictorum, admi tere non intendimus quoquo modo. Et quia ante haec tempora negotia in hujusmodi Parliamentis tractanda impedita fuerunt, eo quod nonnulli Magnates cum multitudine tumulcuosa hominum armatorum ad Parliamenta illa accesserunt, et populus partium ubi Parliamenta illa tenta fuerunt dampnificatus existit et gra atus; per quod per Nos et Consilium nostrum concordatum existit, quod omnes et singuli de regno nostro cujuscunque status seu conditionis fuerint, qui ad dictum Parliamen ū venire voluerint, modo debi o, et absque aliqua multitudine, sub orisfactura omnium quae Nobis foris acere poterint, accedant. Ita quod per ipsorum adventum indebitum negotia nostra non retardentur, seu patria in aliqua parte oneretur ind bite quovis modo. Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes sub forisfactura praedicta, quod ad Parliamentum praedictum cum decenti comitiva de hominibus bonae discretionis et consilii, ET NON CUM HOMINIBUS AD ARMA ACCEDATIS, in forma praedicta. Et hoc nullatenus omittatis. T. ut supra. p. 28.

Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis, viz. 6 Comitibus, and 49 other Lord's and Great men.

In the Clause Rolls following (throughout the [ 51] reign of King Edward the 3.) the writs directed to the Temporal Lord's are the same (mutatis mutandis) with those issued to the Archbishops and Bishops forecited Sect. 1. wherefore I shall present you with this Breviate of them, entered after the writs to the Bishops. The 1. writ til the later end of 11 E. 3. is thus directed Claus. 2 E. 3. dors. 23. Rex, &c. dilecto et fideli suo Thomae Comiti Norff: et Marescallo Angliae, &c. Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio, &c. Eodem modo mandatum est to 6 Earls more, and 50 others, Claus. 2 E. 2. m. 15. dors. to 6 Earls more, and 48 others: Claus. 3 E. 3. m. 19. dorso, 8 Earls more, and 59 others, Barons, Lord's, Judges and Assistants mixed together, (whereof the Dean of Lincoln, the Archdeacons of Richmond and Northampton are three) Claus. 4 E. 3. m. 41. dorso, 10 Earls more, and 50 others, Claus. 4 E. 3. dors. 32. 8 Earls more, and 53. others, whereof 5. are Judges and Assistants, Claus. 4 E. 3. m. 23. 8 Earls more, and 45 others, Claus. 4 E. 3. m. 13. dors. 8 Earls more, and 47 others, Claus. 5 E. 3. dors. 25. 9 Earls more, and 48 others, Claus. 5 E. 3. m. 7. dorso 9 Earls more, and 47 others, Cl. 5 E. 3. pars 2. dors. 7. 9 Earls more, and 46 others (whereof some were Judges) Cl. 6 E. 3. m. 36. d. 11 Earls more, and 66 others, Cl. 6 E. 3. m. 19. dors. 10 Earls more, and 66 others, Cl. 6 E. 3. m. 9. dors. 10 Earls more, and 65 others, Cl. 7 E. 3. pars 2. dors. 3. 12 Earls more, and 62 others, Cl. 8 E. 3. m. 18. dors. 11 Earls more, and 60 others, Cl. 9 E. 3. dors. 28. 10 Earls more, and 60 others, Cl. 9 E. 3. dors. 8. 10 Earls more, and 61 other , Cl. 10 E. 3. dors. 5. 9 Earls more, and 47 others, Cl. 11 E. 3. pars 1. dors. 15. 8 Earls more, and 23 others: And dors. 8. 10 Earls more, and 39 others: where the writ Iohanni de Sutton de Holdernesse (vac. quia non fuit summonitus.)

[ 52] The first writs after those to the Archbishops and Bishops, in these ensuing Rolls issued Dilecto t fideli suo Henr. Comiti Lanc. &c. being the same (mutatis mutandis) with those to the Bishops forecited, Claus. 11 E. 3. pars 2. dors. 4. Eodem modo, &c. to 12 Earls more, and 33 others: And dors. 11. 8 Earls more, and 37 others: Claus. 12 E. 3. pars 2. dors. 32. 11 Earls more, (a vacat being entered against Humfrido de Bohun Comiti Hereford. ) and 45 others, Cl. 13 E. 3. pars 2. dors. 28. 9 Earls more, and 44 others, Claus. 13 E. 3. pars 2. dors. 1. 10 Earls more, and 45 others, Claus. 14 E. 3. pars 1. dors. 33. 12 Earls more, and 44 others. Dors. 23. 7 Earls more, and 44 others, Cl. 15 E. 3 pars 1. d. 37. 7 Earls more, and 45 others.

[ 53] In Claus. 16 E. 3. pars 1. dors. 39. the first writ to the Temporal Lord's entered in the roll issued, Dilecto & fideli suo Laurentio de Hastings Com. Pembroch. &c. Eodem modo, &c. to 9 Earls more, and 94 others, Claus. 16 E. 3. pars 2. dors. 22. (and so following) the first writ to the Nobility issued Henr. Com. Lancastr. 2 Earls more, and 20 others. Dors. 13. 4 Earls more, and 17. others. Claus. 17 E. 3. pars 1. dors. 25. 11 Earls more, and 40 others. Cl. 18 E. 3. pars 1. dors. 14. 13 Earls more, and 40 others, Claus. 20 E. 3. pars 2. dors. 22. ( Iohanni de Warenna Com. Surr. ) 4 Earls more, and 12. others. Dors. 28. to him and 7 Earls more, and 9 others. Dors. 9. Henr. Com. Lancastr. 10 Earls more, and 30 others, Cl. 22 E. 3. pars 1. dors. 32. 10 Earls more, and 30 others, Claus. 22 E. 3. pars 2. dors. 7. 9 Earls more, and 56 others, Claus. 24 E. 3. pars 2. d. . Henr. Comiti Lancastr. Edwardo Principi Walliae, Duci Cornubiae, et Comiti Cestriae, 10 Earls more, and 50 others, whereof the 16 last are Assistants, and 4 of them styled the Kings Serjeants. The writ Claus. 25. pars 1. dors. 5. is Rex dilecto et fideli suo Edwardo Principi Walliae, Duci Cornubiae & Comiti Cestriae, &c. Vobis in fide et ligeantia quibus Nobis tenemini, &c. Eodem modo, &c Henrico Duci Lancastr. 11 Earls, 52 others, Claus. 26. E. 3. dors. 14. Edwardo Principi Walliae, &c. Henrico Duci Lanc. 11 Earls, 24 others, Cl. 27. E. 3. d. 32. to them, 11 Earls more, & 43 other Great men, Cl. 28 E. 3. dors. 26, Edwardo Principi Walliae, &c. Henrico Duci Lancast. 11 Earls. 48 others, Claus. 29 E. 3. dors. 8. Henrico Duci Lancast. 7 Earls, and 41 others, Claus. 31 E. 3. dors. 21. Dilecto Consanguineo et fideli suo Humfrido de Bohun. Com: Hereford. Vobis mandamus in fide et ligeantia, &c. 6 Earls more, and 38 others, Claus. 31 E. 3. dors. 2. Edwardo Principi Walliae filio suo carissimo, &c. in fide et ligeantia, &c, Consimilia Brevia Henrico Duci Lancastr. 11 Comitibus, and 50 others Claus. 32 E. 3. dors. 14. Dilecto & fideli suo, Thomae de Bello Campo Comiti Warr. in fide et homagio, 6 Earls more, and 101 others. Cl. 33 〈◊〉 . d. 7. Ricardo Comiti Arundel, 3 Earls more, and 19 others; Claus. 34 E. 3. d. 35. Humfrido de Bohun Com. Hertf. et Essex, 3 Earls more, and 20 others. Dors. 4. Edwardo Principi Walliae, ilio suo carissimo, in fide et ligeantia: Henrico Duci Lancast . 11 Earls more ( Leonel Com. U ton, the Kings Son, not an Irish Lord, being one of them) and 48 others, Claus. 36 E. 3. dors. 16. Carissimo filio suo Johan. Com: Lancastr. in fide et homagio, &c. 8 Earls more, and 29 others, Claus. 37 E. 3. d. 22. Carissimo Filio suo Johanni &c. as next before, 9 Earls more, and 40 others; Claus. 38 E. 3. dors. 3. Ca issimo filio suo Johanni, &c. 5 Earls more, and 41 others, Claus. 39 E. 3. d. 2. Carissimo filio suo Johanni, &c. 10 Earls more, and 41 others. In Claus. 42 E. 3. d. 22. the first writ to the Temporal Lord's issued Carissimo Primogenito filio suo Edwardo Principi Aquitaniae & Walliae: Vobis in fide et homagio, &c▪ Consimilia Be via Johanni Duci Lancastriae, 10 Comitibus, and 41 others, Claus. 43 E. 3. dors. 24. Carissimo filio suo Johanni Duci Lancast. in fide et homagio, &c. 10 Comitibus, and 35 others, Claus. 44 E. 3. dors. . Carissimo Primogenito nostro Edwardo Principi Aquitaniae et Walliae, in fide et ligeantia, 11 Comitibus, and 49 others, Claus. 46 E. 3. dors. 11. Dilecto et fideli suo Ricardo Com: Arundel in fide et ligeantia, 1 Earl more, and 18 others, But in the writs of Prorogation and Resummons, dors. 9, 10. writs issued to Edward Prince of Wales, Iohanni Regi Castellae et Legionis, Duci Lancastr. 7 Earls more, & 18 others besides those in the first summons, Claus. 47 E. 3. dors. 13. Ricardo Com. A undell in fide at ligeantia, 5 Earls more, and 33 others, Claus. 49 E. 3. dors. 6. Carissimo filio suo Iohanni Regi Castellae & Legionis, Duci Lancastr: in fide & ligeantia, 9 Earls, and 38 others, after which follows a writ to the Prince of Wales, Claus. 50 E. 3. pars 2. dors. 6. Carissimo filio suo (styled his Son, though in truth his Grandchild only, not Son) Ricardo Principi Walliae, Duci Cornub. et Comiti Cestriae in fide et ligeantia. Consimilia Brevia, Johannni Regi Castellae & Legionis, Duci Lancastr. 10 Comitibus, and 35 others: whereof Michaeli de la Pole, (Admirallo Fl te Navium versus partes B riales) is one.

All the Writs of Summons to Parliament issued to the Temporal Lord's under King Richard the 2. have the selfsame [ 53] Prologues, recitals, dates with those to the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors in the precedent Section, being entered next after them, of which I shall give you this brief Epitome. In Claus. R. 2. dors. 37. the first writs to the Temporal Lord's issued Carissimo Avuncul suo Iohanni Regi Castellae et Legionis, Duci Lancastriae, &c▪ Consimiles Literae to 12 Earls, 47 Lord's, Barons and Great men, Cl. 2 R. 2. dors. 3. 29. The first writs issued to him, and Consim. Literae to 14 Earls, 48 Lord's, Barons, and Great men, Cl. 3 R. 2. d. 32. the first writ was directed to him, Consim. lit: to 13 Earls, 47 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 4 R. 2. d. 32. the first writ is to him, Cons. Lit. to 〈◊〉 Earls, 44 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 5 R. 2. d. 32. 40. the first writs issued to him, Cons. Lit. to 10 Earls, 47 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 6 R. 2. d. 37. the first writ issued to him, Cons. Lit. to 9 Earls, and 45 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 7 R. 2. d. 37. the first writ is directed to him, Cons. Lit. to 11 Earls, 48 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 7 R. 2. d. 10. the first writ is to him, Cons. Lit. to 11 Earls, and 48 Lord's and Grandees, Cl. 8 R. 2. d. 35. is to him, Cons. Lit. to 11 Earls, and 50 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 9 R. 2. d. 45. is to him, Cons. Lit. to 2 Dukes, 11 Earls, and 46 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 10 R. 2. d. 42. the first writ issued Carissimo Avunculo suo Edwardo Duci Ebor▪ &c. Cons. Lit. to 1 Duke, 1 Marquess, 9 Earls, 44 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 11 R. 2. d. 24. the first writ is to this Duke, Consim. Lit. to 2 Dukes 8 Earls, 47 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 〈◊〉 R. 2. d. 13. to him, Cons. Lit. to Duke, 8 Earls, 34 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 12 R. 2. d. 42. to him, Cons. Lit. to 1 Duke, 9 Earls, 42 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 13 R. 2. d. 5. the first writ entered is Iohanni Duce Lancastr. Cons. Lit. to a Dukes, 9 Earls, 46 Lord's and Grandees, Claus. 14 R. 2. d. 42. the first writ is to the same Duke, Cons. Lit. to 2 Dukes, 10 Earls, 4 Lord's and Great men; Cl. 15 R. 2. d. 37. the first writ entered is, Iohanni Duci Aquitaniae et Lancastriae, &c. Cons. Lit. to 2 Dukes, 10 Earls, 41 Lord's and Grandees, Cl. 16 R. 2. d. 23. the writ is to him, Cons. Lit. to 2 Dukes, 10 Earls, 42 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 17 R. 2. d. 30. to him, Cons. Lit. to 2 Dukes, 11 Earls, 40 Lord's and Grandees, Cl. 18 R. 2 d. 23. the first writ entered is Hen. Com. Darbi , Cons. Lit. to 6 Earls, 29 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 20 R. 2. pars 1. dors. 15. the first writ issued Carissimo Avunculo suo Iohanni Duci Aquitaniae & Lancastriae, Cons. Lit. to 2 Dukes, 11 Earls, 38 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 21 R. 2. parte 1. d. 27. the writ entered is to him, Con im. Lit. to 3 Dukes, 1 Marquess, 6 Earls, 33 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 23 R. 2. dors. 3. the writ entered issued Henrico Duci Lancast. &c. Cons. Lit. to 4 Dukes, one Marquess, 10 Earls, 34 Lord's and Great men.

[ 55] The writs of Summons to the Temporal Lord's all the reign of Henry the 4th. are entered next after those to the Spiritual Lord's, having the same recitals and dates, with them forecited in the 1. Section: Of which take this ensuing short account. Cl. . H. 4. dorso 37. the writ entered issued, Henrico Duci Lancastriae, Cons. Lit. to 4 Dukes, 1 Marquess, 10 Earls, 34 Lord's and Nobles, Cl. 1 H. 4. d. & Claus. 2 H. 4. parte 1. d. 3. the first writ entered is, Carissimo filio suo Henric Principi Walliae, et Duci Cornubiae, &c. 1 Duke, 10 Earls, 35 Lord's and Great men Cl. 3 H. 4 d. 17. the like writ to the Prince of Wales, 1 Duke, 8 Earls, 32 Lord's and Grandees, Cl. 5 H. 4. part 1. d. 28. & parte 2. d. 4. the first writ issued to the same Pr nce, Cons. Lit. to 1. Duke, 7 Earls, 3 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 7 H. 4. d. 30. t the Prince, 1 Duke, 7 Earls, 33 Lord's, Barons and Great men, Cl. 8 H. 4. d. 2. the like writ to the Prince, 1 Duke, 8 Earls, 33 Lord's and Grandees, Cl. 9. & 11 H. 4. d. 32. the writ entered issued to the Prince of Wales, Cons. Lit. to 1 Duke 8 Ea ls, 32 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 13. H. 4. d. 2. the writ is to the Prince of Wal s. 1 Duke, 6 Earls, 32 Lord's and Great Persons, Cl. 14 H. 4. dors. 22. the writ issued to Henry Prince of Wales, 5 Earls, 35 Lord's and Great men.

The writs of Summ ns under King Henry the 5th to [ 56] the Temporal Lord's, have the self- ame recitals, Prologues, dates, with those to the Archbishops, and other Prelates forecited Section 1. The first writ entered Cl. 1 H. 5. dorse 9. issued, Carissimo fratri Regis Thomae Duci Clarentiae, Cons. Lit. to 1 Duke, 9 Earls, 29 Lord's and Grandees, Cl. 1 H. 5. d. 37. the writ entered issued, Edward Courteney Com. Devon. 6 Earls, 32 Lord's and Nobles, Cl. 2 H. 5. d. 16. the writ recorded at large is directed, Thomae Duci Clarentiae & Com. Albemarliae, Cons. Lit. to 3 Dukes, 11 Earls, 28 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 3 H 5. d. 15. the first writ entered issued Radulpho Com. Westmorland, 1 Earl, 17 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 4 H. 5. d. 16. the writ recorded is directed Carissimo fratri suo Thomae Duci Clarentiae, &c. Cons. Lit. to 2 Dukes, 10 Earls, 24 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 5 H. 5. d. 11. the writ registered is directed Carissimo Avunculo suo Thomae Duci Exon. Cons. Lit. to 3. Earls, 14 Lord's and Great men, 7 H. 5. d. 9. the writ recorded is Carissimo Avunoulo suo Henrico Percy Com. Northumb. Cons. Lit. to 2 Earls, 13 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 8. H. 5. d. 2. the writ entered issued Carissimo fratri suo Johanni Duci Bedford, &c. Cons. Lit. to 1 Duke 6 Earls, 20 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 9 H. 5. d. 13. the writ registered issued, Carissimo Consanguine suo Henrico de Percy Com. Northumb▪ 2 Earls, and but 13 Lord's and Great men.

All the writs to the temporal Lord's during the reign [ 57] of Henry the 6. are the same in the Prefaces and dates with those to the Bishops and Spiritual Lord's, and entered after them, being thus directed Cl. 1 H. 6. dors. 22. Carissimo Avunoulo suo Humfrido Duci Gloucestriae, Cons. lit. to 1 Duke, 5 Earls, 16 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 2 H. 6. d. 18. Humfrido Duci Gloucestr. 1 1 Duke, 5 Earls, 15 Lord's and Grandees, Cl. 3 H 6. d. 9. Carissimo Avuncul suo Thomae Duci Exon. 1 Duke, 6 Earls, 22 Lord and Grandees, Cl. 4 H. 6. d. 15. Carissimo Avunculo suo Joha ni Duci Bedfordiae to 3 Dukes more, 2 Elarls, 23 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 5 H. 6. d. 4. Carissimo A •• nculo su Humfrido Duci Gloucestriae, 1 Duke more, 4 Earls, 22 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 7 H. 6. d. 2 Humfrido Duci Gloucestr. 1 Duke besides, 7 Earls, 26 Lord's and Grandees, Cl. 9 H. 6. 18. Humfrido Duci Gloucestr. 5 Earls, 21 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 10 H. 6. d. 10. Humfrido Duci Gloucestriae, 1 Duke, 6 Earls, 25 Lord's a d Grandees, Cl, 11 H. 6. d. 10. Johanni Duci Bedfordiae, 2 Dukes more, 6 Earls, 26 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 13 H. 6. d. 2. Caris, Avunculo suo Johanni Duci Bedfordiae, 2 other Dukes, 8 Earls, 26 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 15 H. 6. d. 18. Humfrido Duci Gloucestriae, 1 Duke more, 7 Earls, 27 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 18 H. 6. d. 33. Humfrido Duci Gloucestriae, 2 other Dukes, 6 Earls, 26 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 20 H. 6. d. 27. Humfrido Duci Gloucestriae, 2 Dukes more, 11 Earls, 28 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 23 H. 6. d. 2 Humfrido Duci Gloucestriae, 4 Dukes besides, 2 Marquesses, 7 Earls, 1 Viscount, 30 Lord's and Noblemen, Cl. 25 H. 6. d. 24. & 26. Humfrido Duci Gloucestriae, 4 other Dukes, 2 Marquesses, 7 Earls, Viscount, 32 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 27 H. 6. d. 24. Ricardo Duci Ebor. 3 other Dukes, 6 Earls, 1 Viscount, 39 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 28 H. 6. d. 26. Willielmo Duci Suffolciae, 3 Dukes more, 7 Earls, 1 Viscount, 35 Lord's and Great men; Cl. 29 H. 6. dors. 41. Ricardo Duci Eborum, 4 Dukes more, 9 Earls, 1 Viscount, 40 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 31 H. 6. d. 36. Edwardo Duci Eborum, 4 Dukes besides, 12 Earls, 3 Vicounts, 36 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 33 H. 6. d. 36. Ricardo Duci Eborum, 3 Dukes more, 11 Earls, 2 Vicounts, 35 Lord and Great men, Cl. 38 H. 6. d. 30. Henrico Duci Exoniae, 2 other Dukes, 9 Earls, 2 Vicounts, 35 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 49 H. 6. d. 6. Carissimo consanguineo suo Georgio Duci Claren iae, 3 Dukes more, 7 Earls, 1 Marquess, 23 Lord's and Great men.

The writs of Summons to Parliament issued by King [ 57] Edward the 4th to the Temporal Lord's, agree in Prologues, forms, and dates, (except in the Praemunientes, &c. with those to the Archbishops and Spiri ual Lord's in the 1. Section, and are thus directed, Cl. 1 E. 4. d. 35. Johanni Duci Norfolciae 4 Earl, 1 Viscount, 31 Lord's and Great men Cl. 2 E. 4. d. 3. Dil cto & fideli suo Ricardo Comi i▪ W rwici, 4 Ear , 37 Lord's and Great men, C. 6. E. 4. d. 1. Car ssimo Fratri suo Geo gio Duci Claren iae, 2 Dukes more, 10 Earls, 1 Marquess, 36 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 9 E. 4. d. 3. Carissimo, fratri suo Georgio Duci Clarentiae, 9 other Dukes 8 Earls, 23 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 11 E. 4. d. 41 Car ssimo fratri suo Georgio Duci Clarentiae, 3 Dukes more, 8 Earls, 25 Lord's and Great men, Cl. 22 & 23 E. 4. d. 10. Carissimo suo filio Primogenito dwardo Principi Walliae, 4 D kes more, 1 Marque e, 7 Earls, 32 Lord's.

Having presented you with this Breviate of all the general writs of Summons to Parliaments and Great Councils issued to the Temporal Lord's from 49 H. 3. to 23 E. 4. I shall now give you a view of some extraordinary special writs to some Temporal Lord's and others, reducible to, and proper for this Section.

I shall begin within this Memorable writ to Roger de [ 58] Mortymer, Claus: 9 E 2▪ m. 20 dorso

Rex dilecto et fideli suo Rogero de Mortuo-Mare de Wygmore, salutem; Cum vos tempore quo Parliamentum nostrum usque Lincoln: in Quind na Sancti Hillarie prox futur: summoneri fecimus in partibus Hiberniae fuissetis, per quod Nos vobis non 〈◊〉 simus ad interessendum dicto Parliamento; ac vos a dictis par ibus Hiberniae usque regnum nostrum jam, ut accepimus, accessistis; ideo vobis mandamus in fide et homagio quibus nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes, quod si ad dictas partes Hibe niae citra▪ dictum Parliamentum non essetis regressuri, tunc eidem Parliamento nostro dictis die et loco modis omnibus personaliter intersiti , super negotiis Nos et statum Regni nostri rang ntibus, pro quibus Parliamentum nostrum mandavimus convo ari, Nobiscum et cum Magnatibus et Proceribus regni nostri tractaturi, vestrumque consilium impensuri. Et hoc nullo modo omittatis. T. Rege apud Clipston 17 die Januarii.

This Roger de Mortymer (a Baron of this Realm, as is evident by former Summons to him) being absent in Ireland when the writs of Summons to this Parliament first issued, was thereupon left out of the original writs and Lists of Summons; but the King being informed that he was returned into England, thereupon sent this special writ of Summons to him bearing date the 17 of January, (full 3. months after the first writs of Summons dated the 16 of October before) entered in another dorse apart from the other writs: His absence in Ireland, yea and return thither, about the public affairs after this writ issued, before this Parliament sat, in the Kings and his Councils opinions, being a sufficient ground to excuse his absence from Parliament, and to send no writ of Summons to him into Ireland. And if English Peers absence or residence in Ireland, be a just, legal ground to exempt them from summons to a Parliament held in England, much more then must Irish Peers and Lord's, who are no Lord's or Barons at all in England, be totally exempted from all writs of Summons to the Parliaments of England, both in respect of their remoteness from England, of the great charge and danger in crossing the Seas to repair to them, and because they are obliged neither by their tenures, nor Patents, to resort to any English Parliaments, but only to the Parliaments held in Ireland, where only they are Peers and Lord's of Parliament, and because they cannot attend in two places at once, if a Parliament should be summoned in England and Ireland on or near the selfsame time: Of which more hereafter in its proper place.

The next writ of this kind I shall communicate to you, is this I meet with Claus. Ann. 35 E. 3. m. 36. dorso. [ 59]

Rex dilecto et fideli suo Humfrido d Bohun Comiti Northampton: salutem. Q ia terra nostra Hiberniae per molestationes a diu Hibernicorum inimicorum nostrorum (et) incursus propter impotentiam fideliū nostrorū habitantium in eodem regno, et pro eo quod Magnates et alii de regno nostro Angliae terras in ea habentes, commodum dictarum terrarum suarum ab eadem terra capiunt, et defensionem aliquam non faciunt, jam tantae vasticatis et destructionis miseriae subjicicur, quod nisi Deus averta , et celerius succurratur eidem ad totalem perditionem in prox. deducetur; per quod pro salvatione ejusdem ordinavimus, quod Leonellus Comes Vlton. filius noster carissimus, cum ingenti exercitu ad terram praedictam cum omni festinatione transmitta ur, et quod omnes Magnates et alii de dicto regno nostro, terras in dicta terra Hiborniae habentes, qu nto potentius poterunt, in Comitiva dicti filii nostri proficiscentur, vel si debiles in corpore existant 〈◊〉 alios sufficientes ibidem mittant pro repulsion ••••• orum inimicorum, et salvatione et defensione terrarum suarum et succursu terrae supradictae; Et pro dicto negotio accelerando, volumus vobiscum, et cum aliis de eodem regno terras in dicta terra habentibus Colloquium habere et tractatum. Vobis in fide et ligeantia quibus Nobis renemini firmiter injungentes mandamus, quod omnibus aliis intermissis, sitis personaliter apud West . in Quindena Pasch. prox. futur▪ adloquendum Nobiscum et Consilio nostro super dictis Negotiis, e illud concernentibus, et ad faciend. et consentiend. super hoc quod ibidem contigerit ordinari. Et interim vos et homines vestros, quanto potencius et decentius poteritis ad arma paretis. Ita quod in vestri defectum progressus dicti filii nostri et exercitus sui non retardetur, nec dicta terra amissionis periculo non subjaceat 〈◊〉 causa. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum, ac salvationem et desensionem terrae praedictae diligitis nu •• a enus omit atis. Et habea is ibi hoc breve. Teste Rege ap d Wes m, 15 die Martii. Per ipsum R gem et Co sili m.

Consimilia Brevia dirig •••• subscriptis de effe do coram Rege et Consilio suo ad dies subscriptos, viz, Rado. Com. Staff. Thomae Com. Oxen. David. de Strabolgi Com. Athol. Edw. le Despenser, 31 more. Abbati de Forneux, 3 Abbots and 5 Priors, Magistr. Thomae de Nevill, and 10 others, (whereof two were Prehends in Ireland: Ad •• res Septimanas Paschae: All of them having lands in Ireland. The writs to the Abbots, Priors Prebends, and some others, had this special clause added to them, not in the writs issued to the Earls and others of the Laity. Sitis personaliter apud Westm. n tribus Septimanis Pasche prox. futur. vel si personaliter tunc ibidem interesse non commode possitis, tunc aliquem vel aliquos de quibus confiditis, ad diem et locum praedictos mittatis, ad loquend. Nobiscum et Consilio nostro (ut supra.) Et interim homines vestros, &c. (ut supra us{que} nullatenus omittatis, (tunc) Nos in Cancellariams nostram de nominibus illorum qu •• us{que} Westm. ex causa praedict a duxeritis destinand. 〈…〉 diem praedictum distinct et apertc certiores. Et habeat s ibi tunc hoc Breve. Teste ut supra.

Rex dilecto sibi Mariae Comitissae Norff. alutem. Quia, &c. ut supra usque ibi, accelerando: et tunc sic) Volumus cum Magnatibus et aliis de eodem Regno terras in dicta terra Hiberniae habentibus, Colloquium habere et Tractatum. Vobis in ide et ligeantia quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungendo mandamus, quod omnibus aliis praetermissis, aliquem vel aliquos de quibus confiditis apud Westm. mittatis. It a quod si t ibi in Tribus Septimanis Pasche prox. futur. ad loquend. Nobiscum et Consilio nostro super dictis Negotiis, et illud concernentibus, et ad faciend, et consentiend. nomine vestro su er hoc quod ibidem contigerit ordinari. Et interim homines vestros, &c. (ut supra usque) nullatenus omittati . (Et tunc sic) Nos in Cancellari m nostram de hominibus illor m quos •• que Westm. ex causa praedicta d xeritis 〈◊〉 reddentes ad diem praedict m 〈◊〉 et aperte cer iores. Et habeatis ibi tunc 〈◊〉 Breve 〈◊〉 supra.

Consimilia Bre ••• dirig n ur subscripris sub eadem data de essendo coram Rege et 〈…〉 ad dies subscriptos, viz. Alianorae Comi issae Dormond, Annae le De penser, ad Quindenam Paschae, Philippae Comitis ae de la March, Agnets Comitissae P mbroc, Mariae de Sancto Paulo Comitissae Pembroc, Matildae Comitissae Oxford. Katherinae Comitissae A hol, Iohannae Fitz Wauter, Margeriae de Ro s. Ad tres Septimanas Pasche.

The next writ is Claus. 36 E. 3. m. 42. dorso. very [ 60] suitable to the next preceeding.

Rex dilecto et fideli suo Thom de Furnyvall falutem. Cum nuper in succursum terrae nostrae Hiberniae quae pro magna parte per potentiam Hibernicorum Inimicorum nostrorum quibus Fideles nostri in partibus illis resistor non poterant, occupara et de •• ructa suit, ad resistend. malitiae eorundem Inimicorum nostrorum, et ad ipsos expugnand. et debelland. Leonellum Comitem Ulton. filium nostrum carissimum cum non modico armatorum n mero destinavimus, qui ibidem a diu super salvatione terrae praedictae ad sumptus excessivos in isdem partibus moratus est, et quamplures hominum suorum ex variis eventibus decesserunt, sic quia idem filius noster et fideles nostri cum ipso commorantes per potentiam dictorum Inimicorum nostrorum indies invalescente in maximo periculo sunt constituti. Et licet vobis sicut aliis fidelibus nostris de Regno nostro Angliae terras in dicta terra Hib rniae habentibus, per diverta Brevia mandaverimus, quod vos cum hominibus ad arma armatis et agittariis quanto potentius possecis parere ••• , et cum dicto filio nostro et aliis fidelibus nostris ad terram praedictam pro defen ione ejusdem et terrarum vestrarum ibidem transiretis: Vos tamen ad terram illam accedere, vel homines aliquos ibidem mitte e non 〈◊〉 , in no •• contemptum, t dict h ii no tri et aliorum fidelium nostrorum in Comitiva sua existentium, 〈◊〉 terrae praedictae amissionis periculum manisestum, unde plurimum conturbamur, nec immerico, ac movemur, Vobis igitur in fide t ligean ia quibus nobi •• n mini, et sub forisfactione omnium quae Nobis forisfacere poteritis, mandamus firmiter injungentes; quod attentis periculis praedictis, omnibus dilationibus et excusationibus cessantibus, Vos et homines vestros quanto potentius, juxta flatus vestri decentiam poteritis paretis, et arraietis ad transfretand. ad dictum filium nostrum ad dictas partes Hiberniae, cum eodem filio nostro, ac aliis fidelibus nostris ibidem existentibus super salvatione et defensione terrae praedi tae et terrarum vestrarum propriarum in parribus illis moraturi. ta quo sitis in dictis partibus Hiberniae in Quindena Pasche prox. fu ur. ad ultimum, prompti et parati ad terram praedictam, una cum aliis fidelibus nostris contra dictos Inimicos nostros defendend, et ipsos Inimicos nostros cum Dei adjutorio expugnand, et debelland. et malitiam corum propulsand. Et vos ipsi sitis coram Nobis et Consilio nostro apud Westm. die Veneris in secunda Septimana Quadragesimae prox. futur. ad loquend. et tractand. super progressu vestro ad dictas partes Hib rniae, et ad aciend. quod vobis tune injungetur ex parte nostra. Et hoc sub forisfactur praedicta nullatenus omittatis. Teste Rege apud Westm. 10 die Febr. Per ipsum Regem.

Consimilia Brevia diriguntur subscriptis, de essendo coram Rege et Consilio suo ad diem praedictum sub eadem data, Thomae Comi i Oxford. and 41 Earls, Barons, Gentlemen, Abbots, Priors, and Clergymen more, who had lands in Ir l. After whose names this writ follows.

Rex dilecto sibi Mar a▪ Comitissae Norff. salutem, Cum in succursum, &c. (just as in the writ before) usque ex nsationibus cessantibus; homines ad arma armatos et sagittarios e e munitos quanto potentius juxta status vestri decentiam poteritis, paretis et arraiatos ad trans ••• and. &c. (ut supra usque) expul and. Et aliquos vel aliquem de quibus, vel de quo specialiter confiditis, mittatis apud Westm. Ita quod sint ibidem die Veneris in secunda Septimana Quadragesimae prox. futur. ad loquend. et tractand. super progressu hominum vestrorum praedictorum ad dictas partes Hibern ae, et ad faciend. quod tunc ibidem per Nos et Con •• lium nostrum con igerit ordinari. Teste Rege apud Westm. 10 die Februarii.

Consimilia Brevia diriguntur subscriptis de essendo coram Rege et Consilio suo ad diem praedictum sub eadem data, viz. Alianorae Comi issae Dormond, Philippae Comitissae Marchlae, Agneti Comitissae Pembroc. Mariae de Sancto Paulo Comitissae Pembroc. Matildae Comitissae Oxford. Katherinae Comitissae Athol, Annae le Dispenser, Iohannae Fitz-Wauter, Margaretae de Roos.

The next I shall transcribe, is this special writ of summons to the Prince of Wales, entered at large in Claus. 49 E. 3. m. 6. dorso. after the writs to the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Temporal Lord's and Sheriffs to elect Knights and Burgesses, but before the writ to the Warden of the Cinque ports.

Rex carissimo Primogenito suo Edwardo Principi Walliae, salutem. Cum super arduis et urgentibus negotiis Nos, et statum et defensionem Regni nostri, ac Ecclesiae Anglicanae contingentibus Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. duodecimo die Februarii prox. futur. teneri ordinavimus; per quod per diversa Brevia nostra mandavimus singulis Prael▪ tis, Magnatibus, et Proceribus dicti regni nostri quod ad dictum Parliamentum nostrum summoneri fecimus, quod ad dictum locum Westm. 12 die Febr. intersint super negotiis praedictis tractaturi suumque consilium impensuri. Et quia nolumus quod tam ardua negotia dicti regni absque avisamento et consilio ves ro tract entur, et d rigantur; Vobis mandamus quod apud dictum locum Westm, ad dictum duodecimum diem Februar. in propria persona vestra, ntersits Nobiscum, ac cum Praelatis, Magna ibus, t 〈◊〉 praedic s super dictis nego i, 〈◊〉 vestrumque consilium impensuri. Teste ut supra.

[ 62] The next writ wherewith I shall here present you is that of Clause, 21 R. 2. m. 9. dorso. which is very observable.

Rex carissimo Avunculo suo Iohanni Duci Aquitaniae et Lancastriae, salutem. Quia de assensu Prae atorum, Procerum et Magnatum regni nostri Angliae in Parliamento nostro apud Westm di Lunae prox. post festum Exaltationis Sanctae Crucis prox. praeterito summoneri fecimus existentium, pro quibusdam arduis et urgentibus negotiis et materiis in eodem Parliamento adhuc pendentibus, quae adhuc commode terminari non 〈◊〉 ac aliis causis sa is evidentibus, dictum Parliamentum usque Quindenam Sancti Hilary prox, futur▪ apud Salop, in stat quo nunc fuit duximus prorogand. et contin and. Vobis in fide et ligeantia quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungendo mandamus, quod apud Salop in Qnindena praedicta cum familia et 〈◊〉 sta ••• vestro congruis, et non cum multi •• dine gen ium, nec alio modo quam tempore Domini Edwardi nuper Regis Angliae Avi nostri et nostro, an iquitus et communi er fieri consuevi , personaliter intersi is, Nobiscum et 〈◊〉 Praelatis, Proceribus, et Magnatibus dicti regni no 〈◊〉 super causis, negotiis, et materiis antedictis finali er tractaturi, vestrumque Consilium impensuri, abinde ab que licentia nos ra specially minime recessuri. T. R. apud Westm. 5. die Novembris.

Consimi ••• Brevia sub eadem data, issued to 5. Dukes more, one Marquess, 6 Earls, and 33 Lord's, Barons, and Great men.

[ 63] I shall end this Section with this remarkable writ of Summons and Resummons recorded in Claus. 1 R. 2. m. 13. dors. (after the List of the Lord's names) i sued to William de Dacre.

Rex dilecto et fideli suo Willielmo de Dacre salutem. Cum nuper de avisam nto Consilii nostri pro quibusdam arduis et urgentibus negotiis Nos, statum et defensionem Reg a nostra A gli •• et Eccle ••• Anglicanae concernentib s quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud West . in crastino Purificationis beatae Mariae pro . futur. 〈◊〉 ordinavimus. Et licet per breve nostrum vobis in fide et ligeantia q ibus Nobis tene mini firmiter injungendo mandave mu , quod cessan •• ex usa ione qua unque dictis die et loco personaliter inter •••• Nobiscum, ac cum Praelatis, Magnatibus, et Proce bus Regni nostri praedicti super negotiis praedictis tractaturi, vestrumque consili m impens •• i. Vos tamen mandato nostro praedicto minime parents, ad Parliamentum praedictum dictis die et loco, 〈◊〉 huca que ven e non curas ••• ▪ in nost a contemptum manife •• um. Et quia Parliamentum praedictum usq e in d em Lunae in 〈◊〉 Quin 〈◊〉 Paschae prox. futur. duximus contin and. Vobis in fide et ligean ia vestris praedictis injungimus et mandamus, quod excusatione quacunque cessan e ad locum praedictum in Quinde a praedict perlonal ter intersi is Nobiscum, et cum Praelatis, Magnatibus▪ et Proceribus dicti Regni nostri super negotiis praedictis tractaturi, vestrumque Consilium impensuri, ABINDE ABSQUE LICENTIA NOSTRA SPECIALI MINIME RECESSURI. ET HOC SUB GRAVI PAENA, PER [NOS] ET DOMINOS IBIDEM TUNC PRAESENTES LIMITAND NULLATENUS OMITTATIS. Teste nt supra.

Per ipsum Regem et Consilium.

Consimilia Brevia diriguntur subscriptis sub adem data viz. Iohi. de Welle Chr. Iohi. Gray de Codonore, Willo. Botreaux Chr. Iohi le War, Chr. Iohi. de Monteacuto Chr. Phil •• po le Dispenser Chr.

By which writ it is apparent, 1. That if any Lord neglect or refuse to appear upon the first writ of Summons issued to him, that the King may resummon him by a second writ, as here he did these Lord's. 2ly, That the not appearing in Parliament upon the first writ of Summons, through negligence, willfulness, or without lawful excuse made for it, is a manifest contempt to the King; That no Peers summoned to Parliaments ought to depart whiles the Parliament con inues, without the Kings special license; 4ly, That the not appearing of any Peer when summoned, or his departure from Parliament, without the Kings special license, is to be punished with such a heavy and deserved penalty as the other Lord's sitting in Parliament shall limit and inflict, not the King himself without the Lord's.

Usefull Annotations and Observations upon the precedent Writs to the Prince of Wales, King of Castel and Leon, Dukes, and other Temporal Lord's and Barons, and the lists of their names recorded after them.

1. I Observe, and must inform the Readers, that in some few Clause Rolls, there are writs of Summons entered only to Earls, and other secular Lord's, without any writs to Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots and Spiritual Lord's, who no doubt had like writs then is ued to them, though not registered in the Rolls, as the Lord's writs attest.

2. That in the Rolls where in they both are registered, the writs to the Temporal Lord's are now and then entered, before those to the Archbishops, Bishops and Spiritual Lord's; but most usually they follow them.

3. That they are commonly entered both together on the self-same dorse▪ or membrana, & their reci als, cla ses for the most part the same in terminis; except in the Praemun entes, &c. which is peculiar to the Archbishops and Bishops writs; or in the clauses, or Homagio et ligeantia quibu, Nobi tenemini; which is peculiar to the Temporal Lord's; and never used in the writs to the Bishops, Abbots, and E clesiastical Lord's; but in fide & 〈◊〉 quibus Nobis t n mini, only; which is oft times inserted into the writs to the Temporal Lord's, and others of the Laity, not peculiar only to the Clergy; as in homagio & lig antia are to the Tempor lly. The reason whereof I conceive to be gro nded on that of Littleton in his Chapter of Homage, Sect. 86. If an Abbot or Prior, or other man of Religion (which extends to all Archbishops, Bishops, De n, Parsons, Prebends and other Ecclesiastical bodies Politick) shall do homage to his Lord, he shall not say, IEO DEVEIGNE VOSTR & HOME (whence Homage hath its name and derivation, as all Temporal Lord's and Laymen ought to do, when they do their homage to the King or other Lord's) because he hath professed himself, PUR ESTRE TANT SOLEMENT LE HOME DE DE U; But he shall 〈◊〉 say, I do Homage unto you, and to you I shall be true and faithful, and faith to you bear for the Tenements which I hold of you; In which respect, Glanvil lib. 9. c. 1, 2. Bracton . 78. F. Briton cap. 68. & 〈◊〉 . 3 cap. 16. resolve. S •• endum st quod 〈◊〉 liber 〈◊〉 asculus quam famina, Clericus et Laicus, major & minor, dum tamen electi in Episcopos; POST CONSE R ATIONEM HOMAGIUM NON FACIUNT, quicquid ecerunt any, sed TANTUM FIDELITATEM. Conventus a t m HOMAGIUM nec faciet de Iure, sicu NE ABBAS, NEC PRIOR, o quod tenent nomine alieno, scilicet nomine Ecclesiarum: as Sir Ed. Cook likewise observes in his 1. Institutes, f. 65. b. So that they doing no homage properly so styled to the King, after their consecrations, nor using the words (I become your man, if we credit L ttleton) in making their homage as the Temporal Lord's do. Therupon (I conjecture) the writs of Summons command the Temporal Lord's and Laity to appear, &c. in fide t homagio, et in ide et ligeantia quibus Nobis tenemini; but the Prelates, Spiritual Lord's, and other Clergy, only in fide et dilection, they being bound to swear fealty and Allegiance to our Kings for the Freehold Lands and Tempora ties they held of him •• xcept only those that hold in Frankalm igne, as 29 E. 3. f. 38. a. Littleton Sect. 91, 92, 93. Sir Edw. Cook in hi 1. Insti utes on these Sections, and other Law-books resolve. For this I shall produce one memorable Record; a •• uring us, that all the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbo s, Priors and Clergy both in England and Ireland, did, and of right ought to swear fealty to the King, as well as the Temporal Lord's and Commons, and prescribing Commissioners in Ireland to receive it from them;

Venerabiii in Christo Patri e dem gratia Midden. Episcopo, et dilectis et fidelibus suis Mauricio filio Mauricii Justiciario suo Hiberniae, et Mgistro Iohanni de S mford Escheatori suo Hiberniae salutem. Cum defuncto jam celebris memory Domino Henrico Rege patre nostro (cujus animae propicietur Al issimus) ad Nos regni Angliae gubernaculum, et errae Hiberniae Dominium pertineant, ob quod PRAELATI, Comites et Proceres, et Communitas Regni nostri Nobis, tanquam Domino suo ligio et Regi, FIDELITATIS JURAMENTUM, et omnia alia quae Nobis ration Coronae et Dignitatis Regiae ab ipsis fieri et praestari Nobis in absentia nostra poterun, plenary et sine omissione aliqua prompto et libenti animo PRAESTITERINT; AC, ARCHIEPISCOPI, EPISCOPI, ABBATES, PRIORES, Comites, Barones, Mi ites, libere tenentes, ac tota Communitas terrae nostrae HIBERNIAE, NOBIS tanquam REGI ET DOMINO SUO IGIO, CONSIMILE SACRAMENTUM FIDELITATIS PRAESTARE TENEANTUR; Dedimus obis potestatem recipiendi nomine nostro FIDELITATEM IPSORUM. I a tamen quod si vos; omn s interesse ne quiveritis, tunc duo vel •• us vestrum qui prae ens u rit nihilominus plena i m hab at potestatem recipiendi nomine nostro FIDELITATEM IPSORUM in forma praedicta. Et id o vobi mandamus quod FIDELITATEM PRAEDICTAM nomine nostro recipiatis, prout, melius videbi is expedire. In cujus &c. 〈…〉 Westm. 7 die Sept. A n. 1 E 1.
Hence I find this IURAMENTVM EPISCOPORVM; in T ttles Magna Charta, printed London 1556. f. 164. b. being nothi g else but the form of the O th of Fealty, which the Bishops took to our Kings before they received their Temporalties out of their hands, being the same in substance, which the King of S ots an his Tempora Lord's, and English Barons and Laymen, usually made to King Edward the 1. and his Successors con inued 〈◊〉 these later times. Ieo serra so all et loyal, et oy et lo altie por •• ray AV ROY & A SES H IRES, ROYS DE ANGLITERRE, de vie et de, members, et de terrene honor contre tout gentz qui p yent vivre et mounir. Et loya meant monstray, et loyalment ferray les services qui appendent a la temporality de Levesque de M. la quelle eo claimor de tenir de vous , et la quelle vo us me rendes. Si moy aid Dieu et ses Saints. This Oath of Fe lty, as Sir Edward Cook and others affirm, was first invented, and generally prescribed to all persons above 12 years of age, by our famous British King Arthur; who by virtue thereof, ex pulit SARACENOS et Inimices egno. But this certainly is a mere fable, and gross mistake; (which I admire Mr. Lambard. and Sir Edward Cook observed not;) for the Saxacens never invaded England in any age, neither were they expelled the Realm by King Arthur; but the Saxons, who had then and formerly possessed themselves of a great part of Britain, were vanquished and expelled by him in the years of grace 518, 520, 522, as Matt. Westminster, Geoffrey Manmouth, Tho. Walsingham, and other of our Historians relate; yet not by virtue of this Oath, (which no Historian mention ) but of his arms and 〈◊〉 ; this Oath (as I conc ive) being rath r invented by our Saxon Kings, than Ki g Arthur; and first prescribed by this Law of King Edmund son of Adelstan (made at Culinton by advice of his Bishops and wise men, about the year 944. Lex 1.) Ut omnes jurent in nomine Domini &c. FIDELII ATEM Edmundo Reg., SICVT HOMO DEBET ESSE FIDELIS DOMINO SUO; sine omni controversia et seditione in manifesto et occulto, &c. Et quod ANTEQVAM IURAMENTUM HOC DABITUR, ut nemo concelet hoc in fratre vel proximo suo plus quam in extraneo. This Oath thus instituted, was backed by the Laws of Edw. the Confessor, & of Will, the Conq. (Lex 78, 79.) published by Mr. Selden: in whose reign all Bishops before their Consecrations did Homage to the K. as well as Fealty for their Temporalties; Which though Archbishop Anselm opposed, yet at last it was agreed between King Henry the first and him, by assent of the B shops, Abbots, Lord's and Great men in a Parliamentary Council held in August Anno 107. Vt nullus ad Praelattonem electus PRO HOMAGIO QUOD REGI FACERET consecratione suscepti honoris priva etur. Which Law and usage continued under King Henry the second, as is evident by this passage of Glanvil, l. 9. c. 1. who writ and was chief Justice under him. Electi vero in Episcopos ante consecrationem HOMAGIA SVA FACERE SOLENT. What solemn public Oaths of Allegiance and Fidelity Bishops and other Clergymen, as well as the Temporal Lord's & Commons, have heretofore and of late years made to our Kings and their heirs, you may read at leisure in the Exact Abridgement of the Records in the Tower, p. 427, 657, 663, 25 H. 8. c. 20. 22. 26 H. 8. c. 7. 10. 35 H. 8. c. 1. 1 Eliz. c. 2, 3. 5 Eliz. c. 1. 3 Jac. c. 3. 5. 7. Jac. c. 6. I shall only present you with one more thus recorded in the Clause Roll of 11 E. 4. m. 1. dorso.

Memorand, quod tertio die Iulii Anno regni Regis Edwardi Quarti undecimo apud Westm. in Camera Parliamenti, Venerabilis Pater Thomas Cardinalis Archiepiscopius Cantuar, ac alii Domini Spirituales et Temporales, ac etiam quidam Milites quorum nomina subscribuntur, fecerunt Recognitionem, Iuramentumque praestiterunt Edwardo primogenito dicti Domini nostri Regis Edwardi Quarti, illustri Principi Walliae, Duci Cornub, & Comiti Cestriae in forma sequenti, & ad corroborationem praemiss rum singuli corum manibus propries scripserunt sua Nomina.

I Thomas Cardinal Archbishop of Canterbury knowledge, take and repute you Edward Prince of Wallys, Duke of Cornwall, and Earl of Chester, first begotten so of our Sovereign Lord Edward the fourth, King of England, and of France, and Lord of Ireland, to be very and undoubted heir to our said Sovereign Lord as to the Crowns of England and France; and Lordship of Ir land; and promi •• e and swear, that in case hereafter it happen you by God's disposition to overlive our said Sovereign Lord, I shall then bear, and in all things truly and faithfully behave me towards you and your heirs, as a true and 〈…〉 Subject ought to behave 〈◊〉 to his Sovereign Lord and right wy King of England, &c. So help me God and holy domes, and the Evangelists.

  • T. 〈…〉
  • G. 〈◊〉
  • T. London Episc.
  • He r. Dun lm.
  • W. Episc. Winton.
  • G. Cl rence.
  • R. Gloucester. Norff.
  • H. Buckyngham.
  • I. uff.
  • Arundell.
  • H. Essex.
  • E. Kent.
  • Riveri rs.
  • I. Wiltshire.
  • W. 〈◊〉 , Prior Hosp t. S Johannes.
  • E. Arundall Mautravers.
  • A. Gray.
  • I. Fenis.
  • R. E •• sc. Sarum.
  • W. 〈…〉
  • T. 〈◊〉
  • R. Bathonien.
  • E. Carliol.
  • R. Beauchamp.
  • Sir Rob rt Fenys.
  • Bourgchier.
  • T. Bourchier.
  • W. Par.
  • I. Dudley.
  • I. Audley. Dac e.
  • Edw •• do Bergaveny.
  • I. S trange.
  • I. Scrop.
  • W. Ferrers.
  • Berners.
  • Hasting .
  • Mou tjoy.
  • Dynham.
  • Howard.
  • Duras.
  • I. Pilk ngton.
  • W. Bea don.
  • W. Courtenay.
  • T. Mullineux.
  • Raulf Ashto .

The first who brought Homage into England for ought I can find, was William the Conqueror, and his Normans , who equally imposed it, on all Bishops, Abbo s and Clergymensas well as on the Laity, in the self-same words and form for ought appears. How Bishops & Abbots came to be exempred from doing homage for their Temporalties to our Kings after their consecra •• ons I have already touched & shall here further declare for the informa ion of those of my own profession:

Abbot Ingulph s records,

〈◊〉 mulcis armis retroactis (even from King E h l eds reig ) ulla electio Praelatorum erat mere i era •• canonica, ed omnes divnita es tam Episcoporum quam Abbatum per Annulum et Baculnm Regis curia pro sna complacentia conferebat; his 〈…〉 King William the Conquerot, who first b ought the word and service of HOMAGE out of Normandy into England, and at his Coronation at Lo don Ann. 1067. HOMAGIIS à Magnatibus (as well of the Clergy as Laity) acceptis, cum FIDELITATIS JURAMENTO, obsidibusque acceptis, in regno confirmatus, omnibus qui ad regnum aspiraverant factus est terrori, as Matthew Paris, p. 4. and Matthew Westminster p. 1. relate. Ann. 1072. He received homage from the King of Scots. And Anno 1079 He entered Wales with a numerous Army, subdued it, et a Regnlis 〈◊〉 ditionis HOMAGIA & FIDELITATES ACCEP T. Anno 1083. Cepit HOMAGIA Ordinum totius Angliae, et JURAMENTUM FIDELITATIS, cujus unque essent endi el senementi ; And apud Londonias HOMINIUM SIBI FACERE, et contra omnes homines FIDELITATEM JURARE OMNEM ANGLIAE INCOLAM IMPERANS (therefore Bishops, Abbots and Clocks, as well as Laymen) totam terram descripsit, &c.
as Ingulphus informs us flourishing in that age. The Pope being much offended that Kings should thus confer Bishoprics, Abbeys, and other Ecclesiastical dignities Per Annulum et Baculum, and that Bishops, and Abbots should thus do Homage and Fe lty to them, and become their men, as well as L ick , (as being a grand impediment to their Supreme Authority over Emperors, Kings and Princes of the earth, strenuo sly attempted by Pope Hill lebrand;) thereupon Pope Urban the 2d. An s. 1095. in a Council held at Claremount ordained,
Ut Episcopy, vel Abbates, vel aliquis de Clero aliquam Ecclesiasticam dignitatem de manu Principum, vel quorumliber Laicorum, non recipiant.
And this not prevailing, in another Council held by this Pope at Rome, Anno 1099.
Urbanus Papa excommunicavit omnes Laicos investituras Eccle arum dantes, et omnes easdem investituras de manib s Laicorum accipientes, necnon omnes in officium sic dati honoris consecrantes. Excommunicavit etiam eos, qui pro Ecclesiasticis Honoribus LAICORUM HOMINES FIUNT id est, HOMAGIUM INEUNT as learned Sir Hen. Spelman truly expounds it.) Dicens minus execrabile videri, ut manus quae in tantam eminentiam excre erant, ut quod nulli Angelorum concessum est, ut Deum cuncta creantem suo signaculo CREANT (mark the blasphemy and contradiction) et eundem ipsum pro salute totius mundi Dei Patris obtutibus offerant, in hanc ignaviam vel stul itiam detrudantur; ut ancillae fiant eorum manuum quae diebus et noctibus obscenis contactibus inquinantur, sive rapinis et injustae sanguinis effusione addictae maculantur. Et ab omnibus est clamatum, fiat, fiat, et in his consummatum est conci ium.
Hereupon Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury, a Burgundian by birth, and great Creature of the Popes, peremptorily refused to consecrate any Bishops, who received their Investi ures per annulum baculum from the King, or to have any communion with those who were thus invested and consecrated by the Archbishop of York in his absence; denying to do any homage or fealty to King Henry the 1. after his revocation by him from his exile under Will. Rufus, without the Popes license; affirming,
Volente DEO NVLLIVS MORTALIS HOMOFIAM, nec per Sacramen ū alicui FIDEM PROMITTAM. Hereupon Rex, Regnique Proceres, Episcopy, et cujuscunque generis aulici praeter Regni consuetudinem ab Anselmo facti atum indign ferentes asserebant sese nunquam tam iniquo Papae decreto assensos vel assensuros, et potius tam Anselmum regno exterminaturos et ab Ecclesia Romana penitus disces uros, quam hanc Papae sententiam A IURE REGIO, REGNIQUE CONSUETUDINE PRORSUS ALIENAM, ratam haberent.
After many public meetings and debates between the King, Prelates, Nobles and Anselm about this business, it was agreed, that Anselm, and William Werelast the Kings Ambassador, should go to Rome to Pope Paschal the 2. and debate this business before him; where the said William appearing, and vehemently urging before the Pope in the Kings behalf;
Dedecus ei, et videri et esse, si Antecessorum suorum jura perderet, quos ipse et animi magni udine, et opum affluentia longe praerivit, &c. Adding in the close; Quod Dominus meus nec pro amissione Regni patietur sibi Ecclesiarum investituras auferri.
To which the insolent Pope presently replied with a stern countenance.
Nec ego pro capitis sui redemptione eum investituras permittam impune habere;
Whereupon they decreed the cause for Anselm against the King; and in a Synod at Lateran, ratified the former Decree of Pope Urban in the Council at Rome; which this Pope by his consolatory Epistle to ) Anselm informed him of, encouraging him openly and boldly to appear and speak in this cause for the Churches divine Liberty. Anselm hereupon wrote thus to King Henry (inviting him to return into England, and to do him that service as his predecessors had done to his Ancestors)
Ut autem sim vobiscum ita ut Antecessor meus erat cum patre vestro, facere non possum, quia NEC VOBIS HOMAGIVMFACERE, nec accipientibus de manu vestra Investituras Ecclesiarum propter praedictam (Papae) Prohibitionem me audiente factam, audeo communicare.
But though Ludovicus Crassus K. of France was so pusillanimous, as by his Charter, dated An. 1137. to exempt his Archbishops, Bishops and Clergy from doing any Homage or Fealty to him for their temporalties before, or after their Consecrations, granting them, Quod canonicam omnino gauderent libertatem ABSQVE HOMAGII, IURAMENTI, seu fidei primum datae, obligatione; Yet K. Hen. the first, though he were contented at last to part with his investitures to Bishoprics and Abbeys, yet he would upon no terms exempt any Bishops or Abbots from the homage due unto him for their temporalties, after their elections, and before their Consecrations, not from the Oath of Fealty; they always doing homage to him and his Successors, at least wise before their consecrations, though seldom after them, and that in the self-same form as Laymen did, (without omitting this Clause, I become your man) as appears by Glanvil, l. 9. c. 1. Bracton, l. 2. c. 35. Fleta, l. 3. c. 16. Briton, ch. 66 of Homages; and 17 E. 2. Of the manner of doing Homage and Fealty; prescribing only one and the self-same form of homage as well to the Clergy as Laity, as well as the same Oath of Fealty, which they equally performed, though Littleton (and he alone) makes a difference between their forms of Homage. Hence in the Parliament at Salisbury, Anno Dom. 1116.
Comites & Barones CUM CLERO TOTIUS REGNI in praesentia Regis Henrici 1. sibi et Willielmo filio suo HOMAGIUM FECERUNT & FIDELITATEM IURAVERUNT,
as the Chronicle of Brompton, and other of our Historians record. I shall illustrate this discourse touching Homage and Fealty, with these memorable clauses in the Charter of King Stephen, touching the agreement made between him and Henry Duke of Normandy, &c. in a Parliamentary Assembly of the Bishops and others of the Realm at Wallingford. Anno Gratiae 1153. wherein King Stephen declaring him the right hereditary heir to the Crown of England after his death; and he reciprocally agreeing, that Stephen should enjoy the Crown and Kingdom quietly, without interruption by him during his life; thereupon,
Dux propter hunc honorem et donationem et confirmationem sib à me factam, HOMAGIUM michi, et Sacramento securitatem fecit, scilicet, quod fidelis michi erit, et vitam et honorem meum pro suo pos e custodier, per conventiones inter Nos praelocutas, Ego etiam secu itatem Sacramento Duci feci, quod vitam et honorem ei pro posse meo custodiam, et sicut fi ium & haeredem meum in omnibus in quibus potero eum manu enebo, et custodiam contra omnes quos po ero. Willielms autem filius meus HOMAGIUM et securitatem Duci fecit, &c. Comites & Barones Ducis qui homines mei nunquam fuerunt, pro honor quem Domino suo f ci, Homagium et Sacramentum michi fecerunt, salvis conventionibus inter me et Ducem factis. Coeteri vero qui ante Homagium michi fecerant, fideli atem michi fecerunt sicut Domino. Et si Dux à praemissis rece erit, omnino a servicio ipsius cessarent, quousque errara corrigeret, &c. Comites etiam et Barones mei LIGIUM HOMAGIUM DUCI FECERUNT, salva mea fidelitate quamdiu vixero, et regnum tenuero. Simili lege, quod si go à praedictis recederem, omnino à servicio meo cestarent quousque errata corrigerem. Cives etiam Civi atum et homines Castrorum quae in Dominio meo habeo ex praecepto meo homagium et securitatem Duci fecerunt, salva fidelitate mea quamdiu vixero et regnum tenuero. Archiepiscopi, Episcopy atque Abbates de regno Angliae ex praecepto meo FIDELITATEM SACRAMENTO DUCI FECERUNT. Illi quoque qui in regno Angliae Episcopy deinceps fi nt vel Abbates, IDEM FACIENT.

In the Recognition of the ancient Customs of the Realm of England used in the reign of King Henry the 1. and his Ancestors, quae observari debebant in regno & ab omnibus teneri; drawn up and agreed upon Febr. 8. Anno Dom. 1164. in the famous Parliamentary Council of Clarindon, in the presence of the King, and of all the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Earls, Barons and Great men of the Realm; who all juraverunt & firmiter in verbo veritatis promiserunt viva voice, tenendas et observandas Domino Regi et HAEREDIBUS SVIS, bona fide et absque malo ingenio in perpetuum; I find these Articles pertinent to my purpose,

Archiepiscopi, Episcopy, et universae personae regni, qui de Rege tenent in capite, habeant possessiones suas de Rege sicut Baroniam, et inde respondeant Justiciariis et Ministris Regiis, et fequentur et faciant OMNES CONSUETUDINES REGIAS; et sicut caeteri Barones debent interesse judiciis Curiae regis cum Baronibus quousque pervenitur ad diminutionem membrorum, vel ad mortem. Cum vacaverit Archieplscopatus, Episcopatus vel Abbatia, vel Prioratus in dominio Regi , esse debet in manu ipsius, et inde percipiet omnes reditus et exitus, sicut Dominicos reditus suos. Et cum ventum fuerit ad consulendum Ecclesiam, debet Dominus Rex mandare po iores personas Ecclesiae, et in Capella ipsius Regis debet fieri electio, assensu ipsius Regis et Concilio personarum regni, quas ad haec faciendum advocaverit, et IBIDEM FACIET ELECTUS HOMAGIVM & FIDELITATEM REGI, SICVT LIGIO DO MINO SVO., de vita sua et de membris, et de honor terreno, salvo ordine suo, priusquam consecretur.
Indeed Angelus de Clavasio in his Summa Angelica Tit. Homagium, and other Canonists hold it to be Symonie and unlawful, prore' spirituali, puia Beneficio Ecclesiastico HOMAGIUM EXIGERE: But our Laws resolve it an ancient Legal duty and Service: Of which see more in Spelmanni Glossarium, Tit. Fidelitas & Homagium, in William Somners Glossarium, Tit. Homagium, and in Bracton, Briton and Fleta.

4. That this clause in the writs to the Temporal Lord's in fide & homagio, implies they were all (or most) Barons by tenure. And whereas Sir Ed. Cook, and Sir Henry Spelman assert, That of ancient time, the temporal Lord's were commanded by the Kings writ thus to appear, In fide et homagio quibus Nobis tenemini, and in the reign of Edward 3. in fide et ligeantia, and sometimes in fide et homagio, but at this day constantly, in fide et ligeantia; because at this day there are no feudal Baronies, in respect whereof Homage is to be done; which in 21 E. 3. was the true cause of this alteration: If this observation of theirs, That in fide et homagio, feodales proprie respiciat Barones, denoting only such Barons who were Barons by tenure, or Barony, for which they did their Homage and swore Fealty and Allegiance to the King: then this is a most convincing argument, that all the Lord's and Barons summoned before 11 E. 3. were Barons only by tenure, not by writ alone, because they were all regularly summoned to appear in fide et homagio, not in fide et ligeantia: 2ly. It is a clear mistake, that this alteration of homagio into ligeantia, was made in 21 E▪ 3. for it was not till 25 E. 3. pars 1. dors. 5. in fide et homagio, being used both in the writs of 21, 22, 23, & 24 E. 3. 3ly. The reason of this alteration could not be this they rend r, because all or most of the Lord's and Barons then summoned, did not hold of the King by Barony; but were Barons only by writ, not tenure; First, because all the writs to the Prince of Wales, and Earls then summoned (who held of the King by Homage and Barony ) issued in this form in fide et ligeantia to them, as well as to the inferior Lord's and Barons. 2ly, Because the self-same Prince, Earls, Lord's summoned in this form in 25 E. 3. in the very next years of 26 E. 3. d. 14. and 27 E. 3. d. 12. were twice summoned again, i fide, homagio et ligeantia quibus Nobis tenemini, and 28 E. 3. d. 26. in fide et homagio; after in 29 E. 3. d. 8. 7. 31 E. 3. d. 21. & 1. they are summoned in fide et ligeantia; but yet in 32 E. 3. d. 14. 36 E. 3. d. 16. 37 E. 3. d. 22. 38 E. 3. d. 3. 39 E. 3. d. 2. 42 E. 3. d. 22. 43 E. 3. d. 24. 46 E. 3. d. 9. all the writs to the Prince, Earls, Lord's and Barons, run again in fide et homagio only: and some between and after them in fide et ligeantia only, though issued to the self-same persons, or their heirs: Therefore ligeantia, in these and subsequent writs, is put only as a Synonima, signifying only Homagium; as the coupling them together in two writs, in fide, homagio et ligeantia, and the placing of Homagio thus interchangeably for ligeantia, and ligeancia for homagio, evidence beyond contradiction: The rather, because there is the highest promise and bond of Allegiance expressed in the very words, and form of homage done to the King (as the words, I become your man from this day forwards of life and member, and of earthly worship, and unto you shall be true and faithful, and bear you faith, and this clause, saving the faith that I owe unto our Sovereign Lord the King, when done to a common person) import: and Glanvil l. 9. c. 1. Bracton l. 2. c. 35. Fleta l. 3. c. 16. Sir Edward Cook in his 1 Institutes on Littletons Chapter of Homage, Sir Hen. Spelman, and Somner in their Glossaries Tit. Homagium & Fidelitas, at large demonstrate; Therefore homage may be properly styled ligeantia, and be put in lien of homagio, as doubtless it is in all those writs that use it. 3ly. I find sundry Homages for Dutchies, Earldoms and Baronies, done to our Kings by the Duke of Aquitain, the D ke of Hereford, Henry Percy, the Duke of Norfolk, and other Peers, who were then and afterwards summoned in fide et ligeantia, not homagio; and I doubt Sir Edward Cook and those of his opinion, can hardly name any Dukes, Earls, Vicounts, Lord's or Barons, summoned to Parliament under Henry the 3. R. 2. H. 4, 5, 9. or E. 4. who was not a Lord by Tenure or Barony, as well as by Patent, or a special writ of creation, the very names of their Baronies as Sir Edward Cook, and Mr. Selden inform us, being usually expressed in all later writs of Summon : Therefore this their conjecture of altering the writs from homagio to ligeantia, because they held not by homage, must needs be erroneous, and groundless in my judgemen , and the assertions of such who hold, that the Kings bare general writs of summons, issued to those who held not by Barony, did create them and their issues Barons, if they sat in Parliament without any special creation by some Clauses in the writs, or by Pa ent, grounded on this mistake, must vanish into smoke; else that Clause of creation in the writ to Sir Henry Bromfleet, Cl. 27 H. 6. d. 24. would have been both superfluous and ridiculous.

5ly. That this clause, in fide et homagio; or, in fide & ligeantia quibus Nobis tenemini, is sometimes omitted out of the writs of Summons to the Prince of Wales, and other times inserted into them.

6ly. That the Prince of Wales in the writs of Summons and adjournment, is sometimes styled Princeps Walliae only; sometimes, Princeps Aquitaniae et Walliae; other times, Princeps Walliae, Dux Cornubiae, et Comes C striae; when all these titles were conferred on him by the King.

7ly▪ That in the writs issued to Dukes, Earls, and Temporal Lord's of the Kings Progeny, royal blood and alliance, they are usually styled; Carissimo filio nostro; Fratri Regis; Fratri nostro; Avunculo Regis; Avunculo nostro; Nepoti nostro; Consanguineo nostro, &c. and the other Earls and Temporal Lord's, Dilecto et fideli nostro, only; and that those of the blood royal are for the most part, though not always, first entered in the Rolls of summons.

81y. That when a Duke or Earl of England was made a real or titular King of any foreign Realm, his Royal title was always mentioned in the writ: Thus John Duke of Lancaster King of Castell and Leon, in all writs of summons to him after his foreign Kingship., was styled, Car ssimo filio suo Iohanni Regi Castellae et L gionis Duci Lancastriae, in the summons of 46. 49, 50 . 〈◊〉 And Carissimo Avunculo suo Iohanni Regi Castell & Legionis, Duci Lancastriae: in all the writs issued to him under King Rich rd the 2d. So if any Earl or Baron of England, was created a Duke or Earl in Scotland, France, or Ireland, his foreign Titles were inserted into the writs, as the Title of Cardinal, or Patriarch of Jerusalem was inserted into the English Bishops writs created Cardin ls and Patriarchs beyond the Seas. Thus Gilb rt de Vinf. an l an English Baron being made Earl of Anegos, and David de Stràbolgi, Earl of Athol in Scotland, Leonell the Kings son Earl of Vlster in Ireland; the black Prince made Prince of Aquitain as well as of Wales, and John Duke of Lancaster, Duke of Aquitan, under Richard the 2d. the were thereupon styled Comiti Anegos, Comiti Athol, Comiti Vlton, Principi Aquitani & Walliae, Duci Aquitaniae & Lancastriae, in the writs directed to them: and if these their foreign Titles were omitted in any Writs against them at the Common Law, the writs would abate, because they were English Peers, and had these Titles inserted into their writs of Summons to Parliament, where they sat in their Princes, Dukes and Earls Robes, amongst the rest of the Dukes and Earls. But if any foreign Duke, Earl, Lord, or Baron of France, Ireland, Spain or Germany, who was no English Baron, Lord or Peer of Parliament, was sued in the Kings Court by writ, he might be styled only a Knight or Esquire, and needed not to be sued by the Title of Duke, Earl, Lord or Baron; because he was no Duke, Earl, Lord or Baron at all in England; but only in his own Country, and should be tried upon an Indictment of Treason, Murder or Felony, only by an ordinary Jury, and not by English Peers. By which differences the Books of 39 E. 3. 3 . Brooks Nosme de dignity, 9. 59. & Parl. 4. 11 E. 3. Fi zh. Brief. 473. 8 R. 2. Fitzh. Proces. 224. 20 E. 4. 6. Brooks Nosme de Dignity. 49. Dyer, 60. b. Cook 7▪ rep. Calvin's case, f. 15, 16. 9. rep. •• nchers case, f. 117. 3. Instit. p. 20. & 4. Instit. p. 47. are fully reconciled.

9. That if any Earl, Baron or Lord was Marshal, Constable, Steward, Admiral, Chancellor, Treasurer, or other great Officer of England, or Warden of the Cinque ports; his Title of Office was commonly inserted into the writs of Summons. As, Rogero, or Thomae Comiti Naff. & Marescallo Angliae, Avunculo suo carissimo, Thomae de Wodestoke Consta ulario Augliae, Willo de Cl nton comiti Ha i gdon, Constabulario Castri Dover. et Custodi quinque Portuum suorum, &c. What precedency these Officers had of other Earls, Lord's and Barons, in Parliament, you may read in the Statute of 31 H. 8. c. 10. and Mr. S ldens Titles of Honor. p. 901, &c.

10. That in the lists of the Dukes, Earls, Lord's, and Barons names there is no certain order observed according to their Antiquity or Precedency, but in some Rolls one is first entered, in other Rolls others listed before them, and they again postponed in succeeding lists: Y t generally for the most part, hough not always, the Prince of Wales is first entered before the rest; the Dukes before the Earls; the Earls & Vicounts before the Lord's and Barons; and they before the Judges or Kings Council; and the Earl who was Marshal of England, before the other Earls; the Clerks entering their names promiscuously for the most part as the Writs came to their hands. Some times the first Writs entered at large issued to one Earl, Lord, Duke, Baron, other times the Writs go to others, without observing the Laws of Heraldry, though in the reing of Edward the 3d. and afterwards, their names are more methodically entered then before that time; oft times in the selfsame order, or with some small variations and transpositions. So as the Precedency of the Earls or Barons, and their places of sitting in the Parliament House cannot be certainly collected from, or defined by the entry of their Writs of Summons or li ting in the Eodem modo mandatum est, or Consimiles lit rae; but by custom, and the Statute of 31 H. 8. cap. 10.

11ly. That in some Clause Rolls there is one Writ to the Archbishop, or some other Bishop first entered at large, and another Writ at large, to someone Earl or temporal Lord; with an Eodem modo, or Consimiles literae, only entered to the rest there listed: but most usually, there is only but one Writ entered at large to one of the Archbishops, or some other Bishops; and then a short recital of some part of that Writ to one temporal Lord, with an &c. Teste ut supra, and the like, for brevity sake: and an Eodem modo, and Consimiles literae; or some short entries of some special clauses of the Writ, to all the other temporal Lord's.

12ly. That in the Eodem modo, and Consimiles Literae; first the Bishops, Abbots, Priors and spiritual Lord's, then the Dukes, Earls, Temporal Lord's, Barons, Justices, Kings Councils names, are entered successively one after another, after the first Writ, which is singly entered in sundry Rolls, without any Writ or part of Writ interposed between their names; as if they had all the selfsame Writs in terminis issued to them. But in most Rolls, there is either a distinct Writ, or part of Writ; or an Eodem modo mandatum est &c. mutatis mutandis; interposed between the names of the Bishops, Abbots, Priors, and Earls and Lay Lord's; & likewise between the Temporal Lord's, and the Kings Council and Justices summoned to Parliaments: with the usual clauses wherein the writs differ one frō another inserted into them; which different clauses no doubt were in most of the Writs issued to them in those Rolls where they are all entered promiscuously together in the Eodem modo, and Consimiles Literae; without any Writ or part of a Writ, or m tatis mutandis interposed between thē, omitted only for brevity sake by the Clerks; who engrossed the Rolls.

13ly. That the English Barons, who were tit lary Earls in Scotland under the Kings Jurisdiction and Allegance were always summoned and li •• ed among •• the Earls of England in the Rolls of Summons, not amongst the English Lord's and Barons who were no Earls: witness Gilbert, and Robert de Vmfranil, Earls of Anegos in Scotland, and David de Stabolgi, Earl of Athol, always summoned to the Parliaments by the Titles of these their Scottish Earld ms, and li ted amongst the En lish Earls, not Barons, in the Clause Rolls. Gilbert de Vmfranil being summoned by Writ as Earl of An gos, to no less than 12. Robert de Vmfranil to 63. Gilbert 〈◊〉 Vmfran l his Son, to 50. English Parliaments, & David de Sirabolgi to 21. Parliaments and great Councils, as Earl of Athol (as the ensuing Table will inform you) amongst the other Earls of England: but no other Earls of Scotland besides these two. The reason whereof was only this, because they were English Barons, and held lands by Barony in England, though the Titles of their Earldoms were not English but Scottish, y t they were under the Kings Subjection Allegiance; and their Residence when thus summoned, was upon their Baronies in England. That Gilbert de Vmfranil, was an English Baron and Lord of Parliament, before he became Earl of Anegos, is clear by the Clause Rolls of 23 E. 1. d. 4. 9. & 24 E. 1. d. 7. wherein he was summoned to 3. Parliaments amongst the English Lord's and Barons; but then being Earl of Anegos by descent from his Mother, he, was in Cl. 25 E. 1. d. 25. & sundry Parliaments after, always summoned by the name of Earl of Anegos, and listed amongst the Earls of England, as the ensuing Table demonstrates. So Rob. de Umfranil, summoned to Parliament amongst the English Barons, Claus. 2. E. 2. d. 20. was in Claus. 2. E. 2. d. 11. and all succeeding Parliaments under Edward the 2. & 3. summoned to Parliament as Earl of Anegos among the Earls of England, with whom he is still entered in the Rolls. The like may be said of David de Stra olgi, who though originally a Scottish Earl, was yet afterwards made an English Lord by the King, and held L nds in England by Barony, and upon that account summoned to sundry Parliaments and great Councils by •• e Title of Earl of Athol, and registered amongst the English Earls in the Clause Ro ls. Which I thought meet to touch, both to rectify and clear that do b e mistake in the Antiquity of the Parliaments of England (newly printed) p. 46. That Peers of Scotland were wont to come and be summoned to the Parliament. And that the Peers of Scotland came to the Parliament for Justice: which the Author endeavors to prove by 39 F. 3. 35. in a writ of R v shment de Gard, against Gilbert Vmfravi ; who demanded judgm nt of the writ, because he was Earl of Anguish, and not so named in the writ, &c. When as he was not summoned to our Parliament as a Peer of Sco land, but only as an English Baron dignified with the Title of a Scotlsh Earldom; and came not to our English Parliament for Justice; but was summoned to it by Spe ••• l writs, as a Peer and Member thereof; as the Clause Ro ls resolve, and the very year Book likewise. Of which more hereafter in its proper place.

14ly. That no Forein Prelates, Earls, Nobles, Barons of Ireland, Scotland or France were formerly summoned to the Parliaments of England, as pro er Members thereof or Lord's of Parliament, to make Laws or impose Taxes, or give Judgment, or Counsel in any matters relating to England, but only our English Prelates, Earls, Lord's and Barons; as is most apparent by these special clauses in the writs of Summons.

Ibidem Vobiscum, ac cum caeteris Praelatis, Magnatibus, & Proceribus DICTIREGNI ANGLIAE (never Scotiae Franciae, or Hiberniae in any writs whatsoever) colloquium habere volumus & tractatum. And Dictis die et loco persona •• ter intersitis Nobiscum, & cum caeteris Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proceribus, PRAEDICTIS (or DICTI REGNI NOSTRI •• ) super dic •• s negot •• s tracta •• ri, ve •• rumque consilium impensu i. And ad consentiendum hi s quae unc ibidem de Communi consilio DICTI (or EJUSDEM) REGNI NOSTRI, CONTIGERIT ORDINARI: And by this usual clause in the Patents of creation of all our English Earls, Lord's, and Barons of Parliament; Volentes & concedentes pro Nobis haeredibus & successoribus nostris, quod praefatus, A. Comes B. or C. Baro, or Dominus, D. et haeredes sui masculi, et eorum quilibet habeat, teneat & possideat sedem & locum in PARLIAMENTIS nostris, haeredum & luccessorum nostrorum infra REGNUM NOSTRUM ANGLIAE inter ALIOS COMITES, & BARONES EJUSDEM REGNI, ut COMES, or BARO: compared with the Patents of creation of Irish and Scottish Earls, Lord's Barons, & Boroughs, which constitute them only Earls, Lord's, Barons or Boroughs; in terra & Dominio nostro Hiberniae, or Scotiae; or infra Regnum nostrum Scotiae, or Hiberuiae; and Vnum Comitem, Dominum vel Baronem omnium & singulorum Parliamentorum & Magnorum Conciliorum nostrorum, &c. in terra (or Regno) nostro HIBERNIAE, or SCOTIAE, enendorum; and grant them only, sedem et locum, in Parliamentis nostris HIBERNIAE, or SCOTIAE, inter alios Comites, Dominos & Barones ejusdem Regni;
As the Kings Patents to Burroughs in Irel. gave them plenā potestatē & authoritatē eligendi, mittendi & retornendi duos discretos & idoneos viros, ad inserviendum & attendendum in quolib t Parliamento in dicto regno nostro Hiberniae (not Angliae) in posterum tenend. But no Place or Voice at all to their Peers or Burgesses in the Parliaments of England, amongst the Earls, Lord's or Barons of England; who have no seat, Place, or Voice at all in the Parliaments of Scotland or Ireland, as they are English Peers (though subordinate Kingdoms to England.) Which I shall farther clear in some ensuing Sections.

15ly. That there is a great diversity between writs of Summons to Parliaments, or General Parliamentary Councils; and to particular Councils upon emergent occasions which are not properly Parliaments; all the Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Earls, Lord's, Barons, together with the Judges and Kings Council, Citizens, Burgesses of Parliament, and Barons of the Ci que ports, being usually summoned to the one; but some few Spiritual and Temporal Lord's only, without any Judges, Assistants, Knights, Citizens Burgesses or Barons of the Cinque-ports, or some few of them only, and divers who were no usual Lord's, Barons of Parliament (as in 32 E. 3. d. 14. and other Rolls) summoned to the other, as the Clause Rolls a test. Which difference some ignorant Antiquaries not observing, have confounded them both together as one and the same, and mistaken some writs of Summons only to a Council, or to a conference with the King & his Privy Council upon extraordinary dangers & occasions, for writs of Summons to a Parliament. Such amongst other forecited writs, are these of 35 E. 3. dors. 36. & 36. E. 3. d. 42. Where all those Earls, Lord's, Abbots, Peers, Great men, Gentlemen, Counte •• es, Ladies and Dowagers who had Lands in Ireland (and none else but they alone) were summoned, the Temporal Lord's and great men, to appear in proper Person, the Clergymen, Countesses, Ladies and Dowagers, to send one or more Proxies or Deputies in whom they specially confided, to the King and his Council at Westminster (not to the Parliament) there to confer and treat with them concerning the relief of Ireland, and their passage to, or sending men of Arms speedily into Ireland, to resist, suppress the Irish Rebels, who much infested, wasted, and endangered it; as the whole frame and contents of the writs themselves, and the marginal Notes in the Rolls, De Consillo Summonito: De Veniendo ad Consilium, &c. resolve beyond all contradiction. Which Joseph Holland and others not considering, in their Antiquity of the Parliaments of England, p. 23. 88. have published these two gross mistakes together, viz. That in the time of Edward the th ••• , there was a writ then in use; De admittendo ide dignas ad colloquium, &c. It is recorded amongst the Summons of Parliament, 35 E. 3. that there is a writ, De admittendo fide dignos ad Colloquium. And amongst the Earls and Barons there is retorned. M ry Countess de Norff: Alianoxa Countess de Ormond▪ Philippa Countess de March, Agnes Countess de Pembroke, and Katherine Countess of Athol. When as these Countesses were not recorded nor retorned amongst the Earls and Barons in any Summons to Parliament, nor were they required to send or come to any Parliament or Parliamentary Council; nor is th re any writ, in this or any other Roll; De admittendo fide dignas, or dignos ad Colloquium; as they confidently affirm. But they were only summoned by writ to send men of Arms into Ireland with other Lord's, Gentlemen, Clergymen, who had Lands and Possessions there, as these Countesses all had, for to defend and recover the same from the Irish Enemies; and commanded; Aliquos vel aliquem de quibus, vel de quo specialiter confiditis MITTATIS apud Westm. &c. Which MITTATIS these Pseudo-Antiquaries, have metamorphosed into a writ, DE ADMITTENDO fide dignas ad Colloquium. By which gross perversion they have evidenced themselves and their Treatises, not to be fide digni, in these and other particulars rela ing to our Parliaments, wherewith they have deceived both themselves and others, who adore these their Oversights for Oracles.

16ly. That when any of the Earls, Lord's or Nobles were employed in the Wars in France, Scotland, Ireland, or any other service for the King in foreign parts, they were omitted out of the lists of Summons to Parliaments, and Parliamentary Councils; and if any writs in such cases issued to them they were usually revoked & cancelled, and entries thereof made upon the Clause Rolls: This is evident by Claus. 11 E. 3. 25. dors. 11. where I find these 2. Presidents in the lists of the Lord's and Barons names. Thomae Wake de Lydett, VACAT QUIA IN OBSEQUIO REGIS. Henry de Grey, VACAT, QUIA IN OBSEQUIO REGIS. After which, at the end of all the writs of Summons to the Sheriffs, Warden of the Cinqueports, and Kings Counsel, follows this entry of writs to some Earls, Lord's and Gentlemen, besides those first mentioned after the Spiritual Lord's then summoned.

Rex dilecto & fideli suo Willo. de Bohun, Com. Northamton, salutem; Quia tam super urgentissimis, &c. ut supra in brevi directo Hent. Com. L ncastr. usque in finem.

Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis, viz. Thomae Com. Norff er Mariscallo Angliae, Avunculo Regis, Willielmo de Monteacuto Comit Sarum, Rico. Comiti Arundell, Hugoni de Aud le Comiti Gloucestr. Roberto de Ufford Comiti Suff. Gilberto de Umfravill, Comiti de Anegos, Ranulpho de Dacre, Bartho, de Burghersh, Johanni de Segrave, Egidio de Badlesmere, Rado. de Nevill, Johanni de Tybtofte, Rico. Talebot, Henr. de Percey, Rado de Stafford, Thomae de Berkele, Antonio de Lucy.

Et Memorand. quod Brevia istis Magnatibus immediate praescriptis directa, de essendo ad PARLIAMENTUM praedictum, remissa fuerunt Cancellar; ET PRO EO QVOD QVIDAM EX EIS IN PARTIBUS SCOTIAE, QUIDAM EX EIS IN PARTIBUS TRANSMARINIS IN OBSEQUIO REGIS EXISTVNT, ADNU LAND.

So Claus. An. 12 E. 2. pars. 2. dors. 32. There is this entry made in the lists of Summons. Humfrido de Bohun Comiti Hereford, VACAT QUIA IN OBSEQUIO REGIS. And Cl. 2. R. 2. d. 29. Iohi de Nevill de Raby (in partibus Aquitan.)

If any Baron or Lord's name were in the list of Summons, and he not actually summoned; there was then a Vacat entered in the Roll; as in Claus. 11. E. 3. p. 1. dors. 8. Iohi de Sutton de Holdernesse (VACAT QUIA NON FUIT SUMMONITUS) And if he died before the Parliament, then his death was entered upon the Roll, as Claus, 9. E. 3. d. 28. Iohi de Clynton, MORTWS EST.

17ly. That when any Temporal Lord's or Prelates had writs of Summons to Parliament issued to them in times of war and danger, whilst they were employed in the Warrs against the Scots in the North, or parts of Scotland; if they could not desert the Warrs and attend personally in Parliament without danger and prejudice to the Public, they had then writs of countermand sent them, not to recede from the parts where they were in Service, notwithstanding their Summons to Parliament. For which I find this memorable president in Claus. 30 E. 1. d. 7. De non recedendo à partibus Scotiae,

Rex dilecto & sideli suo Iohanni Segrave salutem. Licet uper vobis mandavimus quod omnibus aliis praetermissis ad Parliamentum quod apud London in prox. festo Sancti Michaelis duximus Stat end. PERSONALITER INTERSITIS, NOLUMUS TAMEN quod praetextu mandati praedicti & partibus Scotiae,, seu Marchiae ejus, in quibus estis in obsequio nostro constituti ALIQUALITER RECEDATIS. T. Rege apud Losele XI die Septembris.

Consimiles literae diriguntur Alexandro Balliolo, Edmundo de Hastinges, Willo de L •• u, Seniori, Waltero de Huntercumbe.

Eodem modo mandatum est Roberto de Clifford, quod, a partibus in quibus nunc est NULLATENUS RECEDATIS.

To which I shall subjoin this later▪ President of Cl. 6. E. 2. d. 12. Rex dilecto & fideli suo Waltero de Fauconberg, salutem. Licet nuper vobis mandaverimus, quod omnibus aliis praetermissis essetis ad Nos tertia Dominica Quadragesimae prox. futur. apud Westm. ibidem Nobi scum & cum Magnatibus & Procerib s regni nostri super diversis negotiis, Nos et statum ejusdem Regni tangen ib s tractaturi ve trumque consilium impensuri, pro securiori tamen custodia et majori tuitione partium vestrarum contra Scotos inimicos et Rebelles nostros, vobis mandamus, quod a partibus praedictis sine mandato nostro vos nullatenus transferatis. Teste Rege apud Westm. 20 die Febr.

Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis, viz. Ranulpho de Nevill, Willo de Vavasour, Willo de Ros de Hamlake, Marmiduco de Twenge, Nicho. de Meivill, Ade de Everingham, Thomae de Multon de Egremond, Thomae de Multon de Gillesland, Ingelramo de Gynes.

As for the Bishops in such cases, they were by other special writs authorized to make Proctors to supply their places; though summoned by the original writs to appear personally in Parliament, and not by Proxies; as in Claus. 20 E. 3. pars 2. d. 22. and Claus. 46 E. 6. d. 11. forecited p. 51. 52. 58.

18ly. That if the King either Summoned or prorogued a Parliament to a certain day and place by his writs, commanding the Earls, Lord's and other great men personally to appear in Parliament at that day and place; and then by reason of other emergent occasions could not meet them, or hold the Parliament at the time and place prefixed, he then usually discharged them all from their attendance by a subsequent wrir; Of which we have this pregnant example, Claus. 5. E. 2. d. 17.

Rex dilecto consanguineo & fideli suo Thomae Comiti Lancast. salutem. Licet nuper Vobiscum volentes ac cum Praelatis caeterisque Magnatibus Regni nostri supra Negotiis Nos & statum, dicti Regni tangentibus habere Colloquium & Tractatum, ordinassemus Parliamentum nostrum tenere apud Westm. prima Dominica Quadragesimae prox, fu ur, Vobisque mandassemus, quod dictis die & loco PERSONALITER INTERESSETIS, ad tractand. Nobiscum, & cum Praelatis & Magnatibus praedictis super negotiis antedictis, Quia tamen PROPTER ALIQUAS CAUSAS ad locum praedictum dicto die ACCEDERE NON VALEMUS, Vobis significamus, QUOD AD DICTOS DIEM ET LOCUM PRAEMISSA OCCASIONE VOS ACCEDERE NON OPORTET. Teste Rege apud Eborum, 20. die January.

Consimiles Literae dirigunter subscriptis: viz. to 6. Earls more, and the rest of the Lord's summoned with them to appear personally at this Parliament.

19ly. That sometimes the Temporal Lord's as well as Prelates, were more strictly and peremptorily required, and adjured with greater earnestness to appear Personally in Parliaments and Parliamentary Councils, then they were at other seasons, without admitting any excuses or making any Proxies; because through their absence and want of their personal presence when summoned, the Parliaments were oft adjourned to some other time, the business of the King and Kingdoms retarded, delayed to the public prejudice, and the Parliaments sometimes dissolved without concluding anything, the Lord's and Commons there assembled refusing to do or grant anything, when any of the chief Lord's and Prelates were absent,

20. That no Spiritual or Temporal Lord's could absent themselves from Parliaments when duly summoned thereunto without a reason ble and just excuse, nor make any Proxies or Proctors to supply their places, but when specially authorized and licensed to do it in or by the writs of Summons, or other special writs, much le •• e than could they be forcibly secluded the House when summoned by writ; as some of late times have most violently been by those who were raised to defend both their persons and the privileges of Parliament.

21. That armed Guards, Forces, and Troops of Soldiers in or near the Places where Parliaments are assembled and kept, are altogether inconsistent with the Customs, Vsage, Freedom and Privileges of Parliament; prejudicial obstructions to their proceedings, and a great oppression to the people; Upon which account not only the Earls, Lord's and Barons, are sometimes in the writs of Summons specially prohibited under grievous forf itures and penalties to repair to the Parliament,

With men of Arms, and multitudes of people; and to come only cum dicenti comitiva de hominibus bonae discretionis et consilii, et NON CUM HOMINIBUS AD ARMA, sub forisfactura omnium quae Nobis forisfacere poteritis. Claus. 2 E. 3. m. 31. dorso; But our Kings likewise by special writs and Proclamations at the very first meeting of their Parliaments usually prohibited all sorts of men, under pain of forfei ing all they might forfeit, not to wear any privy Coat of plate, or go Armed, or carry any Warlike weapons within any City or Suburbs thereof where their Parliaments sa e, during all the time of their Session, that so the Parliaments and Member s might not be thereby disturbed, interrupted, over awed or terrified; as those who please may read at large in the Statute of 7 E. 1. Rastals Abridgment,
Armor 1. 1 E. 2. c. 3. 6 E. 3. rot. Parl. n. 3. Parl. 2. n. 2. Parl. 3. at York. n. 3. 415. . 3 E. 3. Parl. 1. n. 2. Parl. 2. n. 2. 14 E. 3. n. 2. 15 E. 3. n. 2. 17 E. 3. n. 3. 18 E. 3 n. 2. 20. E. 3. n. 1. 2 E. 3. n. 1. 25 E. 3. Parl. 1. n. 58. Parl. 2. n. 4. and Cook 4. Instit. p. 14. Such a Proclamation as this issued before the Parliament held at New Sarum, An. 2. E. 3. as is evident by the Articles of improachm nt against Roger Mortymer Earl of March, in the Parliament of 4E. 3. Rot. Parl. n. 1, 2. and 28 E. 3. n. 9, 10
Who amongst oath. Articles was impeached condemned and executed as a Traitor, for coming armed to the Parliamen at Salsbury, against the Kings Proclamation; with divers of his confederates, whereby sundry of the Nobles were so terrified, that they came not to the Parliament, and the Bishops there asse bled had the doors of the house wherein they sat in Counsel broke open upon them by armed men, and were there threatened to lose both life and members if they should be so hardy to say or do anything against his will and ordinances; whereby he procured himself to be made Earl of March; caused the King to give him many Lands and Tenements, to the disinherison of his Crown; and excited him to ride armed against the Earl of Lancaster and other Peers of the Realm to Winchester, as they were coming towards the King to the said Parliament at Salisbury; whereupon they were enforced to re ire to their own Countries to eschew the perils that might happen; which much grieved them that they could not speak with their king, not counsel him as they ought.
After which the Parliament of 5 R. 2. as appears by n. 1. was interrupted and adjourned because the Duke of Lancaster, and Earl of Northumberland being at variance, resorted to i with multitudes of men armed in warlike manner, of which great complaint was made; and the Parliament deferred till the King, his Council and other Lord's had examined and reconciled the differences between them, and removed their forces. Fit presidents for future times to imitate, after so many outrages and forcible assaults upon the Parliament and their Members by Soldiers and others of late times, beyond all presedents in former ages, to the total dissolution both of our Parliaments and their privileges, unless carefully regained, reestablished by strictest Laws, exemplary Punishments, and severest prohibitions of all armed forces in or near unto the places where future Parliaments shall assemble; who by the just judgment of God upon the former Parliament, (which against the Custom, Freedom and Privilege of Parliaments making use of armed mercenary Guards and Soldiers for their defense, hath been unexpectedly affronted, assaulted, forced, dissipated, yea destroyed by them, and made their basest Slaves and Captives) may learn to avoid all such extravagances and oversights in succeeding ages.

22. It is observable and most evident by comparing the births of our Princes of Wales and Earls of Chester recorded in our Histories, wi h the dates of their first w its of Summons to Parliam nt ; that Edward of Carnarvan, the first Prince of Wales was first summoned by writ to Parliament when he was but 19. years old; that Edward the eldest Son of King Edward the second, as Earl of Chestēr, was first summoned by writ to Parliament when he was scarce 9. years of age; that Edward the black Prince of Wales, was summoned when he was not 20. and Richard his Son Prince of Wales called by writ to Parliament when he was not full 9. years old: The Kings eldest and youngest ons being usually summoned to Parliaments during their Minorities, (though others are seldom summoned till their full age) even as King Henry the 6. rode triumphantly to, and sat in State in Parliament in his Queen-mothers lap, before he was full 12. months old.

23. I observe, that in Claus. 27 E. 1. d. 6. 16. Adomarus de Valencia, was summoned and listed among the Earls, without the Title of Earl annexed to his name, being then, as I conceive, Earl of P mbroc, and so styled in succeeding Summons: And in Claus. 50 E. 3. pars. 2. d. ( ) 6. Thomas de Wodestoke Constabularius Angliae, and Henry de Percy Marescallus Angliae, are listed amongst the Earls without any Title of Earls; yet in the next writ of Summons, Claus. 1. R. 2. d. 31. 37. Thomas de Wodestoke, is styled Com▪ de Buck: et Constab. Angliae: and Henry de Percy, Com. Northumb. in the list of the Earls; and therefore I apprehend they were Earls in 50 E. 3. (as our Histories & Heralds report them) though not so styled n-the Roll of Summons.

24. That the names of the Kings Council, Justices, and other Officers, ummoned to Parliaments only as Assistants, are sometimes inserted into the Eodem modo mandatum est; and Confimiles literae next after the the Lord's and Barons name without any space, line or distinction between them, sometimes with a lines distance, or small space only from them; sometimes they are distinguished from the Lord's and Barons by the words Milites, or Cl ricis Consilii, & I st •• iar▪ added in the Margin and a small space between them, as in Claus. 5 E. 2. d. 17. Cl. 2 E. 1. and sometimes they are in exmixed with the Lord's and Barons names, and listed amongst them , as in Claus. 8 E. 2. d. 35. Roger de Brabazon and 7 others of them are named amongst •• th Lord's and Barons, and so in Claus. 3 E. 3. d. 19. Claus. E. 3. p. 2. d. 7.

In the Clause Roll of 25 E. 1. d. 25. the word Milites is inserted in the Margin over a ainst the Names of the Judges and Kings Council, in the Eodem modo, and in Claus. 5 E. 2. d. 17. Clericis consilii, & Iusticiar. is written in the Margin, to distinguish them from the Lord's, and Barons, (but in no Rolls besides) without the word Barones superadded to the Barons and Greatmen in the catalogue of their names.

24. That although the word BARO and BARONES in the Clause Rolls of King John, Henry the 3d Edward 1. 2. & Histories, Great Charters and Statutes in their reigns be frequently used, applied to all the Temporal Lord's of Parliament, yet in all the Clause Rolls and Writs of Summons I have seen, no particular persons amongst them are summoned by the Title of Barons, but only the Barons of Greystok, Graystoke, or Craystoke, and the Barons of Stafford: In the Clause Rolls of Ed. 1, & 3, so of Rich. 2. H. 4. 5. and 6. writs are frequently issued Iohanni BARONI de Greystoke, Willo. BARONI de Greystoke, Rado. BARONI de Greystoke, as they are s iled in the Eodem modo; yet in other writs, lists, rolls in the Eodem modo, the direction to these very Barons, is many times Iohanni de Craystoke, or Greystoke, Willo. & Rado. de Greystoke, without the addition of BARONI annexed to them; which Title is totally omitted in all the Ro •• s of Edw. the 4th. as the ensuing Alphabetical and Chronological Table, with my Table to the Exact Abridgement of the Records in the Tower, will more particularly inform you. So in the Rolls of King E. 1. & 3. (mentioned in the following Table) the directions in sundry writs in the od m modo are, Edmundo, & Rado. BARONI de Stafford; and in other writs to the one of them, he is styled only Rado. de Stafford, BARONI being omitted in his Title, BARO, being given o none (for ought I can find) in any lists of summons, but to these 2. Barons of Greystoke and Stafford alone.

25. That in my best observation the Title or Addition of MILES or CHIVALER, was not given to any Temporal Lord's or Barons in any writs or lists of Summons to Parliament before Claus. 49 E. 3. dorse 4. 6. & 50 E. 3. pars 2. d. 6. wherein summons issued Willielmo le Morle Chivaler, Willielmo de Aldeburgh Chivaler, Iohanni de Well. Chivaler, Hugoni de Dacre Chivaler; after which it grew more common under King Rich. the 2. Henry 4. and 5. when many of the Temporal Lord's and Ba ons had this addition given them sooner or later; those who wanted it in one, two, three, four or more writs of Summons at first, before they were Knighted, receiving it in subsequent writs after they were Knighted. After the beginning of King Henry the 6. and during the reign of Edw. the 4th. there was scarce any Temporal Lord in the lists of summons but was styled Chivaler, or Miles, being all genetally Knighted for their greater honor. Of all the Temporal Lord's, I find only one namely Tho. de la Ware, constantly styled MAGISTER Tho. de la Ware in all writs of summons to him from 23 R. 2. 05 H. 6. as the en uing Table will inform you; the true and only reason whereof I apprehend to be this, that before the temporal Dignity of a Lord or Baron descended to him, he had been a Clergyman in sacred Orders; this Title Magister being always prefixed before the Names of all of the Kings Council who were Clergy-men, in their summons to Parliament as Assista ts to the Lord's House, as the writs and Table in the next Section will inform you not to distinguish him from the Lord's who were Knights, as some mistake, because none of the other Lord's who were not Knights, had this Title Magister given to them, but he alone: Now whereas in the summons of 1 E. 4. John de Audley, is styled Armiger, I conceive it mistaken by the Clerks for Chlr. he being ever •• iled Chivaler, not Armiger, in the summons of 49 H. 6. d. 6. 2 E. 4. d. 3. 6 E. 4. d. 1. and all other summons else; and not one Baron or Lord Armiger, but he alone, though unknighted; Armiger being a petty inferior Title, not suitable to his Lordship or P erage.

26. That the Prince of Wales, Dukes, Earls and Marquesses, are regularly styled by their Christian names, and Titles or Places of their Dignities, and very rarely (yet now and then) by their Sirnames; but the emporal Lord's and Barons till the end of King Rich. the 2. his reign, in the writs of summons directed to them, are for the most part styled by their Christian names and Surnames, or by their Baronies supplying Surnames and sometimes both by their Surnames and Baronies. That the Ti le DOMINUS, was not usually given to any of them, except two, before the reign of King Henry the 6. The first in my observation to whom this itle was given in any writ of summons, was John de Moubray, who in Claus. 16 E. 3. par. 2. d. 13. and so in other succeeding writs (though not in all) is styled John de Moubray DOMINUS Insulae de Axholm: none else having this Title till af er the reign of Rich. the 2. The next so styled is in Claus. 11 H. 4. d. 32. where a writ issued Iohanni Talbot DOMINO de Fur vall; which though omitted in some summons after, is again used in the summons to him Cl. 4 H. 5. d. 16. and Cl. 8H. 5. d. 2. Afte which I find none so styled till Cl. 23 H. 6. d. 21. where Robert Hungerford Chivaler, is styled DOMINUS de Mollins; as he is in Cl. 25 H. 6. d. 24. which gives the title of DOMINUS de Poynings to H nry Peircy. In Cl. 27 H. 6. d. 24. this title DOMINUS is given to Hungerford, Percy, and 4 more; in Cl. 28 H. 6. d. 26. it is added to 8. In Cl. 29 H. 6. d. 41. to 16. after which it grew more common to them and most others who were summoned; as the ensuing Table will more particularly inform you. But though the temporal Lord's in the writs of summons issued to them, were seldom styled Lord's or Barons before 23 H. 6. yet it is observable, that when any of them are particularly mentioned in the Parliament Rolls, Acts of Parliament, Commissions or Patents, they are usually styled BARONS or LORD'S, as in the Pro •• gue of Magna Charta 9 H. 3. &c. 2. 14. 37. Charta de Foresta, c. 11. 20 H. 3. c. 9. 51 H. 3. 1. 10. Dictum de Kenelworth 51 H. 3. 3 E. 1. the Prologue, and c. 23. 13 E. 1. c. 42. 18 E. 1. The Statute of Quo Warrauto, 25 E. 1. c. 6. 34 E. 1. c. 5. The Prologues to the S atutes of E. 3. 14 E. 3. c. 5. and the Commission thereupon, Pa . 18 E. 3. p. 2. m. 39. 36 E. 3. c. 6. 20 R. 2. c. 3. and other Acts. How fearful Christians were to give this T tle of DOMINUS to the Greatest Emperors, and how unwilling Augustus, and the greatest Christian Emperors were to receive or make use of i , unless with the diminution of DOMNUS and DOMPNUS, not Dominus, you may read in Sir Henry Spelmans Glossary, p. 225, 226. it being a Title peculiar to God and Christ: & DEI NO MEN, as Ter ulli ••• liles it; whereas now it is usurped by, and given to every upstart of the most ignoble extraction, to bring Nobility itself, and the House of Lord's into contempt.

27. That it is the inseparable incommunicable Prerogative, and Supreme Royal Jurisdiction of the Kings of England (underivable to, and inusurpable by any other person or persons) by their special Patents, Writs of Creation, Charters and Solemn Invchi ures, to make and create Princes of Wales, Dukes, Earls, Marquesses, Vicounts, Lord's, Barons and Peers of the R alm, and to give them and their posterities a place, seat, voice in the Parliament and Great Councils of England, the Supreamest Judicature and highest Court of all others, wherein they sit as Judges, and all others Judges in the Courts of Westminster, sit only as their Assistants, not as Associates or their fellow Judges. This is evident, not only by all writs of summons issued to the Lord's, but likewise by the express Resolution of all the Nobles and Parliaments of 50 E. 3. rot. Parl. n. 41. 51 E. 3. rot. Parl. n. 9. 36 E. 3. rot. Parl. n. 94. 40 E. 3. rot. Parl. n. 13. 9 R. 2. rot. Parl. n. 14, 15, 16, 17. 11 R. 2. rot. Parl. n. 44. 13 R. 2. rot. Parl. n. 21, 22, 23, 20 R. 2. rot. Par. n. 30, 31, 32. 21 R. 2. rot. Parl. n. 33. 1 H. 4. rot. Parl. n. 76, 78, 82. 9 H. 4. rot. Parl. n. 25. 4 H. 5. rot. Parl. n. 13. 3 H. 6. (the case of John Earl Marshal,) rot. Parl. n. 11, 12, 13. 11 H. 6. rot. Parl. n. 31. to 36. 33 H. 6. rot. Parl. n. 42, 43, 50. 1, 2 E. 4. rot. Parl. n. 12, 13, 14. 14 E. 4. rot. Parl. n. 24, 25. 17 E. 4. rot. Parl. n. 16. by all Patents, presidents of creating any Princes, Dukes, Earls, Marquesses, Vicounts, Lord's, Peers and Barons of Parliament, collected by Mr. John Selden in his Titles of Honor, Book 2. Chap. 5, 6, 7. Mr. William Martyn, Cam den, Mills his Catalogue of Honor, B ook his Catalogue of Nobility; Augustine Vincent his Discovery of Errors therein, James York his Union of Honor, with others who have written of our English Peers, & Nobility, and Sir Henry Sp lmas his Glossary, Title Baro, p. 81, 82, 83. & Comes, p. 177, 178. Hence is it, that King Henry the 1. King John, Henry the 3. and Edw. 1. in their Great Charters, and other wri ing▪ usually style them, OMITES & BARONES NOSTRI, & MEI; Si quis BARONUM MEORUM v l COMITVM, or DE BARONIBUS MEIS, or NOSTRIS; and Glanvil, l. 8. c. 11. l. 9. c. 1. Huntindon Historiarum, l. 5. The Leiger Book of Ramsay, sect. 171. Pope N cholas in his Epistle to King Ed. the Confessor, with our Lawbooks & Historians usually style them, BARONES REGIS & REGII, & BARONES VESTRI, BARONES SVI, speaking of the King; Rex de IURE BARONIBUS SUIS; And hence we read Ann. 3. H. 3. Fitzh. Prescription 50. this Custem pleaded in Barr of a Nuper obiit; Quod si aliquis BARO DOMINI REGIS tenens de Rege ob isset, et non haberet haeredem nisi filias, et primogenita filiae maritatae sunt in vita patris, Dominus Re daret postnatam filiam quae remaneret in haered tate Pa ris alicui Militum suorum, cum tota haereditat Patris sui de qua obiisset seseitus, i a quod aliae filiae nihil rec p rent versus postnatam filiam in v ta sua: et omnes Reges habuerunt hanc dignitatem à Conquestu. Yea this is such an incommunicable Prerog •• ve incident to our Kings alone, that neither the Emperor himself, nor Pope could ever create an English Earl, Baron or Lord of Parliament, nor give him any precedency before other Lord's in England; of which we have a late memorable president, in (m) Thomas Arundel of Wardour, who being created by the Charter of the Emperor Rodolph the 2. COMES SACRI IMPERII, una cum universa prole atque posteritate legitima mascula et faeminea in infinitum; both for his eminent service in the wars against the Turks and the Nobleness of his. Family; yet it was with this special saving in his Paten, Serenissimae tamen Principis et Dominae Elizabethae Reginae Angliae, &c. IURIBUS AC SVPERIORIT ATIBUS SEMPER ILLAESIS ET SALVIS; yet the Queen with the English Barons, would not acknowledge him for an Earl nor Baron in England upon any terms; the Queen resolving; That she would by no means permit any of her sheep, or subjects, to wear the badge, or follow the whistle of any foreign Shepherd or Prince, but only her own. In the d bate of which case, it was alleged by the English Peers

So ius Principis esse (& NON ALTE RIUS CUIUSCUNQUE) suis Subditis dignitates destribuere, juxta illud Valeriani Imperatoris; Ea sit tantum dignitas, quae nobis jubentibus sustinetur. Ejusmodi titulos honorarios nec à Subditis accipiendos, nec à Principe admittendos. Principis enim Majestati et Subditorum obsequio multum detrahi, si honores ab exteris accipere permittantur; tacitum enim sidei pactum inter honorantem et honoratum intercedere videri. Hujusmodi titulos illecebras esse occultas ad animos subditorum à suis principibus abstrahendos, &c.
That Reginald Mohun (created Earl of Somerset by the Pope in the reign of Henry the 3.) was never acknowledged to be an Earl by the King and Lord's; nor Robert Curson created a Baron of the sacred Empire by Maximilian the Emperor, acknowledged to be a Baron in England by King Henry the 8. or his Nobles, till he created him a Baron himself by his Charter, without giving him a voice in Parliament, (as King James created this Thomas Arundel such a Baron by Patent) ut unbrat lem Baronis et Comitis Sacri Imperii titulum mature obrueret Some say the Queen committed Arundel for receiving this dignity from the Emperor; but William Mar yn assures us, that Sir Nicholas Clifford and Sir Anth: Shirley, (whom the French King for their Service in the wars, received into the Order of S. Michael,) were laid in prison at their coming home, charged to resign their robes, and see that their names were blotted out of the French Commentaries. It is the general received opinion of all Lawyers: Civil, Canon, Common Heralds, and others who have written of Nobility, that none but Emperors, or Kings, can create Dukes, Earls, Marquesses, Lord's, Barons and Peers, and that only within their own Dominions: A Rege enimeman •• it origo D g ita um Temporalium; A Rege et Principe prost u t t derivantur tanquam a fonte, om es Magistratus et Dignitates, q ia in eo sunt omnes dignitatum thesauri recond i. Ad Regem solum spect at creare Comites & Barones; Princeps solus magnas Dignitates confer at. Non dic ur vera Nobilitas, vel Baro ex inf udation , nisi Principe; as they all unanimously resolve. Hence Baldus, and Alciat define a Baron to be one, who hath merum, justumqu imperium in aliquo Castro, Oppidione CONCESSIONE PRINCIPIS. In B h mia, Moravia, ilesia, Lusatia, and other Provinces i corporated to it; Summam p test em obtinet Rex, et non solum NOBILES, 〈…〉 ET BARONES CREAT, quemadmodum in Silesia ad quatuor primarios BARONATUS n mo admittitur nisi vel ab IMPERATORE VEL REGE BOHEMIAE BARO CREATUS VERIT, writes Nolden: and Dubravius informs as, that one Honora, primum inter BARONES autoritate. Caesaris Hen ici (H. the 1.) ad um PROCERUM gradum proveb batur, quae nunc BARONES a quercu in Bohemia, appellantur. Franciscus Capiblancus resolves; BARONUM nomine Comites ali sque Titularios compraehendi nos dicimus; Nam istud verbum BARO, est scala et caput DIGNITAIV MREGALIUM: And thence he infers, Dignitas BARONALIS cum sit Dignitas et caput dignitatum, sp. cifice est tribuenda A PRINCIPE, cujus est ease conf •• re, cum ab eo fluant et refluant. In France, such Feiffs as are at the Kings pleasure, and by his license erected into Baronies, are the only Territories that give the Title of a BARON: and the Lord thereof is styled A BARON per le Conge du Prince, as Mr. Selden proves out of Simon Marion P oydey 9 who adds, That when A BARONY came to the King of France by escheat or otherwise, the Kings gi t of the BARONY by Charter, made the Patentee A BARON, without other Rules of Creation: After which he proves by the Code of King Henry the 4. that the Titles and Honors of a Duke, Marquess, Earls and BARONY, and their prerogat ve, A SOLO REGE TRI •• I POSSVNT. And in Spain all their great Dignity and Titles of Nobility are not only originally derived from the King; but most of them upon every death, are received again FROM THE KING, though not by any Charter of new Creation, yet by the Kings acknowledgement of them, by adding the titular Name to the heir, who by his own name only, without the addition of his Title, signifies to the King the death of his Ancestor. Therefore doubtless, none but our Kings and Queens alone can create Earls, Lord's, or Baron of Parliament in England, there being no one presid nt in An iquity, nor in any Em ire or Kingdom in the world (that I remember) to the contrary; and this I conceive to be most clearly resolved in and by the Statu es f 27 H. c. 24 & 31 H. 8. c. 10.

28. That one of the first B rons created by Patent, whose Patent is yet ex ant, wa I hn de Beauchamp Stew rd of the Household to King R chard the 2. whose Patent runs in this form.

Richardus, &c. Sciatis quod pro bonis et gratuitis servitiis quae dilectus et fidelis M les noster Johannes de Beauchamp de HOLT, Senescallus hospitii nostri nobis impendit, ac loco per ipsum tempore Coronationis nostrae hucusque impensis, et quem pro Nobis tenere poterit in fururum IN NOSTRIS CONSILIIS & PARLIAMENTIS, necnon pro Nobili et fideli genere unde d scendi , et pro suis magnisicis sensu et circumspectione, ipsum Iohannem INUNUM PARIUM A BARONVM REGNI NOSTRI ANGLIAE PRAEFECIMUS. Volentes quod IDEM IOHANNES & HAEREDES MASCULI DE CORPORE SUO EXEUNTES, STATVM BARONIS SVSTINEANT & DOMINI DE BEAUCHAMP, & BARONES DE KIDERMINSTER NUNCUPENTUR. In cujus &c. datum 10 Octobris.

I find this John Beauchamp only once mentioned in the List of Summons in Claus. 11 R. 2. dors 24. dated 27 die Decembris, within 3. months of his creation; where he is styled only Iohanni Beauchamp de Kidderminster, but neither Dominus de Beauchamp, nor BARO de Kidderminster: After which in the summons of 27 H. 6. till 12 E. 4. one of his posterity was summoned by the style of John Beauchamp Miles, DOMINUS DE BEAUCHAMP, without the Title of BARO de Kidderminster, expressed in any of the Rolls. For the various significations of the word Baro, and the several kinds or degrees of Barons, you may at leisure consult Bartholomeus Cassanaeus, his Catalogus Gloriae mundi, pars 8. Consid. 15. Calvini Lexicon Juridicum, tit. Baro; Sir Henry Spelmans Glossarium, De Baronibus Diatribe; William Somners Glossarium, tit. Baro & Baronia, and Mr. Seldens Titles of Honor, part. 2. ch. 5. sect. 51, 52, ch. 2. sect. 4, 5, 6, 7, 8. ch. 1. sect. 21, 22. ch. 4. sect. 6, 7. ch. 5. sect. 5. ch. 6. sect. 2. ch. 7. sect. 2. and the several Authors there quoted.

29. That I find no president of any person created a Baron by special writ, but only one; whereby Henry Bromfleet Knight and the heir males of his body were created Barons of Vescy, by this writ entered after the Names of the Temporal Lord's in the summons of Claus. 27 H. 6. m. 26. dorso.

Rex dilecto et fidelissimo Henrico Broms eet Mili i, salutem. Cum, &c. (ut supra, usque ibi) Tractatum: (et tum sic) Vobis in fide et ligeantia quibus Nobis tenemini, &c. ut supra.) nullatenus omittatis. Volumus enim VOS & HAEREDES VESTROS MASCULOS de corpore vestro legitime exeuntes BARONES DE VESCEY EXISTERE. T. ege apud Westm. vicesimo quarto die Januarii; of a different date from that in the other summons, This special writ and clause of creation had been merely void and nugatory, had the general writ alone ennobled him and his Posterity, and them Lord's and Barons of Parliament.

Yet notwi hstanding this special writ creating him BARON of Vescy; it is observable, that in all the subsequent writs of summons of 28, 29, 31, 33, 38 H. 6. nd 1, 3, 7 E 4. he is always styled DOMINUS, but never BARO de VESCY; in any one List or Roll. I find in the Cl. Rolls of 49 H. 3. 23 E. 1. & 6. 7. 8 E. 2. John de Vescy first, and after him William de Vescy summoned amongst other temporal Lord's. By which it is evident, that there were Lord's and Barons of Vescy (though not so styled in the Rolls) under these 3. Kings who were summoned to Parliaments; But after the summons of 8 E. 2. there is no mention of them in any Rolls (the Barony escheating for want of issue male, or by attainder, as is probable) till Sir Henry Bromfleet and his issu males were created Barons thereof, by the premised writ. A sufficient evidence, th t no general writ of summons created any Gentlemen who were summoned to Parliaments, Barons, unless they held Lands by Barony and were Barons by Tenure; there being no Clause or words in the general ordinary writs of Summons, creating any persons summoned, Earls, Lord's or Barons, or giving them these Titles, unless they were Earls, Lord's and Barons by Patent or Tenure before their Summons; the writs fli ing them only such as they were when issued to them, and conferring no new Dignity or Title on them; as I have (1) elsewhere proved at large.

30. That the most ordinary writs of Summons bo h to the Spiritual and Temporal Lord's, Sherifs, and others use only the words Magnates, or Proceres, Magna ibus & Proceribus jointly, or one of them alone without the other, to express the Temporal Lord's and Nobles, without the word Barones, or Baronibus, which very rarely occur in any writs, except only in the w its to the Sherifs, C aus. 24 E. 3. d. 7. and the writs of Cl. 28 E. 1. d. 3. Claus. 5 E. 3. d. 25. & 12 E. 3. pars 2. d. 32. wherein the word BARONES is mentioned in some of them, and this Clause Cum Comitibus, BARONIBUS, & caeteris Proceribus, or Magnatibus Regni nostri, used in others of them, upon extraordinary occasions; bu in no writs besides to my best remembrance; which run usually; Cum Praelatis et caeteris Proceribus, or Magnatibus, or Proceribus et Magnatibus dicti regni tractaturi, vestrumque Consilium impensuri; without the word BARONIBUS. Which being not so much as once mentioned in these ordinary (but only in 2. or 3. extraordinary) writs, it is most evident to all, that the issuing of such writs to any Knights, Esquires, or Gentlemen, to summon them to Parliaments, can neither create nor constitute them Barons by writ; because they neither style them (nor any of the Lord's and Nobles, (but those two forementioned) arons, nor use the word BARO at all; but only Proceres, or Magnates.

31. It is evident by all these writs, That the ancient temporal Earls, Lord's, Barons, are most essential necessary constitutive Members of our English Parliaments and Great Councils, to which they always were, and ought of right to be summoned; and that no Parliament may or ought to be summoned or held without them, since both the writs to themselves, as likewise to the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Sherifs of Counties, and Particular Cities and Corporations which are Counties within themselves, the Wardens of the Cinque Ports, Justices and other Assistants, in the bodies and essential parts of them, at least once, twice, or more frequently thus recite;

Quia, &c. ordinayimus quoddam Parliamentum apud We •• m. &c. CUM PROCERIBUS, or MAGNATIBUS, or MAGNATIBUS ET PROCERIBUS dicti regni nostri tenere, &c. personaliter intersitis Nobiscum, et cum caeteris, or cum PROCERIBUS, MAGNATIBUS, or MAGNATIBUS & PROCERIBUS, praedictis super dictis nego iis tractaturi, vestrum{que} Consilium impensuri:
Which I having more largely evidenced in my Plea for the Lord's, and House of Peers, shall here no further insist on.

32. That sometimes the King summoned some particular Bishops and Lord's to treat with him about public businesses by writ, much like to a summons to Parliament, without summoning other Lord's, for which take this president in lieu of more.

Cl. 6 E. 2. d. 5. Rex venerabili in Christo Patri eadem gratia Bathon. et Wellen. Episcopo salutem. Quia pro diversis arduis negotiis Nos et terram Vasconiae tangentibus in brevie ad partes Franciae, concedente Domino, sumus profecturi, ac vobiscum super aliquibus quae Nos tangunt ante passagium nostrū ad partes praedictas habere volumus Colloquium et tractatum. Vobis mandamus in fide et dilection quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes, quod omnibus aliis praetermissis sitis ad Nos apud Cant. die Jovis prox. ante festum Ascensionis Domini prox. futur. super praemissis Nobiscum tractaturi. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum diligitis et indignationem nostram vitare volueritis nullatenus omittatis. T. Rege apud Westm. 3. die Maii. Consim. Breve dirigitur Dom. H. Wynton Episcopo. The like Episcopo Norwich, Waltero de Thorp, Gilberto de Middleton. T. ut supra, to come to the King apud Dover, another day.

33 It is most apparent by these respective Clauses twice recited in all ancient and modern writs of summons to the Spiritual & Temporal Lord's, & 4 or 5 times in the writs of Prorogation & Resummons to them (hereafter cited Section 7.) Vobiscum & cum caeteris Praelatis (or) cum Praelatis et caeteris Magnatibus et Proceribus dicti regni habere volumus (or proponimus) Colloquium & Tractatum. Vobis mandamus, &c. quod personaliter ad dictos diem & locum intersitis, Nobiscum et cum caeteris Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proceribus dicti regni super dictis negotiis tractaturi, vestrumque Consilium impensuri: which make not the least mention of their sitting, treating, or consulting with the Knights, Citizens, Burgesses or Commons of the Realm, or of theirs with the Lord's. And by the like Clauses in the writs of Summons to the Kings Council, and in the writs issued to Sheriffs for electing Knights, Citizens and Burgesses: The first part whereof recites, Quia nos de avisamento et assensu Consilii nostr , &c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud W. &c. t neri ordinavimus, et ibidem cum Praelatis, Magnatibus & Proceribus dicti regni nostri Colloquiū abere et Tractatu (without mentioning any Conference or Treaty at all of the Commons jointly with the Prelates, Lord's & Great men in the Parliament) who by the writ are to be elected, re urned, summoned, empowered only; Ad faciendum et consentiendum hiis, quae tunc ibidem de Communi Consilio regni nostri, or Praelatorum, Magnatum & Procerum dicti regni nostri (divina favente Clementia, contigerit ordinari. That the Lord's and Commons nev r sat and consulted together as one entire House in the Parliaments of England, since their first Summons to our Parliaments, but that the always sat and consulted asunder one from the other: Therefore Sir Edw. Cook his over-confident Assertion (without any real ground of Authority or reason) in his 4. Institutes, p. 4. Certain it is, that at the first both Houses ate together; as it appeareth by Modus tenendi Parliamentum (which directly avers the contrary, Sect. 15, 16▪ 17, 27.) and by 5 E. 3. n. 3. other places of the same Roll, and in 6 E. 3. in divers places it appeareth, that the Lord's and Commons sat together; (when as both those Parliament Rolls and others un er Ed. 3. expressly evidence the contrary, as I have elsewhere fully evidenced) must be exploded as Apocryphal, and enumerated amongst his other mistakes.

34 That the Temporal Lord's could not impose any Tax, Aid or Subsidy upon the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors and Spiritual Lord's or Clergy without or against their particular grants or assents in Convocation, no more than the Spiritual Lord's and Clergy could impose any Aids or Taxes upon the Temporal Lord's and Commons; as I have formerly evidenced (p. 113. to 120. 148, 149, 153, 154, 155.) For further evidence whereof I shall hereunto subjoin this ensuing memorable writ, casual omitted out of the first Section, pag. 31. where it should have been placed.

Clau . 4 d. 3. m. 3. dorso.

Rex venerabili in Christo Pa ri S. eadem gratia Archiepiscopo Cantuar. totius Angliae Primati, salutem. A vestra memoria non excidit, ut speramus, qualiter nuper apud El ham in praesentia vestra et aliorum Praelatorum et Procerum de regno nostro, quos tunc ibidem pro magnis et arduis nego iis nostris fecimus congregari, exposita uerunt inter alia, negotia contingentia Nos et Regem Franciae; et post diligentem tractatum inde habitum, tam vobis quam ipsis videbatur, quod pro pace habenda cum ipso Rege, esset omnibus modis et viis quibus po sumus exhaered tionis periculo (obviare) insistend. Et si for an idē Rex vias Pacis rationabiles recusar t, et ad exhaeredationem nostram quoad Ducatum praedictum, et alias terras quas habemus subDominio suo, ni eretur, quod ad defensionem nostram contra ipsū cū Dei adjutorio vires nostras opponere deberemu . E ad hoc, tam vos, quam c ••• eri Praela i 〈◊〉 Magnates, tunc ibidem existen. praebuistis consilium, et promisistis opem et auxilium opponere oportunium. Et su er hoc concordatum existi , quod Par iamentum nostrum apud Wynton, ad diem Dominicam prox. ante festum Sancti Gregor i Papae prox. prae eri um summoneri f cerimus. Verum, quia in eodem P rliamento expositis negotiis supradictis, habitaque delibera ione super modo et forma defensionis contra potentiam ipsius Regis, si forsan dictas terras nostras invadere voluerit, apponendo petitoque sigillatim a q •• liber Prael to et Magnate, CUIVSMODI SUBSIDIUM NOBIS IN EODEM EVEN U FACERE VOLEBAT, ac Comitibus et BARONIBUS voluntatem in ea parte Nobis benevole exponen ibus, dicti Praelati responderu •• , quod prop er absentiam vestram eorum responsum tunc facere nequiverunt, sed IN CONVOCATIONE ea de causa facienda taliter facere volebant, quod inde contentari deberemus. Nos igitur ad pericula et dampna quae non solum nobis, sed etiam vobis, et toto regno nostro evenire poterunt, si praefatus Rex Nobis guerram movere voluerit, ut est dictum, nisi de bona et forti resisten ia provida u , •• bitae considerationis in uitum di igentes, attenden es quoque quod ad hoc non solum ex Ligeantiae debi o, sed etiam pro tantis et tam ine •• imabi ibus evitandis periculis, Vos et caeteri Praelati atu q e Clerus regni nostri manus apponere tenemini adju rices; Vobis mandamus rogantes, qua inus ad diem Lunae prox. post sestum Sanctorum Tiburt •• & Valeriani prox futur: convenire fac. omnes Praelatos, tam Religiosos, quam alios, totumqu C erum vestrum Cantuar. Provinciae coram Vobis, eisque dicta negotia et pe icula imminentia seriosius exponere studeatis. Inducentes eos modis et viis quibus expedire vide i is, quod tantae necessitatis articulo TALE NOBIS SUBSIDIVM FACIANT, pro tantis periculis evitandis, quod per vestrum et ipsorum subventionem, jura et honorem nostri et totius regni nostri conservare, ipsosque et totum populum nostrum ab hostium inc rsibus ueri, et protegere valeamus domino nobis assistente. Mittemus autem ad vos ad iem et locum praedictos quosdam de fidelibus nostris, ad praemi sa prosequenda & ieri curanda prout eis tunc ex parte nostra injungetur. Teste Rege apud Winton, 18 die Marcii. Anno Regni nostri quarto.

35. That the Lord's in P rliament were the usual Judges not only in all Cr minal, and Civil Causes and writs of Error, but likewise in all cases of Precedency, and Controversies conc rning Peers and Peerage, as is evident not only by the memor ble pr sidents of 3 H. 6. rot Parl. n. 10. to 14. 27 H. 6. rot. Parl. n. 19. 14 E. 4. rot. Par . n. 25. in Controversies of this Nature there recorded; but by these two presidents of la er times remembered by Mr. Cambde .

In the Parliament of 39 Eliz. Anno 1597. Thomas Baron de la Ware pe i ioned the Queen to be restored to his anci nt place and eat in Parliamen , whose case was this. His father, William, by judgment of Parli meant in the reign of Edward the 6. for endeavoring to poison his Uncle the Lord de la Ware, to gain his inheritance and honor; was disabled to enjoy any inheritance or honor that might descend to him by his Unkles death: Afterwards in Queen Mary's reign he was condemned of High Treason; and not long after entirely restored, as if he had not been condemned. Being disabled by his first Sentence to inherit his Unkles honor, upon his death, he was by Queen Elizab ths special Favor and Letters Patents, created Baron de la Ware de novo, and sat only as a younger Baron then newly created, during his life; After his death, his son petitioning, to enjoy the place of his Ancestors in Parliament, the Queen referred the business to the Lord's in Parliament; who finding the judgment against William his Father, to be only personal, and not to bind his children, and that the judgment given against him under Queen Mary, was no obstacle, both because he could not lose that Dignity and Honor by it, which then he had not (his Uncle being then alive) and because he was soon after entirely restored; and for that the an ient Dignity and Barony was not extinct by his new Creation, but only suspended during his life, being not vested in him at the time of his late Creation; the Lord's thereupon, locum i avitum ADJUDICAVERUNT inter Barones Willoughbeium de Eresby, & Berkleium, in quo rite locatur. In the same Parliament, it was resolved by the Lord's in the case of Thomas Howard Baron of Walden, Knight of the G rter; who being sick and unable to come to the House himself, Baron Scroop, as his Proxy, was brought into the Lord's House in his Parliamentary Robes between two Barons, the chief King of Arms going before him; where presenting his Patent and Creation, when the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal had read it, he was placed below all the rest of the Barons, though he were the younger son of a Duke, whose sons by an Order of Parliament made in the 6. year of King Henry the 8. ought to take place of all Viscounts, and other Barons, which the Lord's then resolved, to be intended out of P rliament, but they ought to sit in the Parliament house only according to the time of their being created Barons; as Mr. Cambden relates out of the Lord's I urnal.

36. That the Prelates, Earls, Barons and Great men of the Realm, are the Proper Judges of all Causes and Controversies there deba ed between the King and his people, and are all bound by Oath, as well as the King, to observe, defend and maintain the rights of the Realm and Crown of England; and that more especially by their Oath of Fealty and Homage, whereby they were tied to the King, and charged to appear when summoned in the writs of summons, as you may read more at large before, in Spelmans Glossarium, Tit. Fidelitas, Homagium, & ligeantia, and in Mat. Paris, who records, A . 1209. that K. John caepit HOMAGIA de omnibus hominibus libere tenentibus et etiam duodecim annorum pueris, quos omnes post FIDELIT ATEM FACTAM in osculum pacis recepit ac dem sit. Et Wallenses (quod anteactis temporibus fu ra inauditum) venientes ad Regem HOMAGIA fecerunt ibidem, licet tam divitibus, quam pauperibus esset o erosum. Then passing into Ireland with a great Army, there came to Dublin to meet him, plus quàm viginti Reguli illius regionis, qui omnes timore maximo perter iti HOMAGIUM ILLI ET FIDELITATEM FECERUNT, as the highest Obligation of their future Loyalty, fidelity and subjection to him. Upon which Account, Homage is frequently styled HOMAGIUM LIGEUM, LIGEANTIA & LIGAN IA, by Bracton, l. 2. c. 35. f. 79. Glanvil, l. 7. c. 10. Guliclmus Neubrigensis, Hist. l. 2. c. 37. Chron. Johannes Brompton, col. 1005. Fleta, l. 3. c. 16. Briton, ch, 68. De Homages, Custumar. Vetus Normanniae, c. 43. Cooks 7 Rep. Calvin's case, f. 7. 1. Instit. f. 65. a. Horns Myrrour des Justices, ch. 35, 36, 37, 38. Spelmans Glossarium, Homagium & Ligeantia; because i most strictly unites and binds the King and his Subjects together, hunc, ad protection m & justum Regimen; illos, ad reverentiam, tributa et d bitam Subjectionem, t obed •• ntiam, as they resolve; whereupon the Lord's are enjoined in their writs of summons person lly to appear in Parliaments and Great Councils, in fide & homagio QUIBUS NOBIS TENEMINI, as I formerly observed.

37. That the n mbers of Earls, Barons, Temporal Lord's and Great men summo ed to our Parliaments and Great Councils, andentred after the Eodem modo, and Consimiles literae in the Rolls and Li ts of Summons are oft times very various and different; there being many more of them summoned to some Parliaments and Great Council than to others, as you may easily discern by comparing their Numbers, which I have here presented you with in the gross after every writ; the Prince of Wales himself, the Duke of Lancaster, and other Dukes, and Earls, as well as inferior Lord's, Barons and Great men, being left out of some Lists of Summons, one, two, or three Parliaments and Great Councils together, or more; and then inserted again into others; the true reasons whereof I apprehend to be these ensuing.

1. Their absence in foreign parts or else where in the wars, or pon other special services of the King; in which cases no wr ts of Summons issued to them; and if their names were entered in the Lists of the summons, they were usually cancelled or rased out of them; witness the forecited entrys, in the Lists o Claus. 11 E. 3. pars 2. dors. 11. And Claus. 12 E. 3. pars 3. dors. 32.

2ly. Their abode beyond the Seas upon their own particular occasions, Both which causes frequently happened during the wars with France, Scotland, and Ireland; and whiles our Kings and Nobles had any Lands and Possessions in France, Aquitain, Normandy, Anjow, Picardy, and other parts beyond the Seas. Many of the Earls, Lord's, Barons, Great men, and our Kings themselves being oft times by reason of Warrs, Treaties, Embassies, and defense of their Inheritances, absent in foreign parts, when Parliaments were summoned and held in England by the Custos Regni, or Commissioners; at which times I generally find there were fewer Earls, Barons and Noblemen summoned to our Parliaments and Great Councils, than in times of Peace, or when our Kings were personally present in England, most of the Earls and Temporal Lord's attending on them in person in their w rrs and voyages into foreign parts, as on Ed. 3 H. 4 5, & 6.

3ly. The Civil wars happening now and then between the King, Lord's and Barons: upon which occasion some of the Temporal Lord's whiles in open hostility and rebellion against the King, were now and then (as I conjecture) left out of the Lists of Summons, because they could not be conveniently summoned, or would not appear upon any summons if sent them.

4ly. The attainders, or Outlawries of some Earls, Lord's and Barons of High Treason for their wars, Insurrections, Rebellions, or other Treasons against the King; which disabled themselves and their Posterities to be summoned to Parliaments, till pardoned▪ or restored by the King to thei honors, blood, Lordships, Baronies and L nds.

5ly. The Alie ation of some Baronies by te ure, by sales, gifts, marriages, escheats, or otherwise from one person, name, family to another, whereby the former Barons only by Tenure, were no more summoned after such Alienations, but the new Tenants who purchased or possessed them.

6ly. The deceases of some Earls, Lord's and Barons without heirs males of their Bodies, or the Infancy or nonage of their heirs males at the time of their death , who usually had no writs of summons till their full age; though the Prince of Wales, and Kings own sons were sometimes summoned to Parliaments during their Minority, as will appear by comparing the dates of their wri s with the time of their births mentioned in our Historians, but few Nobles else were summoned during their Minority, for ought appears, Minors being unfi to be Senators, Counse lors, Judges in the Supremest Council▪ Judica ure of the Realm, as I have elsewhere proved.

7ly. Our Kings Liberty and Prerogative; who though obliged by the an ient Laws and customs of the Realm, the Con •• i utions of Clarindon, the Great Charter of King John, ( Ad habendum COMMUNE CONSILIUM REGNI a Auxiliis assidendis et de Scutagiis assidendis, 〈◊〉 faciemus Archiepiscopos, Episcopos, Abbates, COMITES & MAIORES BARONES REGNI SINGILLATIM PER LITER AS NOSTRAS, &c.) & ex debito Iustitiae (as Sir Edward Cook informs us,) to summon EVERY ONE OF THE TEMPORAL LORD'S BY DESCENT OR CREATION being of full age, by writs to our Parliaments when held; yet they have likewise a Freedom and Prerogative to create New Earls, Lord's, Barons by special Writs or Patents, or to Summon what particular Gentlemen and others of Parts and Abilities they please to their Parliaments and Great Councils, to counsel and advise them, as the exigency of their affairs shall require, and they and their Counsel shall think necessary, pro hac vice tantum, or so oft as they deem necessary, without creating them Earls, Lord's, or Barons for life or inheritance, by their general writs of Summons, as I have elsewhere evidenced.

38. That the Eodem mod mandatum est, &c. And Consimiles literae diriguntur subscriptis, in the Clause Rolls, are for the most part general, without defining the Degrees and Qualities of the persons underwritten, except Dukes and Earls (specified by their Titles) but few else besides them. And sometimes special: As Eodem modo mandatum est Comitibus et Baronibus subscriptis, Consimile mandatum habent singuli Comites, BARONES, & MILITES subscripti. Consimiles Literae diriguntur Comi •• bus, BARONIBUS & MILITIBUS SUBSRIPTIS. So as it is a difficult matter certainly to define by the large list of names, which of them were real Lord's and Barons of Parliament, and which not, except those only who were usually summoned and listed in the Rolls amongst the Lord's and Barons, and their posterity after them; or such who are expressly styled either Barons or Lord's in the writs or lists of names, of which I shall give you one instance. In the summons of Claus. 5 E. 2. m. 25. dorso. in the Eod •• modo mandatum est Comitibus et Baronibus subscriptis, there is this List of names, with a particular distinction made of their Degrees in the Margin; declaring all in that Catalogue, to be Earls and Barons; and in no Roll else upon my best observation.

  • Guidoni de Bello Campo Comiti Warr.
  • Adamaro de Valen . Comiti Pembr.
  • H mfrido de Bohun. Comiti Heref. & Essex.
  • Iohanni de Warenna Comiti surr.
  • Edmundo Comiti Arundel.
  • Roberto de Veer Comiti Oxford.
  • Hugoni de Veer
  • Hugoni le Dispenser
  • Iohanni de Hastings.
  • John. de Gifford de Brimesfeld
  • Willo Martyn
  • Iohanni de Ferrar.
  • Willo. de Mareschall.
  • Roberto de Clifford.
  • Iohanni de Somery.
  • Roberto Fil. Pagan .
  • Iohanni Botetourte.
  • Roberto fil. Walteri.
  • Pagano Tybetot.
  • Bartho. de Badles ere.
  • Iohanni de Segrave:
  • Pho. de Ky e.
  • Edmundo Deincourt.
  • Iohanni de Grey.
  • Rico. de Grey.
  • Iohanni la Ware.
  • Willo. de Echingham.
  • Thomae de Furnivall.
  • Iohanni de Clavering.
  • Peero Corbet.
  • Rado. Basset de Draiton.
  • Iohanni Dengaine (Engayne)
  • Fulconi Lestrange.
  • Willo. le Latimer.
  • Fulconi fil. Warrini.
  • Roberto de Ufford.
  • Iohanni de Bello Campo de
  • Somerset.
  • Hugoni de Courtenay.
  • Rado. de Gorges.
  • Henr. de Lancastr.
  • Mauricio de Berkele.
  • Thomae Bardolfe
  • Roberto de Monte alt .
  • Iohanni de Moh •• .

An exact Alphabetical and Chronological Table of all Dukes, Earls, Marquesses, Princes of Wales, and foreign Kings summoned to the Great Councils and Parliaments of England, from 49 H. 3. to 23 E. 4. with the numbers of the Parliaments, years, and dorses of the clause Rolls of each King (when there were two or more Parliaments in one year) to which they were summoned, or resummoned by Writs of Prorogation; p. in the parenthe is signifying the part, d. the dorse, and the next figures, the membranaes of the dorse or dorses wherein they are recorded. The other dorses you may find in the forecited Writs.

    A
  • ALbemariae, Thomas Duke of Albemarl, or Aumarle (Uncle to K. R. d 2.) summoned to Parl. 9 R. 2. Edward Duke thereof, 21, 23, R. 2. & 1 H. 4. Thomas Duke of Clarence, Earl of Albemarle, so styled in his summons, 1, 2, 3, 4 H. 5.
  • A •• gos, Angos, Danego , or Anguish, Gilbert de Vmfravil, Earl thereof summoned to Parl. An. 25 (d. 25.) 27, (d. 16, 18.) 28 (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 33, 4, 5, Ed. 1. 1 (d. 11. 19.) Ed. 2. Robert de 〈◊〉 Earl thereof summoned, 2, 3. 12, (d. 11. 29.) 1 , 14, (d. 5. 2.) 15, 16, 17, 18. (d. 5. 21, 23. 34▪) . 2. Gilb •• t de Umfr vil 6, (d. 4, 9, 19. 36.) 7, 8, 9. (d 8. 28.) 10, (d. 1, 5.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23, 33.) 15. 16, (d. 13, 39) 17, 18▪ 20, 21, 22, (d. , 7. 〈◊〉 .) 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, (d. 7, 8.) 1, (d. 2. 21.) 32, 33, 34, (d. 4. 35.) 36, 37, 38, 39, 42, 43, 44, 46, 47, 49, (d. 4, 6.) 50 E. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13, 29.) 3, (d. 13, 29.) 3. (d. 32) R. 2. All these, 3 Umfravils, though the Title of their Earldom was Scottish, were all originally English Barons of Prodhow & Kime in Lancashire, and summoned to Parliament as Barons, though listed amongst the Earls, by reason of their Scottish Dignity; as you may read at large in Augustine Vinc n s Discovery of Errors in Mr. Brook his Catalogue of Nob lity, p. 10, 11, 12. Mr. Cambden, Scotland, p. 45. and here p. 21 2. which will rectify the mistake in Brooks Abridgement, Title Parliament, 84. The last of them dying without Heirs males in 4 R. 2. they ceased to be summoned.
  • Aquitain, John Duke there f, and of Lancaster, sum moned by that Title, Cl. 15, 16, 17, 20, 21 R. 2. See Lancaster.
  • Arundel, Rich. Fitz▪ Alan. Earl thereof summoned 23, (d. 9.) 25, (d. 25.) 27, (d. 16, 18,) 28, (d. 3, 17.) E. 1. Edmund Earl of Arundel summoned, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8, 9, 11, 19.) 2, (d. 11, 14, 20,) 3, (d. 16, 17.) 4, 5, (d. 11, 17, 25.) 6, (d, 3 .) 7, (d. 16, 27.) 8, (d. 19. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8, 14.) 12, (d. 11, 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5, 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 20.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 5, 15, 21, 34,.) 19, (d. 27.) E. 2. Richard 5 E, 3. (d. 7, 25. pars 2. (d. 7.) 6, (d. 4, 9, 19, 36.) 7, (d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d. 8. 28.) 10, (d. 1, 5.) 11, (p. 1. d. 8. 15. p. 2. d. 40.) 12, (d. 32.) 13, (d. 3. 28.) 14, (d. 33.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39. p. 2. d. 13.) 18, (d. 14.) 21, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 9.) 22. (p. 1. d. 32. p. 2. d. 3, 7.) 23, (d. 23.) 24, (d. 3.) 25, (d. 5.) 26, (d. 14.) 27, (d. 12.) 28. (d. 26.) 29, (d. 7, 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 33, (d. 10.) 34, (d. (d. 4. 35,) 36, (d. 16.) 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d. (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2.) 42, (d. 22.) 43, (d. 24.) 44, (d. 1.) 46, (d. 9, 10, 11.) 47 (d. 15.) 50, (d. 6.) Ed. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13, 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d. 12.) 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. 37.) 7, (d. 10, 37.) 8, 9, 10, 11, (d. 13, 24.) 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20 R. 2. homas, 1, 2, 3, 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 4. 6, 7, 9, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1, 2, 3 H. 5. John 4 H. 5. Richard 1, 2. 3 H. 6. William summoned, 20, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38, 49 H. 6. 7, 9, 12, 22, & 23 E. 4.
  • Athol. A. Writ, Iohanni Comiti Athol. Custodi terrae Regis Scotiae ultra mare, to summon others in Scotland, 33 (d. 0.) E 1. David de Strabolgi Earl of Athol, summoned to Parliaments, 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 15, 21, 34.) 20 (d. 2.) E. 2. 4, (d. 13, 38, 41.) 5, (p. 1. d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7.) 6, (d. 4. 9, 19. 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 14.) E. 3. David 35, (d. 36) 39, (d. 2.) 42, (d. 22.) 43, (d. 24.) Ed. 3. These David's de Strabol •• , were Barons of Mitford in England, though the Title of their Earldom was Scottish, and summoned thus to Parliaments in respect of this English Barony, though listed amongst the Earls, as you may read in Mr. Brook his Catalogue of Nobility, and Augustine Vincent his Discovery of the Errors therein, p. 36, 37, 38. to whom I refer you, both for their pedigre and death, without heirs males.
    B
  • BEdford, Ingeram de Cou y Earl thereof summoned to Parl. 43 E. 3. d, 24. John Duke of Bedford summoned, 2, 3, 4, 5, H. 5. 4, 11, 13 H. 6.
  • Boughan (in Scotland) Henry de Bellomon e, (Beaumont) Earl thereof summoned, 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 8. 18.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (p. 1. d. 8, 15. p. 2. d. 11. 40.) 12, (p. 2. d. 32.) 13, (p. 2. d. 1. 28.) 14 (p. 1. d. 23.) E. 3. See Vincent, p. 5.
  • Buckingham, Thomas de Wodestoke Earl thereof, and Constable of England summoned, 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13, 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d. 12.) 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. 37.) 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d. 35) R. 2. Humfrey Duke thereof summoned, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29. 31, 33, 38 H. 6. Henry Duke thereof summoned, 22 & 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
    C
  • CAmbridge (Cantabrigiae) Edmund (Son to King Edward 3.) Earl thereof summoned, 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2.) 42, (d. 22.) 46, (d. 9.) 47, (d. 13.) 49, (d. 4, 6.) 50, (p. 2. d. 6,) E. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13, 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 7, (d. 10, 37.) 8, (d. 35.) R. 2. Richard Earl thereof summoned, 2 (d. 16,) H. 5.
  • Cantiae. See Kent.
  • Cestriae (Chester) Edward P ince of Wales, (eldest Son of K. . 1.) Earl of Chester, and so styled in the Writs of Summons, 30 (d. 8. 13.) E. 1. ( Edward eldest Son of K. E. 2. Prince of W les, Earl thereof summoned, 14 (d. 23.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 5, 15, 21, 24.) E. 2. Edward Son of Edward 3. Prince of Wales, 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 26, (d. 14.) 27, (d. 12.) 28 (d. 6.) E. 3. Richard Prince of Wales, 50 (p. 2. d. 6.) E. 3. See Prince of Wales.
  • Clarence, Thomas Duke thereof summoned, 1. (d. 9. 37.) 2, (d. 16.) 3, (d. 15.) 4, (d. 26. H. 5.) George Duke thereof summouned, 49 H. 6. (d. 6.) 7, (d. 1.) 9, (d. 3.) 12, (d. 41.) E. 4.
  • Cornwall, Edmun arl thereof summoned, 23, (d. 3, 9.) 24, (d. 7.) 25, (d. 25.) 17, (d. 9. 16, 18.) 28, (d. 17.) . 1. P ter de Gaveston, Earl thereof summoned, 1, (d. 8. 11.) 3, (d. 16, 17.) E. 2. John de Eltham the Kings Brother) Earl thereof summoned, 4 (d. 1 , 32, 41.) 5, (p. 1. d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7.) 6, (d. 4, 9, 19, 36.) 7▪ (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d. 8, 18.) E. 3. Edward Prince of Wales, Duke of Co nwall summoned, 24, (p. 2. d. 33.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 26, (d. 14.) 27, (d. 12.) 28 (d. 16.) E. 3. Richard Prince of Wales, and Duke of Cornwall summoned, 50 (p. 2. d. 6.) 〈…〉 . See Prince of Wales.
    D
  • DErby, the Earl thereof summoned, 49 (d. 11.) d. 3. Henry de Lancaster, Earl thereof summoned, 11, (p. 1. d. 8. 15, p. 2. d. 11, 40.) 14, (p. 2. d. 33.) 16, (p. 1. d. 30.) 17, (p. 1. d. 25.) 18 (p. 1. d. 14.) E. 3. Henry de Lancaster, Earl thereof summoned, 9, (d. 45,) 10, (d. 42.) 11. (d. 13, 24.) 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d. 42.) 15. (d. 37.) 16, (d. 23.) 17 (d. 0.) 18, (d. 23.) 20, (p. 1. d. 15.) 1, (p. 1. d. 27.) R. 2.
  • Devon. Hugh de Countenay Earl thereof summoned, 9 (d. 8, 28.) 10, (d. 1, 5.) 11, (p. 1. d. 8. 15. p. 2. d. 11, 40) 12, (p. 2. d. 1. 28.) 14, (p. 1. d. 23, 33.) 15, p. 1. d 37.) 17, (p. 1. d. 25.) 18, (p. 1. d. 14.) 20, (p. 2, d. 22.) 21, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 9.) 22, (p. 1. d. 32. p. 2. d. 3, 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) 24, (p. 1. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 26, (d. 14.) 27, (d, 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 7, 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 32, (d. 14.) 33, (d. 10.) 34, (d. 4, 35.) 36, (d. 16) 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2.) 4 . (d. 23.) 43, (d. 24.) 44, (d. 1.) 46, (d. 9▪ 10, 11.) 47, (d. 13.) 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50 (p. 2. d. 6.) . 3. Edward de Courteney, Earl of Devon. summoned, 2, (d. 13, 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 4▪ (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. 37.) 7, (d. 37, 40.) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d. 45.) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d. 42.) 15, (d. 37.) 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d. 31.) 20, (p. 1. d. 15.) 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) 23 (d. 3.) R. 2. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (p. 1. d. 3.) 3▪ (d. 17.) 5▪ (d. 28.) 7, (d. 30.) 8, (d. 2.) 11, (d. 32.) 12, (d. .) 14 (d. 22.) H. 4. 1, (d. 9.) 2, (d. 16.) 3, (d. 15.) 4, (d. 16.) 5, (d. 11.) 7 (d. 9.) H. 5. Hugh Courten y Earl thereof summoned, 8, (d. 2.) 9 (d. 13.) H. 5. Thomas Earl thereof summoned, 15, (d. 18.) 18, (d. 33.) 20, (d. 27.) 23, (d. 21.) 25, (d. 24.) 27, (d. 24.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 41.) 31▪ (d. 36.) 33 (d. 30.) H. 6. Henry Earl thereof summoned, 38▪ (d. 30.) H. 6.
  • Dorset, John Beauford, created Marquess Dorset, summoned by this Ti le, 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) 23 (d. 3.) R. 2. 1 (d. 37.) H. 4. Thomas Beauford Earl thereof summoned, 2 (d. 16.) 4, (d. 1, 6.) H. 5. Edward Earl thereof summoned, 20, (d. 17.) made Marq ess Dorset, and thus summoned, 22 (d. 21.) H. 6. Thomas Marquess Dorset summoned, 22, & 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • Dublin, John de Vere Marquess thereof summoned, 10. (d. 42.) R. 2.
    E
  • EBor. See York.
  • Essex, Humphrey and John Bohun, successively Earls of Hereford and Essex summoned. See Hereford, Henry Earl of Essex summoned, 49 (d. 6.) H. 6. 2, (d. 3.) 9, (d. 3.) 12, (d. 41.) 22 & 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • Ewe in Normandy, Henry Bourgchier, Earl thereof summoned, 13 (d. 2.) H. 6. See Brook and Vincent p. 149. &c. in E. We.
  • Exeter, John Holland Duke thereof summoned, 21, (p. 1. d. 17.) 23 (d. 3.) R. 2. 1, (d. 37.) 2 (d. .) H. 4.
  • Thomas Duke of Exeter summoned, 5, (d. 11.) H. 5, 1, (d. 22.) 2, (d. 18.) 3, (d. 9.) 4, (d. 15.) H. 6. Henry Duke thereof summoned, 29, (d. 41.) 31, (d▪ 16.) 33, (d. 36.) 38, (d. 39.) H. 6.
    G
  • GLoucester, Gilb, de Clare, Comes Gloucestr. & Hert ord, summoned, 23 (d. 9.) E. 1. Radulphus de Monte Hermerii, Comes Gloucestriae, summoned, 27, (d. 16, 18.) 28, (d. 3, 17.) 30, (d. 8, 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34 (d. 2.) E. 1. Gilbert de Clare Com. Gloucestr. & Heref. summoned, 1. (d. 8, 11.) 2, (d. 11. 14, 26.) 3, (d. 16, 17.) 4, (d 11.) 5, (d. 11, 17, 25.) 6, (d. 3, 31.) 7, (d. 16 27.) E. 2. Hugo de Audele, Audeley, Comes Gloucest iae, summoned, 11, (p. 1. d. 8, 15. p. 2. d. 40.) 12, (p. 2. d, 32.) 13, (d. 2. d. 28.) 14, (p. 1. d. 2 , 33.) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 16, (p, 1. d. 39.) 17, (p. 1. d. 25.) 18, (p. 1. d. 14.) 20, (p. 2. d. 22.) E. 3. Thomas Dux Gloucestriae, the Kings Uncle, summoned, 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d. 13, 24.) 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d. 42.) 15, (d. 37.) 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d. 30.) 20, (p. 1. d. 15.) R. 2. Thomas de Le Spencer, Com s Gloucestr. summoned, 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) 23 (d. 3.) R. 2. 1 (d. 37.) H. 4. Humfrey Dux Gloucestriae, summoned, 2, (d. 11.) 3, (d. 15) 4 (d. 16.) H. 5. 1, (d. 22.) 2, (d. 18.) 3, (d. 9.) 4, (d. 15.) 5, (d. 4.) 7, (d. 2.) 9, (d. 18.) 10, (d. 10.) 11, (d. 10.) 14, (d. 2.) 15, d. 18.) 16, (d. 33.) 18, (d. 33.) 20, (d. 27.) 23, (d. 21.) 25 (d. 24.) H. 6. Richard Dux Gloucestriae, summoned, 9, (d. 3.) 12. (d. 41.) 22, & 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
    H
  • HEreford, Humphrey de Bohun. Earl of Hereford, and Essex su moned, 23, (d. 3, 9.) 24, (d. 7.) 25, (d. 6.) 〈◊〉 (d. 3, 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. ▪ 21.) 34 d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8, 11, 1 .) 2, (d. 〈◊〉 , 14, 20.) 3, (d. 16, 17.) 4, (d. 3.) 5, (d. 11 17, 25.) 6, (d. 3, 1.) 7, (d. 16, 27.) 8, (d. 9, 35.) 9 (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8, 12, 19.) 1 , (d. 11, 9.) 13, (d. 17.) 14 (d. 5, 29.) E. 2. John de Boh n. Earl o Hereford and Essex, summoned, 20, (d. 4) E. 2, 1 (p. 2. d. 11, 16.) 2, (d. 15, 23, 31.) 4, (d. 13, 32, 41.) 5, (p. 1. d. 7, 25. p. 2. d. 7.) 6, (d. 4, 9, 19, 6.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 28.) 9, (d. 8. 28.) E. 3. Humphrey de Bohun. Earl of Hereford and Essex, and of Hereford and Northampton, 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (p. 1. d. 8, 15. p. 2. d. 11, 40.) 12, (p. 2. d. 32.) 16, (p. 2, d. 22.) 20, (p. 2.) 22. 21, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 9.) 22, (p. 2. d. 32. p. 2. d. 3, 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 6.) 26, (d. 14.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 7, 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 34, (d. 4. 35.) 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2.) 44, (d. 1.) 46, (d. 9.) E. 3.
  • Hertford, Earls thereof. See Gloucester.
  • Huntingdon, William de lyn on, Earl thereof summoned, 11. (p. 2. d. 11, 40.) 12, (p. 2. d. 32.) 14, (p. 1. d. 23, 33.) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39. p. 2. d. 13.) 17, (p. 1. d. 25.) 18, (p. 1. d. 14,) 20, (p. 2. d. 22.) 21, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 9.) 22, (p. 1. d 32. p. 2. d. 3, 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 26, (d. 14.) 27. (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) E. 3. Guiscard de Angle, Or D'angle Earl thereof summoned, 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13, 29.) 3, (d. 32.) R. 2. John de Holland. Earl thereof summoned, 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d. 42.) 15, (d. 37.) 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d. 30.) 20, (p. 1. d. 25.) 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) R. 2. John de Holland, Earl thereof summoned, 7, (d. 2.) 13, (d. 2.) 15, (d. 18.) 20, (d. 27.) H. 6. William, Earl thereof summoned, 22, & 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
    I
  • IReland, Robert de Vere, Duke of Ireland summoned, 11; (d. 24.) R. 2.
    K
  • KArliol Andrew de Harcla, Earl thereof; summoned 16, (d. 11. 26.) E. 2.
  • Kendal, John Duke of Bedford, Earl thereof summoned, 2, (d. 16) H. 5.
  • Kent, (Cantiae.) Edmond (the Kings Brother,) Earl thereof summoned, 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 36.) 17, (d. 27.) 20. (d. 4) E. 2. (The Kings Uncle) 1. (p 2. 11. 1 .) 2. (d. 15. 23. 31.) 4. (d. 41. E. 3. John Earl thereof summoned▪ 22. (p. 2. d. 3.) 25. (p. 1. d. 5.) 26. (d. 14.) E. 3. Thomas Earl thereof summoned. 34. (d. 4.) E. 3. Thomas de Holland Earl thereof (Brother to the King) summoned, 4. (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40.) 6. (d. 37.) 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d. 45.) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d. 24.) 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d. 42.) 15, (d. 37.) 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d. 30.) 18, (d. 9.) 20▪ (p. 1. d. 15.) 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) ( R. 2. Edward, Earl thereof summoned, 7, (d. 30.) 8, (d. 2.) H. 4. Edward Earl of Kent summoned, 49, (d. 6.) H. 6. 6, (d. 1.) 9, (d. 3.) 12, (d. 41) 22, and 23, (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • King of Castil, Leon and Aragon (John Duke of Lancaster: ) See Lancaster.
  • King of Scots, Edward de Balliolo, King thereof summoned, 22, (p. 2. d. 3.) (p. 1. d. 19. E 3.
    L
  • LAncaster, Edmund Earl thereof (the Kings Brother) summoned, 23, (d. 9.) E: 1. Thomas, Earl thereof summoned: 27, (d. 16. 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8, 9.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) 35, (d. 2.) Ed. . 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 14. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 4. (d. 1.) 5, (d. 11. 17. 25.) 6, (d. 30.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 12.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) Ed. 2. Henry de Lancastria, Earl thereof summoned, 18, (d. 5. 21. 34.) 22, (d. 4.) E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 11. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 23.) 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d. 13. 32. 41.) 5, (p. 1. d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7.) 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d. 8. 28.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (p. 2. d. 11. 40.) 12, (p. 2. d. 32 ) 13, (p. 2. d. 1. 28.) 14, (p. 1. d. 23. 33.) 15, (p. 1. d. 17.) 16, (p. 1. 33. p. 2. d. 13. 22.) 17, (p. 1. d. 25.) 18, (p. 1. d. 14.) 21. (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 9.) 22, (p. 1. d. 32. p. 2. d. 3. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) Ed. 3. Henry created Duke of Lancaster summoned, 25, (p. 1. d. 15.) 26, (d. 14.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 7. 8.) 31, (d. 2.) 34, (d. 4.) E: 3. John, Earl thereof summoned, 36, (d. 16.) E. 3. made Duke of Lancaster, and so summoned) 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d. 3.) 39▪ (d. 2.) 42▪ (d. 22.) 43, (d. 24.) King of Castel, Legion, and Duke of Lancaster, summoned by all these Titles.) 46, (d. 9. 10.) 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50, (p: 2. d. 6.) E. 3. (the Kings Uncle) 1, (d: 37.) 2, (d: 13. 29.) 3▪ (d: 32.) 4, (d: 32.) 5, (d: 40.) 6, (d. 37.) 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d. 35.) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d: 42.) R. 2. John, Duke of Aquitain and Lancaster summoned, 15, (d. 37.) 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d: 30.) 20, (p: 1. d: 15.) 21, (p: 1. d: 27.) R. 2. Henry, Duke thereof summoned, 23, (d: 3.) R. 2. 1, (d: 37.) H: 4.
  • Leicester; the Earl thereof summoned, 43, (d. 11.) H. 3.
  • Lincoln; Henry de Lacy, Earl thereof summoned, 23, (d. 9.) 27, (d: 9. 6. 18.) 28, (d: 17.) 30, (d: 8. 13.) 32, (d: 2.) 33, (d. 10.) 34, (d. 2.) Ed: 1. 1, (d: 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 14. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) Ed. 2.
    M
  • MArch: Roger de Mortuomari (Mortimer) Earl thereof summoned, 4, (d: 32. 41.) E: 3, Roger de Mortuomari (summoned, 29, (d: 7. 8.) 31, (d: 2. 21.) E▪ 3. Edmund de Mortuomari, Earl thereof summoned, 44, (d: 1.) 46, (d: 9.) 47, (d: 13.) 49, (d: 4. 6.) 50, (p. 2. d. 6.) E: 3. 1, (d: 27.) 2, (d: 29.) 3, (d. 32.) R: 2. Edward, Earl of March, summoned, 1, (d: 37.) 2, (d: 16.) 3, (d: 15.) 4, (d: 16.) 8, (d: 2.) H. 5. 1, (d: 22.) 2, (d: 18.) H: 6:
  • Marshal, Marescallus, John, Earl Marshal summoned, 1, (d: 9.) 2, (d. 16.) 3, (d. 15.) 4, (d. 16) H. 5. Thomas, Earl Marshal, 1, (d. 22) 2, (d. 18.) H. 6. John, Earl Marshal, 3, (d: 9.) H: 6. See Norfolk & Nortingham Mountacute, John Marquess thereof, 49, (d. 6.) H. 6.
    N
  • NOrfolk: Com. Norf. & Marescal. Angliae summoned, 49 (d: 11.) H. 3. Roger de Big d, Comes Norfolk, & Marescallus Angliae, summoned, 23, (d. 1. 9.) 24, (d. 7.) 25, (d: 6. 25.) 27, (d: 9. 16. 28.) 28, (d: 3. 17.) 30, (d: 8. 13.) 32, (d: 2.) 33, (d: 21.) 34, (d: 2.) E. 1. Thomas de Brotherton Com. Norfolk, & Marescallus Angliae, summoned, 6, (d: 3. 31.) 7, (d: 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 31.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d: 8. 12. 14.) 12, (d: 11. 29) 13, (d: 13.) 14, (d: 29▪) 15, (d: 16) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d: 5. 15. 21. 34.) 19, (d: 27.) 20, (d: 4.) E. 2. 1, (p: 2. d: 11. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) 4 (d: 13. 32. 41.) 5 (p: 1. d: 7. 25. p: 2. d: 7.) 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8. (d. 18.) 9, (d. 8. 28.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (p: 1. d: 8. 15.) 12, (p: 2. d: 32.) E: 3. Thomas Duke of Norfolk summoned, 21, (p. 1. d: 27.) R. 2. John Duke of Norfolk summoned, 4, (d: 15.) 5, (d: 4.) 7, (d: 7.) 10, (d: 10.) H: 6, John (his Son) Duke of Norf. summoned, 15, (d: 8.) 18, (d: 33.) 20, (d. 27.) 23, (d. 21) 25, (d: 24.) 27, (d: 21.) 28, (d. 26.) 29. (d: 41.) 31, (d: 36.) 33, (d. 36.) 38, (d. 30.) 49, d. 6.) H: 6. 1, (d: 35.) 6, (d: 1.) 9, (d. 3.) 12, (d: 41.) E: 4.
  • Northampton, William de Bohum Earl thereof summoned, 11, (p. 1. d. 15. p. 2. d. 40.) 14, (p. 1. d. 23. 33.) 15, (p: 1. d: 37.) 17, (p. 1. d. 25.) 18, (p. 1. d. 14.) 21, (p. 2. d. 9.) 22, (p. 1. d. 32. p. 2. d. 3. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 26, (d. 14.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 7. 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) E. 3. Humphrey de Bohun, Earl thereof summoned, 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2.) E. 3, See Hereford, John Newel Earl thereof summoned, 6, (d. 1.) E. 4.
  • Northumberland, Henry de Percy, Earl thereof summoned, 1, (d. 37.) 2▪ (d. 13. 29) 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40.) 6 (d. 37.) 7, (d: 12. 37.) 8, (d: 35.) 9, (d. 45.) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12. (d. 42.) 13, (d. 5.) 1 , (d. 42.) 15, (d. 43.) 16, (d: 23.) 17, (d. 30) 18, (d: 23.) 20, (p: 1▪ d: 15▪) 21, (p: 1 d. 27.) 23, (d: 3.) R: 2. 1, (d. 37) 2, (p: 1. d: 3) 3, (d: 17.) 5, (p: 1. d: 28. p: 2. d: 4.) H. 4. Henry Percy (Earl thereof) summoned, 4, (d. 16.) 5, (d: 11.) 7, (d. 9.) 8, (d. 2.) 9, (d: 13.) H: 5. 1, (d: 22.) 2, (d: 18.) 3, (d: 9) 9▪ (d: 18.) 10, (d. 10,) 11, (d: 10.) 13, (d: 2.) 15, (d: 18.) 18, (d: 33.) 20, (d: 27.) 23, (d: 21.) 25, (d: 24.) 27, (d. 24.) 28, (d: 26.) 29, (d: 41.) 31, (d. 36.) 38, (d. 30) H. 6. John, Earl thereof summoned, 6, (d. 1.) 9, (d: 3.) E: 4. Henry, Earl thereof summoned, 12, (d: 41.) 22. & 23, (d. 10.) E: 4.
  • Nottingham, John de Mowbray, Earl thereof summoned, 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d: 13. 29.) 3, (d: 32.) 4, (d: 33.) 5, (d: 40.) 6, (d: 37.) R. 2. Thomas de Mowbray, Earl thereof summoned, 7, (d: 10. 37.) 8, (d: 35.) 9, (d: 45.) 10, (d: 42.) Marescallus Angliae, 11, (d: 13. 24.) 12, (d: 42.) 13, (d: 5.) 14, (d: 42.) 15, (d: 37.) 16, (d: 23.) 17, (d: 30.) 20, (p. 1. d: 15.) 21, (p. 1. d: 17.)
    O
  • OXford; Oxford, the Earl thereof summoned, 49, (d: 11.) H. 3. Robert de Veer, Earl thereof summoned; 23, (d: 3. 9.) 24, (d: 7.) 25, (d: 25.) 27, (d: 16. 18.) 28, (d: 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d: 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d: 2.) E: 1. 1, (d: 8. 11. 19) 2, (d: 11, 20) 3, (d: 16. 17.) 4, (d: 5.) 5, (d: 11. 17. 25.) 6, (d: 3. 31.) 7, (d: 16. 27.) 8, (d: 29. 35.) 9, (d: 22.) 11, (d: 8. 12. 14.) 12, (d: 11, 29.) 14, (d: 5. 29.) 17, (d: 27.) 18, (d: 5. 15. 21. 34.) 19, (d: 27.) 20, (d: 〈◊〉 .) E: 2. 1, (p: 2. d: 11. 16.) 3, (d: 15. 23. 31.) 4, (13. 32. 41.) 5, (p. 1. d. 25.) E. 3. John de Veer, Earl thereof summoned, 5, (p. 1. d: 7. p. 2. d: 7.) 6, (d: 4. 13. 19. 36.) 7, (p: 2. d: 3.) 8, (d: 18.) 9, (d: 8. 28.) 10, (d: 1. 5.) 11, (p. 1. d: 8, 15. p: 2. d: 11. 40.) 12, (p: 2. d: 32.) 13, (p: 2. d: 1. 28.) 14, (p: 1. d: 33.) 17, (p: 1. d: 21.) 18, (p: 1. d: 14. 21, (p: 1. d: 28. p: 2. d: 9.) 22, (p: 1. d: 32. p: 2. d: 3. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d: 23.) 24, (p: 2. d: 5.) 25, (p: 1. d: 5.) 26, (d, 14) 27, (d: 12.) 28, (d: 26.) 31, (d: 2.) 32, (d: 14.) 33, (d: 10.) E: 3. Thomas de Veer, Earl thereof summoned, 35, (d. 36.) 36, (d. 16. 42.) 37, (d: 22.) 38, (d: 39.) 39, (d: 2.) 43, (d: 24) 44, (d: 1.) Ed. 3. Robert de Veer, Earl thereof summoned, 7, (d: 10. 37) 8, (d: 35.) 9, (d: 45.) Marquess of Dublin, 10, (d: 42.) Duke of Ireland, 11, (d: 24.) R. 2. Albric, or Albert Earl of Oxford summoned, 17, (d: 30.) 18, (d. 23.) 20, (p: 1. d: 15.) 21, (p: 1. d: 27.) 23, (d: 3.) R: 2. 1 (d: 37.) H. 4. Richard, Earl thereof summoned, 9, 11, (d: 32.) 12▪ (d: 2.) H: 4. 1, (d: 9. 37.) 2, (d: 16.) 3, (d. 15.) 4, (d. 16. H. . John de Veer, Earl thereof summoned, 7, (d: 2.) 9, (d: 18.) 10, (d: 10,) 11, (d: 10.) 13, (d: 2.) 15, (d: 18.) 18, (d: 33.) 20, (d: 27.) 23, (d: 21.) 25, (d: 24.) 27, (d. 24.) 28. (d: 26.) 29 (d: 4.) 31, (d: 36,) 33, (d: 36.) 38, (d: 30.) 49, (d: 6.) H: 6. 1, (d. 35.) 6, (d: 1.) 9, (d: 3.) E. 4.
    P
  • PEmbroc, William de Valencia, Earl thereof summoned, 23, (d. 3. 9.) E: 1. Adamarus de Valencia, Earl thereof summoned, 27, (d: 8. 16.) E: 1. 1, (d: 8. 11.) 2, (d: 4. 20.) 3, (d: 16. 17.) 5, (d. 17. 25.) 6, (d: 3. 31.) 7, (d: 16, 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 12. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) E: 2. Laurence Hastings, Earl thereof summoned, 13, (p. 2. d. 1.)
  • 14, (p. 2. d. 23. 33.) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) 17, (p. 1. d. 25.) 21, (p. 1. d: 28.) p. 2. d. 9. 22, (p. 1. d. 32.) E. 3. John de Hastings, Earl thereof summoned, 54, (d. 1.) H. 5. Humphrey Du. of Glocest r Earl thereof summoned, 2, H. 5. d. 16. Jasper 〈◊〉 thereof summoned, 31, (d. 36.) 33, (d. 36) 38, (d. 30.) H. 6.
    R
  • RIchmond. John de Britannia, Earl thereof summoned, 34, (d. 2.) E: 1. 1, (d: 19.) 2, (d. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 5, (d. 11.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d 29. 35.) 3, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 12. 14,) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d: 5. 29.) E. 2. 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) 4, (d. 13. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 4. 9.) 19. 36.) 7. (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 13.) 9, (d. 8. 28.) E. 3. John, Earl of Lanc. and Richmond summoned, 34, (d. 9) 36, (d. 16.) E. 3. John Duke of Britain, Earl thereof summoned, 2. (d. 13. 29.) R. 2. Edmond, Earl thereof summoned, 31. (d. 36.) H. 6.
  • Rivers, Richard, Earl thereof summoned, 6, (d. 1.) E: 4. Autony Earl thereof summoned, 12, (d. 41.) 22, & 23. (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • Rotland, Edward, Earl thereof summoned, 14, (d. 42.) 15, (d. 37.) 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d. 30.) 20, (p. 1. d. 15.) 21, (p. 2. d. 27) R. 2. 1, (d. 37) 2, (p. 1. d. 3.) H. 4.
    S
  • SArum, Salisbury, William de Monteacute (Monteacute) Earl thereof summoned, 11, (p. 2. d. 40.) 24, (p 2. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 26, (d. 14.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 31, (d. 2.) 32, (d. 14.) 34, (d. 4.) 36, (d. 16.) 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d: 2.) 42, (d. 22.) 43, (d: 24.) 44, (d. 3.) 44, (d. 9.) 47, (d: 13.) 49, (d: 6.) 50, p. 2. d. 6.) E. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. 47.) 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d. 3 5.) 9, (d. 45.) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d. 42.) 15, (d. 37.) 16, (d. 23.) 17. (d. 30.) 18, (d. 23.) 20, (p. 1. d. 15.) R. 2. John de Monteacut , Earl thereof summoned, 21, (p. 1. d: 27.) 23, (d. 3.) R. 2. 1, (d. 37. .) H. 4. homas Earl thereof summoned, 1, (d. 9. 37.) 2, ( 〈◊〉 .) 3, (d. .) 4, (d. 16.) H. 5. 5, (d. 4.) H. 6. Richard Earl thereof summoned, 9, (d. 18.) 10, (d. 10.) 11, (d. 10.) 13, (d. 2.) 20, (d. 27.) 23, (d. 21.) 25, (d. 24) 27, (d: 24.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 41.) 31, (d. 36) 33, (d. 30.) Com. Warwic. & Sa •• m. 49, (d. 6.) H. 6. 6, (d. 1.) 9, (d. 3.) E. 4.
  • Salop. Shrewsbury, John, Earl thereof summoned, 23, (d. 21) 25, (d. 24.) 31, (d. 36.) 33, (d. 36.) 38, (d. 30.) 9, (d. 3.) 12, (d. 41.) E. 4.
  • Somerset, John Beauford, Earl thereof summoned, 2, (p. 1. d. 27.) 3, (d: 17.) 5, (d. 28. p. 2. d. 4.) 7, (d: 30.) 8, (d. 2.) 11, (d. 32) H. 4. Edward Duke of Somerset, 29, (d. 41.) 31, (d. 36.) H. 6.
  • Stafford, Ralph, Earl thereof summoned, 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 7. 8.) 31, (d, 2. 21.) 32, (d 14.) 34, (d: 4.) 35, (d. 36.) 36▪ (d: 16) 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2.) 42, (d. 22.) 43, (d. 24.) 44, (d. 1.) E. 3. Hugh, Earl thereof summoned, 46, (d. 9.) 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50, (p. 2. d. 6.) E. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. 37.) 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d. 45.) R. 2. Thomas, Earl thereof summoned, 15, (d. 37.) R. 2. Edward, Earl thereof summoned, 23, (d. 3.) R. 2. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (p. 1. d. 3.) 3, (d. 17.) H. 4. Humphrey, Earl thereof summoned, 3, (d. 9) 4, (d. 15.) 5, (d. 4.) 7, (d. 2.) 15, (d. 8.) 18, (d. 33.) 20, (d. 27.) H. 6.
  • Suffolk, Robert d Ufford, Earl thereof summoned, 13, (p. 1. d. 8. 15. p. 2. d. 40.) 16, (p. 1 d. 33.) 17, (p. 1. d. 25.) 18, (p. 1. d. 14.) 21, (p. 2. d. 9.) 22, (p. 1. d. 32. p. 2. d. 3. 7) 23, (p. 1. d, 13.) 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 6.) 26, (d. 14.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 31, (d. 2.) 32, (d. 14.) 34, (d. 4.) 36, (d. 36.) 37▪ (d: 22.) 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2.) 42, (d. 22.) 43, (d. 24.) E. 3. William de Ufford Earl thereof summoned, 44, (d. 1:) 46, (d. 9.) 47, (d: 46.) 50, (p. 1. d: 6.) E. 3. 1, (d: 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3▪ (d. 32.) R. 2. Michael de la Pool, Earl thereof summoned, 9, (d: 45.) 10, (d. 42.) 23, (d. 3.) R: 2. 1, (d: 37.) 2, (p. 1. d. 3.) 3, (d. 17.) 5, (p: 1. d: 28. p: 2. d: 4.) 7, (d: 30.) 8, (d: 2.) 11, (d. 32.) 12, (d: 2.) H. 4. 1, (d: 9. 37.) 2, (d: 16.) H. 5. William de la Pool, Earl thereof summoned, 9, (d: 18,) 10, (d: 10.) 11, (d: 16.) 13, (d: 2.) 20, (d: 27.) Made and summoned as Marquess of Suffolk, 23, (d. 21.) 25, (d. 24.) summoned, as Duke of Suffolk, 27, (d: 24.) 28, (d. 26.) H. 6. John, Duke thereof summoned, 49, (d: 6.) H. 6. 6, (d: 1.) 9, (d: 3.) 12, (d: 41.) 22, & 23, (d: 10.) E. 4.
  • Surrey, John de Warrenna, Earl thereof summoned, 23, (d: 9.) 27, (d: 9. 16. 18.) 28, (d: 3. 17) 30, (d: 8. 13.) 34, (d: 2.) E. 1. 1, (d: 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d: 11. 14. 20.) 3, (d: 16. 17.) 5, (d: 11. 17. 25.) 6, (d: 3. 31.) 7, (d: 16, 27.) 8, (d: 29. 35.) 9, (d: 22.) 11, (d: 8. 12. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d: 13.) 14, (d: 5. 29.) 15, (d: 16.) 17, (d: 27.) 18, (d: 15. 21. 34.) 20, (d: 4.) E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d: 11. 16.) 2, (d: 11. 15. 23. 31.) 4, (d: 13. 32. 42.) 5, (d: 7. 25.) 6, (d: 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p: 2. d: 3.) 8, (d: 18.) 9, (d: 8. 28.) 10, (d: 1. 5.) 11, (p: 1. d: 8. 15. p: 2. d: 11. 40.) 13, (p: 2. d: 1. 28.) 14, (p. 1. d. 23. 33.) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39. p. 2. d. 13. 22.) 17, (p. 1. d. 25.) 18, (p. 1, d. 14.) 20, (p. 1. d. 22.) 21, (p. 1. d. 28.) E. 3. Thomas Holland, Duke of Surry, summoned, 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) 23. (d. 3.) R. 2. 1, (d. 37.) H. 4.
    V
  • UL on, Li ••• l (the Kings Son) Earl thereof summoned, 34, (d. 4.) E. 3. sent into Ireland with an Army, 35, E. 3. d. 33. 36. E. 3. d. 42.
    W
  • WAles. Edward (eldest Son of Ed. 2.) Prince of Wales, &c. summoned, 30, (d, 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33▪ (d. 10. 31.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. Edward (eldest Son of Ed. 3.) Prince of Wales, &c.) summoned, 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 26, (d. 14.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 31, (d. 2.) 34, (d. 4.) 42, (d. 22.) 44. (d. 1.) 46, (d. 9. 10.) 47, (d. 13.) E. 3. Richard, `Prince of Wales (styled the Kings Son, though his Grandchild only) summoned, 50, (p. 2. d. 6.) E. 3. Henry Prince of Wales, &c. summoned 1 2, (p. 1. d. 3.) 3. (d. 17.) 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 4.) 7, (d. 30.) 9, 11, (d. 32.) 12, (d. 2.) 14, (d. 22.) H. 4. Edward (eldest Son of E. 4.) Prince of Wales summoned, 22, & 23. (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • Warenne, John, Earl thereof summoned, 23, (d. 3.) 24, (d. 7.) E. 1.
  • Warwick; William de Bello-campo (Beauchamp, Earl thereof summoned, 23, (d. 3. 9.) 24, (d. 7.) 25, (d. 25. E. 1. Guido de Bello Campo, Earl thereof summoned, 27, (d. 16. 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2) 33, (d. 21.) 35, (d. 13.) E. 1. 1, (d. 11. 19) 2, (d. 11. 14. 20) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 4, (d. 1▪) 5, (d. 11. 17. 25.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 17.) 8, (d. 35. E. 2. Thomas de Bello-campo, Earl thereof summoned, 4, (d. 13. 32. 41.) 5, (p. 1. d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7.) 6, (d. 9. 19. 24 36. 7, (p. 2. d. 32.) 1 , (p. 2. d. 1. 28.) 14, (p. 1. d. 33.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) 17, (p. 1. d. 14.) 21, (p. 1. d. 32. p. 2. d. 3. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 26, (p. 1. d. 14.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 31, (d. 21.) 32, (d. 14.) 34, (d. 4.) 36, (d. 16.) 42, (d. 22. 34, (d. 24.) 44, (d. 1.) 46, (d. 4.) 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50, (p. 2. d. 6.) E. 3. 1. (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. 37.) 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d. 46.) 10. (d. 42.) 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d. 42. 15, (d. 37.) 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d 30.) 18, (d. 23.) 20, (p. 1 d. 15.) 23▪ (d. 3.) R. 2. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (p. 1. d. 3.) H. 4. Richard, Earl thereof summoned▪ 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p▪ 2. d. 4.) 6, 7, (d. 30.) 9, (d. .) 11, (d. 32.) 12, (d. 2.) 14, (d. 22.) H. 4. 1, (d. 9, 37) 2, (d. 16.) 4, (d, 16.) 8, (d. 2.) H. 5. 1, (d. 22.) 2, (d. 18,) 3, (d. 3.) 6, (d. 4.) 7, (d. 2.) 10, (d. 10.) 11, (d. 10.) 13, (d. 2.) 15, (d. 18.) 29, (d. 41.) 31, (d. 36.) 33, (d. 36.) 49, (d. 6.) H. 6. 1, (d. 31.) 2, (d. 3.) 6, (d. 1.) 9, (d. 3.) E. 4.
  • Westmorland, Ralf de Nevill, Earl thereof summoned, 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) 23, (d. 3.) R. 2. 1, (d. 37.) 2, p. 1. d. 3.) 3, (d. 17.) 5, (p. 1, 28. p. 2. d. 4.) 6, 7, (d. 30.) 8, (d. 2.) 11, (d. 32.) 12, (d. 2.) 14, (d. 22.) H. 4. 1, (d. 5. 37.) 2, (d. 16.) 3 (d. 15.) 4, (d. 16.) 5, (d. 11.) 7, (d. 9.) 8, (d. 2.) 9, (d. 13.) H. 5. 1. (d. 22) 2, (d. 26.) 3, (d. 9) 7, (d. 2.) 9, (d. 18,) 10, (10.) 11, (d. 10.) 12, (d. 1.) 13, (d. 2.) 15, (d. 18) 18, (d. 33.) 20, (d. 27.) 23, (d. 21.) 25, (d. 24.) 27, (d. 24.) 28, (d, 26.) 29, (d. 41.) 31, (d. 36.) 33, (d. 36.) 38, (d. 30.) 49, (d. 6.) H. 6. 1, (d. 35.) 2, (d. 3.) 6, (d. 1.) 9, (d. 3.) 12, (d. 41.) 22, & 23, (d. 16.) E. 4.
  • Wigorne, Worcester, Thomas de Percy, Earl thereof summoned, 23, (d. 3.) R. 2.) 1, (d. 37.) 2, (p. 1. d. 3.) 3, (d. 17.) Richard, Earl thereof summoned, 8, (d. 2.) H. 5. John, Earl thereof summoned, 28, (d. 26.) 29. (d. 41.) 31, (d. 36.) 33, (d. 36.) H. 6. 2, (d. 3.) E. 4. Edward Tibetot, Earl thereof summoned, 6, (d. 4.) E. 4.
  • Wilts, Wiltshire, Wiltes, James, Earl thereof summoned, 28. (d. 26.) 29, (d. 41.) 31, (d. 36.) 33, (d. 36.) 38, (d. 30.) H. 6. John, Earl thereof summoned, 12, (d. 41.) E. 4.
  • Winton, Winchester, Hugh le Dispencer, Earl thereof summoned, 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 5. 15. 21. 34.) 19, (d. 27.) E. 2.
    Y
  • YOrk, Edmond, Duke thereof summoned, 9, (d. 45.) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d. 42.) 15▪ (d. 37.) 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d. 3. 30.) 20, (p. 1. d. 15.) 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) 23, (d. 3.) R. 2. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (p. 1. d. 3.) 3, (d. 17.) 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 4.) 7, (d. 30.) 8, (d. 2.) H. 4. Edward, Duke thereof summoned, 9, (d. .) 11, (d. 26.) 12, (d. 3.) H. 4. 1, (d. 9. 37.) 2, (d. 16.) H. 5. Richard Duke thereof summoned, 11, (d. 10) 13, (d. 2.) 18, (d. 3.) 20, (d. 27.) 23, (d. 21.) 25, (d. 24.) 27, (d. 24.) 29, (d. 41.) 31, (d. 36.) 33, (d. 36) H. 6.

An Exact Alphabetical and Chronological Table of all the Temporal Lord's, Ba ons, Viscounts and Great Men summoned to Parliaments and Great Councils in England, from 49. H. 3. till 23. E. 4. with the years, dorses of the Clause Rolls in each Kings Reign, and Numbers of the Parliaments to which they were summoned; p. in the Parenthesis, signifying the part of the Clause Roll of the year next before it, d. the dorse, and the figures following it the membrances and dorses wherein they are registered.

    A
  • Gllbert de Acton summond, 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) E. 3. William de Acton, 33, (d. 10.) E. 3.
  • John ab Adam, 25, (d. 25.) 27, (d. 6. 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33. (d. 21.) 34, (d, 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 14. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) E. 2. Elias de Albiniac , 23, (d. 3. 9.) 24, (d. 7.) 25, (d. 25.) E. 1. Richard de Aldeburgh, summoned, 6, (d. 4.) E. 3. William de Aldeburge, Aldeburgh, 44, (d. 12.) Chival r, 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50, (p. 2. d. 6.) E. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. (d. 37.) 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d. 45.) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d. 24.)
  • Ald thleg , Ald thleg, See Andeley.
  • Almaric de Sancto Amando (St. Amand) summoned, 28, (d. 3. 7.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) 35, (d. 13.) E. 1. 1, (d. 11, 13. 20.) 3, (d. 5. 16.) 4, (d. 1.) E: 2. John de Sancto Amando, summoned, 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22,) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 5. 21. 34.) 19, (d. 27.) E. 2. Almari de Sancto Amando, 44, (d. 12.) 46, (d. 9. 10. 11.) 47, (d. 13.) 49 (d. 4. 6.) 50, (p. 2. d. 6.) E. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. 37.) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d. 42.) 15, (d. 37.) 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d. 30.) 18, (d. 23.) 20, (p. 1. d. 15.) 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) 23, (d. 3.) R. 2. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (p. 1. d.) 3, (d. 17.) H. 4.
  • Aabert de Arcedekne (Archedeacon) Erc dekn , Lercedekne, summoned, 14, (d. 5.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 18, (d. 34.) E. 2. Thomas de Arcedekne, &c. summoned, 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 34) E. 2. John Arcedekne, Lercedekne, summoned, 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) E. 3.
  • Philip de Arcy, summoned, 28, (d. 17.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) E. 1. See Darcy.
  • R gniald de Argentine, summoned, 25, (d. 25.) E. 1.
  • John de Arundel, summoned, 1, (d. 37,) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) R. 2. John de Arundel, de Arundel Chiva er▪ summoned, 7, (d. 2.) H. 6. Thomas Arundel de Mountravers, Chival r▪ summond, 22, and 23, (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • Nicholas de Astele, or Asteley, summoned, 30▪ (d. 8.) E. 1. 2, (d. 11. 20.) 3, (d. 17.) E. 2. Thomas de Astele, summoned, 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) 33, (d. 10.) E. 3.
  • Gilbert de Aton, summoned, 18, (d. 21.) E. 2. William de Aton, 45, (d. 3.) E. 3.
  • Nicholas de Aldithlegh, Aldethly, A dels, A dely, Daudele (thus variously written)▪ summoned, 25, (d. 25.) E. 1. 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) Junior, 11, (d. 8. 14.) E. 2.
  • Hugh de A dely Daudeley, senior, summoned, 11, (d. 12.) 14, (d. 5.) 22, (d. 4.) E. 2. Hugh de A dele, (Daudely) Junior, and without addition) 11, (d. 8. 12. (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d, 5. 29.) E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 11. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) 3, (d: 19.) 4, (d. 11. 23. 33. 41.) 5, (p. 1. d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7.) 6, (d. 9. 19 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d. 8. 28.) E. 3. James de A dele, Daudeley, summoned, 4, (d. 13. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p: 2. d: 9.) 9, (d. 8. 28.) 10, (d: 1. 5.) 11, (p: 2. d: 11. 40.) 12, (p: 2. d: 32.) 13, (p: 2. d: 1. 28.) 14, (p: 2. d: 23. 33.) 15, (p. 1: d: 37.) 16, (p: 1. d: 39.) 17, (p: 1. d: 25.) 18, (p: 1. d: 14.) 24, (p: 1. d: 3.) 25, (p: 1. d. 5.) 26, (d: 14.) 27, (d: 12.) (de Helegh) 33, (d: 10.) 34, (d: 35.) 36, (d. 16.) 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d: 2.) 44, (d: 1.) 46, (d: 9. 10. 11.) 47, (d. 13.) E. 3. 1, (d: 37.) 2, (d: 13. 29) 3, (d: 32.) 4, (d: 32.) 5, (d: 40.) 6, (d: 44.) 7, (d: 37,) 8, (d: 35.) 9, (d: 45.) 10, (d: 42.) 11, (d: 24.) R: 2. Nicholas de Audeley (de Helegh) 11, (d: 13.) R: 2. Richard de Audeley de Helegh, 12, (d: 42.) 13, (d: 5.) 4, (d: 42.) 15, (d: 37.) R. 2. James de A deley 8, (d: 2.) H. 5.) 1, (d: 22.) 2, (d. 18.) Chivaler, 3, (d: 9.) 4, (d: 15.) 5. (d: 4.) 7. (d: 2.) 9, (d. 18.) 10, (d: 10.) 11, (d: 10) 12, 13, (d: 2.) 15, (d: 18.) 18, (d▪ 33.) 20. (d: 37.) 23, (d: 21.) 25, (d: 24.) 27, (d: 24.) 28, (d: 26.) 29, (d: 41.) 31, (d: 36) 33, (d: 36.) H. 6. John de Audeley Chivaler, 49, (d: 6.) H: 6. Armiger, 1, (d: 35.) Chivaler, 2, (d: 3.) 6▪ (d: 1.) 12, (d: 41.) 22, & 23. (d: 10.) E. 4.
    B
  • THomas Baco n, summoned, 6, (d: 4.) E. 3.
  • Bartholomew de Badlesmore, summoned, 3, (d: 17.) 5▪ (d: 11. 17. 25.) 6, (d: 3. 31.) 7, (d: 27.) 8, (d. 23. 35.) 9, (d: 22.) 11, (d: 8. 14.) 12, (d: 12. 29.) 13, (d: 13.) 14, (d: 5. 29.) E. 2. Giles de Badlesmore, summoned, 9▪ (d: 8.) 10, (d: 1. 5.) 11, (p: 1. d: 8. p: 2. d: 40.) E. 3.
  • Alexander de Balliolo, summoned, 28, (d: 3. 17.) 30, (d: 8. 13.) 32, (d▪ 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34▪ (d: 2.) E. 1. Roger de Bane t, Bane t, summoned, 6, (d: 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d: 29. 35.) 9, (d: 22.) 10, (d: 11. 29.) 11, (d: 8. 14.) 13, (d: 13.) 14, (d: 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) E. 2. 6, (d: 49. 19. 36.) 7, (p: 2. d. 3.) 8, (d: 18.) 9, (d: 28.) E. 3.
  • Hugh Bardolfe, 27, (d: 16. 18.) 28, (d: 3.) 30, (d: 8. 13.) E. 1. Thomas Bardolfe, 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d: 11. 20.) 3, (d: 16. 17.) 4, (d: 1.) 5, (d: 11. 17. 25.) 6, (d: 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d: 29. 35.) 9, (d: 32.) 11, (d: 8. 14.) 12, (d: 11. 29.) 13, (d: 13.) 14, (d: 5. 29.) 19, (d. 29.) 20, (d: 4.) E. 2. 1, (p: 2. d. 11. 16.) 2, (d: 15. 23. 31.) 3, (d: 19.) 4, (d: 13. 32. 41.) John Bardolfe, 9, (d. 8. 28.) 10, (d: 1. 5.) 11, (p. 1. d: 8. 15. p. 2. d. 11. 40.) 12, (p. 2. d. 32.) 13, (p. 2. d. 1. 28.) 14, (p. 1. d: 23. 33.) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 17, (p 1. d. 25.) 18, (p. 1. d. 14.) 20, (p. 2. d. 22.) 21, (p. 2. d. 9.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) 24, (p. 1. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 26, (d. 14.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 7. 8.) 31, (d. 2. 31.) 32, (d. 14.) 34, (d. 4▪) E. 3. John Bardolfe de Wyrnegen, 33, (d. 10.) 34 (d. 35.) 36, (d. 16.) 37, (d. 22.) E. 3. William de Bardolfe, 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50, (p. 3. d. 6.) E. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d: 32.) 4, (d: 32.) 5, (d: 40.) 6, (d: 37.) 7, (d: 10. 37.) 8, (d: 35.) 9, (d: 45.) R. 2. Thomas Bardolfe de Wyni sgy, 14, (d. 42.) 15, (d. 37.) 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d. 30.) 20, (p. 1. d. 17.) 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) 23, (d. 3.) R. 2. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (p. 1. d. 3.) 3, (d. 17.) 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 4.) H. 4.
  • Mr. John Barnet, 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Ralph Basset de Sapcote, 49, (d. 11). H. 3.
  • Richard Basset de Wilden, Wileden, 25, (d. 25.) 27. (d. 18.) E. 1.
  • Ralph Basset de Drayton (sometimes styled Senior, 23, (d. 9.) 27, (d. 16. 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33. (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) 35, (d. 13.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 14. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 4, (d. 1.) 5, (d. 11. 17. 25.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 26. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) , (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27) 20, (d. 4.) E. 2. 1, (p. 1. d. 6. 11.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) 3, d. 19.) 4, (d. 13. 23. 32. 41.) 5, (p. 1. d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7.) 6, (d. 49. 19. 36.) 7, p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d. 8▪ 28) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (p. 1. d. 8. 15. p. 2. d. 11. 40.) 12, (p. 2. d. 32.) 13, ( p. 2. d. 1. 28.) 14, (p. 2. d. 23. 33.) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39. P. 2. d. 13. 22.) E. 3. Ralph Basset de Drayton, 31, (d. 2.) 32, (d. 14.) 34, (d. 4.) 37, (d. 32.) 38▪ (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2.) 42▪ (d. 22.) 43, (d. 24.) 44▪ (d. 1.) 46, (d. 9.) E. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29) 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. 37.) 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d. 35.) 9. (d. 45.) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d. 5.) R. 2.
  • Sinon Basset, 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Ralph Basset de Sapco e, 44, (d. 1.) 46, (d. 9.) E. 3.
  • Robert Baynard, 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) E. 2. 3, (d. 19.) E. 3.
  • Nicholas de Beche, 16. (p. 1. d. 36.) 49, (d. 6.) E. 3.
  • John de Be e, 23, (d. 4. 9.) 24, (d. 7.) E. 1.
  • John de Beke-campo, (Beauchamp) usually styled de Somerset, 25, (d. 25.) 27, (d. 16▪ 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 26.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 4, (d. 1.) 5, (d. 11. 17. 25.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 24. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16. (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 5. 21. 34.) 19, (d. 27.) 20, (d. 4.) E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 6. 11.) 2▪ (d. 15. 23. 31.) 4, (d. 13. 23. 32. 41.) 5, (p. 1. d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7.) 6, (d. 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 12.) 9, (d. 8. 28.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (p. 1. d. 8.) 15. (p. 2. d. 11. 40.) 12, (p. 2. d. 32.) 13, (p. 2. d. 1. 28.) 14. (p. 2. d. 23. 33.) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) 17, (p. 1. d, 25.) 21, (p. 1. d. 5.) 26, (d. 14.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 25.) 29, (d. 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 33, (d. 10▪) 34, (d. 4.) E. 3.
  • Giles de Bello-campo, 20, (d. 4.) E. 2.
  • John de Bello-campo de Warwick, 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 8.) 31, (d. 21.) E. 3.
  • Roger de Bello-campo, 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2.) 42, (d. 22.) 43, (d. 24.) 44, (d. 1.) 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50, (p. 2. d. 6.) E. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) R. 2.
  • John Beauchamp de Kidderminster 11, (d. 24.) R. 2.
  • William Beauchamp de Burgavenny, 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d. 30.) 18, (d. 23.) 20, (p. 1. d. 15.) 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) 23, (d. 3.) R. 2. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (p. 1. d. 3.) 3, (d. 17.) 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 4.) 7, (d. 30.) 8, (d. 2.) 9, (d.) 11, (d. 32.) H. 4.
  • William Beauchamp DOMINUS de Sto. Amando, 27, (d. 24.) Miles 29, (d. 41.) 31, (d. 36.) 33, (d. 36) H. 6.
  • John Beauchamp Miles, Dominus de Beauchamp, 27, (d. 24.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 41.) 31, (d. 36.) 33, (d. 36.) 38, (d. 36.) 49, (d. 6.) H. 6. 1, (d. 35.) 2, (d. 3.) 6, (d. 1.) 9, (d. 4.) 12, (d. 41.) E. 4. Richard Beauchamp de Beauchamp Miles, 22, and 23, (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • Henry de Bello-monte (Beaumont) sum. 2, (d. 11. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 4▪ (d. 1.) 5, (d. 11.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 18. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12▪ (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 5. 21. 34.) 20, (d. 4.) E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 11. 16.) 2. (d. 15. 23. 31.) 5, (p. 1. d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 9. 19. 36.) E. 3. John de Bellomonte, 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) E. 3. Henry de Bellomonte, 36, (d. 16.) 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2.) E. 3. John de Bellomonte, 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d. 46.) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d. 42.) 15, (d. 37.) 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d. 30.) R. 2. Henry de Bellomonte, 7, (d. 30.) 8, (d. 8.) 11, (d. 32.) 12, (d. 2.) 14, (d. 22.) H. 4. 1, (d. 37.) John Beamont, Miles 10, (d. 10.) 11, (d. 10.) 13, (d. 2.) 14, 15, (d. 18.) 18, (d. 33.) Vicont de Beamond, 20, (d. 27.) 23, (d. 21.) 25, (d. 24.) 27, (d. 24.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 41) 31, (d. 36.) 33, (d. 36.) 38, (d. 30.) H. 6.
  • Robert de Benhall, 33, (d. 10.) 34, (d. 3 .) E. 3.
  • William de Berisford, 8, (d. 35.) E. 2.
  • Thomas de Berkelegh, Berkele, Berkeley, Berkely (thus variously written) 23, (d. 4. 9.) 24, (d. 7.) 25, (d. 25.) 27, (d. 16 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 10. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) 35, (d. 13.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 14. 26.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 4 (d. 1.) 5, (d. 11. 17.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 17.) 8 (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) E. 2. Thomas de Berkele, Berkeley, 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d. 9. 23. 32. p. 2. d. 7.) 9, (d. 8. 28.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (p. 1. d. 8. 15. p. 2. d. 40.) 12, (p. 2. d. 32.) 13, (p. 2. d. 1. 28.) 14 (p. 1. d. 23. 43.) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) 17, (p. 1. d. 25.) 18, (p. 1. d. 14.) 20▪ (p. 2. d. 22.) 21, (p. 2. d. 9.) 22, (p. 1. d. 32. p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 26, (d. 14.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 8.) 31, (d. 2.) 34, (d. 4. 35.) E. 3.
  • Maurice de Berkeley, 2, (d. 1. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 4, (d. 19.) 5, (d. 25.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16, 27) 8, (d. 23. 35.) 9, (d. 32.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) E. 2. Maurice de Berkele, Berkeley, 16, (p. 1. d. 36.) 36, (d. 16.) 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2.) 42, (d. 22.) E. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d. 32.) R. 2.
  • Thomas de Berkeley, Barkeley. 4, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. 37.) 7, (d. 37.) 8, (d. 35.) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d. 13. 24.) Chivaler:) 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d 42.) 15, (d. 37.) 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d. 30.) 18, (d. 23.) 20, (p. 1. d. 15.) de Berkeley, 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) 23, (d. 3.) R. 2. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (p. 1. d. 3.) 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 4.) 7, (d. 30.) 8, (d. 2.) 11, (d. 32.) 12, (d. 2.) 14, (d. 22.) H. 4. 1, (d. 33.) 2, (d. 16.) 3, (d. 15.) 4, (d. 16.) H. 5.
  • James de Berkele, Berkel y, 9, (d. 13.) H. 5. 1, (d. 22.) Chivaler, 3, (d: 9.) 4▪ (d: 15.) 5, (d: 4.) 7, (d: .) 9▪ (d: 18.) 10, (d: 10.) 11, (d. 10.) 13, (d. 2.) 15, (d: 18.) 18, (d. 33.) 20, (d. 27.) 23, (d. 21.) 25, (d. 24.) 27, (d. 24.) 28, (d. 26.) 29▪ (d. 41.) 31, (d. 38.) 33, (d. 36.) 38, (d. 30.) H. 6. 1, (d. 35.) 2, (d. 3.) E. 4.
  • Richard Berkeley, 3, (d. 9.) H. 6. William de Berkeley, Chivaler, 49, (d. 6.) H. 6. 6, (d. 1.) 12, (d. 14.) Vicou •• Berkeley, 22, and 23, (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • John de Berners, Chivaler. 49, (d. 6.) H. 6. 7▪ (d. 3.) 8, (d. 1.) 9, (d. 3.) . 4.
  • Roger Bertram, 49. (d. 11.) H. 3.
  • Thomas le Blo •• te, Blount, 1, (p: 2. d. 11. 16.) 2, (d. 23. 31.) E. 3.
  • William le Blount, Blunt, 4, (d. 13. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 4. 19. 36.) 7, (p: 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d. 8, 28.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (p. 1. d. 8. 11. 2. d. 40.) E. 3. Walter Blunt de Mountjoy, Chivaler, 6, (d. 1.) 9, (d. 3.) 12, (d. 41.) E. 4. John Blount de Mountjoy, 22, & 23, Chivaler (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • Henry de Bodrigan, 3, (d. 17.) E. 2.
  • John de Boh n, 33, (d. 10.) de Mid urst, 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2.) E. 2.
  • William Boneville, Bonevile, DOMINUS de Bonevile & de Chaton Miles, 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 41.) 31, (d. 36.) 33, (d. 36.) 38, (d. 3.) H. 6.
  • William de B tera •• x, Botreaux, 43, (d. 22.) 44, (d. 1.) 46, (d. 9.) 47, (d. 13.) 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50, (p. 1. d. 6.) E. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) Chir. 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d. 45.) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d. 24.) 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d. 42.) 15, (d. 37.) R. 2. John de 〈◊〉 , 8, (d. 35.) R. 2. William de Botreaux 14, (d. 22.) H. 4. 1, (d. 9. 37.) 2, (d. 16.) 3, (d.) 4, (d. 16.) 5, (d. 11.) 7, (d. 9.) 8, (d. 2.) 9, (d. 13.) H. 5. 1, (d. 22.) 2, (d. 1 .) Chivaler, 3, (d. 9.) 4, (d. 15.) 5, (d. 4.) 7, (d. 2.) , (d. 18.) 10, (d. 10.) 11, (d. 10.) 13, (d. 2.) 15, (d. 1 .) 18, (d. 33.) 20, (d▪ 27.) 23, (d. 21.) 25, (d. 24.) 27, (d. 24.) 28. (d. 26.) 29, (d. 41.) 31, (d. 36.) 33, (d. 36.) 38, (d. 30.) H. 6. 1, (d. 35.) E. 4.
  • John Bo •• tourte, Butet urte, 〈…〉 , 33, (d. 3. 8.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8.) 2, (d. 11. 14. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 4, (d. 1.) 5, (d. 11. 17. 25.) , (d. 3. 3 .) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 31.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 2 ) 13, (d. 13.) 14. (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17▪ (d. 27.) 18, (d. 34.) 20, (d. 4) E. 2. John 〈…〉 , 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) de Byley , 32, (d. 14.) 42, (d. 22.) 44, (d. 1.) 46, (d. 9, 10. 11.) 47, (d. 13.) 49, (d. 6.) 50, (p. 2. d. 6.) E. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. 37.) 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d. 45.) R. 2.
  • William de Botiler, Botiller, Butiller, Butiler, 23, (d. 4. .) 24, (d. 7.) de W rington, 25, (d. 25.) 27, (d. 18.) E. 1. De 〈◊〉 , 1, (d. 8.) 2, (d. 11. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 4, (d. 1.) 5, (d. 11. 17.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14▪ (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 5. 21. 34.) 19, (d. 27.) E. 2. William Botiller de 〈◊〉 , 42, (d. 22.) 43, (d. 24.) E. 3. Rad lph de Botiler, Chivaler, 20, (d. 27.) de Sutley, de sudely, 23, (d. 21.) 25, (d. 24.) 27, (d. 24.) 28, (d. 28.) 29, (d. 41.) 31, (d. 36.) 33, (d. 36.) 38, (d. 30.) 49, (d. 6.) H. 6. 1, (d. 35.) 2, (d. 3.) 6, (d. 1.) 9, (d. 3.) 12, (d. 41.) E. 4.
  • John B urgohier, Bourgh hier, 4, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. 37.) 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d: 35.) 9, (d. 45.) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d. 3.) 14, (d. 42.) 15▪ (d. 37.) 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d. 30.) 18, (d. 23.) 20, (p: 1. d: 15.) 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) 21, (p. 1. d▪ 3.) R. 2. 1▪ (d: 37.) H: 4. 〈…〉 . 2.) 15▪ (d. 18.) 18, (d. 33.) de Bourghchier Chivaler, 23, (d. 31.) Viscount Burghehier, (yet still lifted towards the end of the Barons, for the most part) 25, (d. 24.) 27, (d. 24.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 41.) 31, (d. 36.) 33, (d. 36.) 38, (d. 30.) H. 6. Henry Bourghchier de Crumwel Chivaler, 49, (d. 8.) H. 6.
  • William Bourghchier, Miles Dominus Fitzwarren, 27, (d. 24.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 41.) 31, (d. 36.) 33, (d. 36.) 38, (d. 30.) H. 6. 1, (d. 35.) 2, (d. 3.) 6, (d. 1.) 9, (d. 3.) E. 4. Fulco Bourghchier, de Fitzwarren Chivaler, 12, (d. 41.) E. 4.
  • John Bourghchier de B ruers Chivaler, 33, (d. 36.) 38, (d. 30.) 49, (d. 6.) H. 6. 1, (d. 35.) 2, (d. 3.) 6, (d. 1.) 9, (d. 3.) 12, (d. 41.) E. 4. See Berners.
  • Humfrey Bourghchier de Cromwell Chivaler, 9, (d. 3.) E. 4.
  • Thomas de Bradeston, 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) 21, (p. 2. d. 9.) 22, (p. 1. d. 32. p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 7. 8.) 31, (d. 2. 29.) 34, (d. 35.) E. 3.
  • Gerard Braybrook, 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • William de Brewosa, Brenosa, Brewes, 25, (d. 25.) 28, (d. 9. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 12.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 31.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11▪ 19.) 2, (d. 11. 14. 21.) 3, (d. 10.) 6, (d. 11. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11, 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) E. 2. Thomas de Brewosa, de Brewes, 16, (p. 1. d, 39. p. 2. d. 13.) 22, (p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) 26, (d. 14.) 27, (d. 12.) 32, (d. 14.) 33, (d. 10.) E. 3.
  • Guido de Brian, Bryan, 24, (p. 1. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 26, (d. 14.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 7. 8.) 31, (d: 2. 21.) 34, (d. 4.) 36, (d. 16.) 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2.) 42. (d. 22.) 43, (d. 24.) 44, (d. 1.) 46. (d. 3.) 47, (d. 13.) 49, (d. 4. 5.) 50, (p. 2. d. 6.) E. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. 37.) 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d. 45.) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12▪ (d. 42.) R. 2.
  • Henry Bron fleet, Miles, BARO de Vesey, Vess y, 27, (d. 24.) Dominus de Vesey, Vessey, 28, (d. 26) 29, (d. 41.) 31, (d. 36.) 33, (d. 36.) 38, (d. 30.) H. 6. 1, (d. 35.) 2, (d. 3.) 6, (d. 1.) E. 4.
  • Edward Brook de Cobham, Chivaler, 23, (d. 21.) 25, (d. 24.) 27, (d. 24.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 41.) 31, (d: 36.) 33, (d. 36.) 38, (d. 30.) H. 6. 1, (d. 35.) 2. (d. 3.) E. 4. John Brook de Cobham, Chivaler, 12, (d. 41.) 22, & 23, (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • Maurice de Brun, Brunne, 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16, 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) E. 2.
  • R bert de Brus, 23, (d. 4. 9.) 24, (d. 7.) 25, (d. 25.) E. 1.
  • John Bucton, 49, (d. 4.) E. 3.
  • Ralph de Bulmer, Bulmere, 16, (p. 2. d. 39.) 18, (p. 1. d: 14.) 21, (p. 2. (d. 9.) 22, (p. 1. d. 32. p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) E. 3.
  • William de Burgh, 1, (p. 2. d. 11.) 2, (d. 31.) E. 3.
  • Robert de Burghershe, 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. Bartholomew de Burghershe, 4, (d. 13. 23. 32. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7.) 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d: 8. 18.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (p. 1. d. 8. 15. p. 2. d. 40.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) 18, (p. 1. d. 14.) 22, (p. 1. d: 32. p: 2. d. 7.) 23, (p: 1. d. 23.) Senior, 24, (p. 2. d: 3.) 25, (p: 1. d: 5.) 26, (d. 16.) 27, (d: 12.) 28, (d: 26.) 31, (d: 2.) 34, (d: 4.) 36, (d: 16. 42.) 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2.) 42, (d. 22.) E. 3.
  • Robert Burghersh, 16, (p: 1. d: 39.) 22, (p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d: 23.) E. 3.
  • Edmund Burnel, 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) E. 2. Nicholas Burnel, 24, (p: 2. d: 3.) 25, (p: 1. d. 5.) 28, (d. 28.) 29, (d. 7. 8.) 31, (d: 2. 21.) 36, (d. 10.) 37, (d. 32.) 38, (d. 22.) 39, (d. 2.) 44, (d. 1.) 46, (d. 9.) 47, (d. 13.) 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50, (p. 2. d. 9.) E. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. 37.) R. 2. Hugh Burnel, 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d. 35.) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d 42.) 15▪ (d. 37.) 16, (d. 23.) 17▪ (d. 31.) 18, ( . 23.) 20, (p. 1. d. 15.) 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) 23, (d. 3.) R. 2. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (p. 1. d. 3.) 3, (d. 17.) 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 4.) 7, (d. 30.) 8, (d. 2.) 11, (d. 32.) 12, (d. 2.) 14, (d. 22.) H. 4. 1, (d. 9. 37.) 2, (d. 16.) 3, (d. 15.) 4, (d. 16.) 5▪ (d. 11.) 7, (d. 9.) H. 5.
  • William de Burton, 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
    C
  • THomas de Cailly, 2, (d. 11. 20.) 3, (d. 17.) 4, (d. 1.) E. 2.
  • Ralph Cam ys, Camoyes de Camoyes, 49, (d. 11.) H. 3. Ralph de Cameyes, Canoyes, 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8. (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11. (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d 11. 29.) 13▪ (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 21. 34.) 19, (d. 27,) 20, (d. 4) E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 11. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31) 3. (d. 19.) 4, (d. 13. 23. 32. 41.) 5, (p. 1. d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7.) 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36) 7▪ (p. 2. d. 3) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d. 18.) E. 3.
  • John de Camoyes, 33. (d. 10.) E. 3.
  • Thomas Camoyes, Chivaler, 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d. 35.) 9, 45.) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d. 13 24.) 1 , (d. 42.) 13, (d. 3.) 14, (d. 42.) 15, (d. 37.) 16, (d. 23.) 17, ( . 30.) 18, (d. 23.) 20, (p. 1, d. 15.) 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) 23, (p. 1. d. 3.) R. . 1, (d. 37.) 2, (p. 1. d. 3.) 3, (d. 17.) 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 4.) 7, (d. 30.) 8, (d. 2.) 11, (d. 32.) 12, (d. 2.) 14, (d. 22) H. 4. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 16.) 3▪ (d. 15.) 4, (d. 16.) 5, (d. 11.) 7, (d. 9) 8, (d. 2.) H. 5.
  • 〈…〉 23, (d. 4. 9:) 24, (d. 7.) 25, (d. 25.) 28, (d: 3.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 3.) E. 1. William de Camvil, 2, (d: 11.) 4, (d. 1.) E. 2.
  • William de Cantilupo, 28, (d: 3.) 30, (d▪ 8. 13.) 32, (d. 21.) 3 , (d: 23.) 34, (d: 2.) 35, (d. 13.) E: 1. 1, (d: 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 2.) E: 2. Nicholas de Canti lupo, 9, (d. 8.) 11, (p: 1. d: 8. 15. p: 2. d: 11. 42.) 12, (p. 2. d: 3 ) 13, (p: 2. d. 1.) 14, (p: 1. d. 23. 33.) 15, (p: 1. d: 37.) 16, (p: 1. d. 39.) 17, (p: 1. d. 25.) 18, (p: 2. d. 14.) 20▪ (p: 2. d: 22.) 21, (p: 2. d. 9.) 22, (p: 1. d: 32. p: 2. d: 7.) 23, (p: 1. d. 23.) 24, (p: 2. d: 3.) 25, (p: 1. d: 5.) 28, (d. 26.) E. 3.
  • Robert de Causton, 32, (d. 14.) 33, (d. 10.) E. 3.
  • Hugh de Chasteldon, 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Peter de Channet, Champne , 28, (d. 3. 17,) 〈◊〉 1.
  • John Chaundos, 11▪ (p. 1. d. 15.) E. 3. 〈◊〉 Chaundos de Chaundos, 11, (p. 1. d. 8. p. 2. d. 40.) 12, (p. 2. d: 32.) 13, (p. 2. d. 3.) 14, (p. 1. d. 23. 33.) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 16, (p. 1 d. 39. 2. d. 22.) 17, (p. 1. d. 25.) 18, (p. 1. d. 14.) 20, (p. 1. d. 22.) 22, (p. 1. d. 32. p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) 24, (p. 1. d. .) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 7. 8.) E. 3.
  • Thomas de Chaworth, 25, (d. 25.) 27, (d. 18.) E. 1.
  • John de Charleton, (Charleton) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d: 29. 35.) 9, (p. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 5. 21. 34.) 19. (d. 27.) 20, (d. 4.) E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 11. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d. 13. 23. 32. 41.) 5, (p. 1. d. 7. 25: p. . d. 7.) 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p. 2. d: 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d: 28.) 10, (d: 15.) 11, (p: 1. d: 8. 15.) Senior, 13▪ (p. 2. d: 1. 28.) 14, (p: 1. d: 23. 33.) 15, (p: 1. d: 37.) 16, (p: 1. d: 39.) 17, (p: 1. d: 25.) 18, (p: 1. d: 14.) 20, (p: 2. d: 22.) 21, (p: 2. d: 9.) 22, (p: 1. d: 32. p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (d: 23.) 24, (p. 2. d: 3.) 25, (p: 1. d: 5.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 〈◊〉 .) 29, (d: 7. 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21) 34, (d: 4.) E. 3.
  • John de Charleton de Powi , 36, (d: 16.) 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d: 3.) 39, (d: 2.) 42, (d: 22.) 44, (d: 1.) 46, (d. 9.) 47, (d: 13.) E. 3. John de Charleton de Powys, 6, (d: 37.) 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d: 45.) 10, (d: 42.) 11, (d: 13. 24.) 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d. 3.) 14, (d. 42) 15, (d: 37.) 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d. 30.) 18, (d: 23.) 20, (p: 1. d. 15.) 21, (p: 1. d: 27.) 23, (p: 1. (d. 3.) R: 2. 1, (d: 37.) 2, (p: 2. d. 3.) H: 4. Edward Charleton de Powys, 3, (d. 17.) 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d: 4.) 7, (d: 30.) 8, (d. 7.) 11, (d: 32.) 12, (d. 2.) 14, (d: 2 .) H. 4. 1, (d. 9. 37.) 2, (d. 6.) 3, (d. 15.) 4, (d: 16.) 5, (d. 11.) 7, (d: 9.) 8, (d: 2.) H. 5.
  • Richard de Clare, 3 (d: 17.) E. 2.
  • John de Clavering, Claverings, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d: 8. 13.) 32▪ (d. 2.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 3, (d: 16. 17.) 5, (d: 11. 17. 25.) 6, (d: 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29, 35.) 9, (d: 2 .) 11, (d: 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d: 27.) 18, (d. 5. 21. 34.) 19, (d. 27.) 20, (d. 4.) E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 11. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d. 13. 23. 32.) 5, (p. 1. d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7.) E. 3.
  • Robert de Clifford, de Clyfford, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 14. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 3. 11. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) E 2. Roger de Clifford, 13, (d: 12.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) E. 2. Robert de Clifford, 1, (p. 2. d. 11.) 2, (d. 23. 31.) 4, (d. 13. 23. 32. 41.) 5, (p. 1. d: 7. 25. p: 2. d. 7.) 6, (d 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9▪ (d. 8. 18.) 16, (p. 1. d: 39.) 18, (p. 1. d: 14.) 31, (d: 2.) E: 3. Roger de Clifford, 32, (d: 14.) 34, (d: 4.) 37, (d: 22.) 38, (d: 2.) 39, (d. 2.) 42, (d: 22.) 43, (d: 24.) 44, (d: 1.) 46, (d: 9.) 47, (d: 13.) 49, (d 4. 6.) 50, (p. 1. d: 6.) E. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d: 13. 29.) 3, (d: 32.) 4. (d: 32.) 5, (d: 40.) 6, (d. 37.) 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d. 5) 9, (d: 45.) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12, (d: 42.) R. 2. Thomas Clifford, 13, (d: 5.) 14, (d. 42.) 15, (d. 37.) R. 2 John Clifford, 12, (d 2.) 14, (d: 22.) H. 4. 1, (d. 9. 37.) 2, (d. 16.) 3, (d: 15.) 4, (d. 16.) 8, (d. 2.) H. 5. John de Clifford, Chivaler, 20, (d▪ 27.) H. 6. Thomas de Clifford Chivaler, 23, (d. 21.) 25, (d: 24.) 27, (d: 24.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d: 41.) 31, (d: 36.) H. 6. William de Clifford Dominus de Clifford, 38, (d. 30.) H. 6.
  • John de Clifton, Clyften, 50, (p. 2. d. 6.) E. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d: 13. 29.) 3, (d: 32.) 4, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d: 37.) 7, (d: 37.) 8, (d: 35.) 9, (d: 45.) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d: 24.) 12, (d: 42.) R. 2. Constantine de Clifton, 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d: 30.) 18, (d: 23.) R. 2.
  • John de Clinton, 27, (d: 18.) E. 1. William de Clinton, Clynton, 4, (d: 23.) 5, (d: 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7.) 6, (d: 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p: 2. d. 3.) 8, (d: 18.) 9, (d: 8. 18.) 10, (d: 1. 5.) E. 3. John de Clynton, 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p: 2. d: 3.) 8, (d. 18.) E. 3. John de Clynton, 31, (d: 2.) 32, (d: 14.) 34, (d: 4.) 42, (d. 22.) 43, (d. 24.) 44, (d. 1.) 46, (d. 9.) 47, (d. 13.) 49, (d: 4. 6.) 50, (p. 2. d. 6.) E. 3. 1, (d: 37.) 2, (d: 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d: 32.) 5, (d: 40.) 6, (d: 37.) 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d: 35.) (9, d: 45.) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d: 13. 24.) 12, (d: 42.) 13, (d: 5.) 14, (d. 42.) 15, (d. 37.) 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d. 30.) 18, (d. 23.) 20, (p. 1. d: 15.) 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) R. 2. William de Clinton, 23, (d. 3.) R. 2. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (p. 1. d. 3.) 3, (d: 17.) 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 4.) 7, (d: 30.) 8, (d. 2.) 11, (d. 32.) 12, (d. 2.) 14, (d. 22.) H. 4. 1, (d. 9. 37.) 2, (d. 16.) 4, (d. 16.) 8, (d: 2.) 9, (d: 13.) H: 5. 1, (d: 22.) 2, (d: 18.) 3, (d. 9.) 4, (d. 15.) Chivaler, 9, (d. 18,) H. 6. John DOMINUS de Clinton, 29, (d: 41.) 33, (d: 36.) H. 6. Chivaler, 1, (d. 35.) 2, (d. 3.) E. 4.
  • Henry de Cobeham, Cobbeham, Cobham, 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d: 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 5. 21. 34.) 19, (d. 27.) 20, (d. 4:) E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 11. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d. 13. 23. 32. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d: 8. 18.) 1 , (p. 1. d. 7.) E. 3. Stephen de Cobbeham, 10, (d. 4.) E. 2. . (p: . d. 1 .) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d. 3. 23.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) , (p. 2. d. 3.) E. 3. •• ginald de Cobbeham, Cobham, 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) 11, (p. 2. d. 9.) 22, (p. 1. d. 32. p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 6.) 3 , (d. 2.) 32, (d. 14.) 34, (d. 4.) 44, (d. ▪) 46, (d. 9.) E. 3. John de Cobbeham, 6, (d. 4.) 16, (p. 2. d. 13. 22.) 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 27, (d. 14.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 7. 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21. 29.) E. 3. John de Cobbeham de Kent, 42, (d. 22.) 43, (d. 24) 44, (d. 1.) 46, (d. 11.) 47, (d. 6.) 49, (d. 4. 8.) E. 3. , (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. 37) 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d. 45.) 10, (d. 4 .) 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d. 42.) 15, (d. 37.) 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d. 30.) 18, (d. 23.) 20, (p. 1. d. 15.) 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) Chivaler, 23, (d. 3.) R. 2. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (p. 1. d. 3.) 8, (d. 17.) 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 4.) 7, (d. 0.) 8, (d. 2.) H. 4. See Old astle.
  • John Coggeshall, 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • John Cokdyn, 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Walter de Colvyll, 49, (d. 11.) H. 3.
  • Robert de Colevil, Colvil, Colvile, 16, (p. 1. d. 39. p. 2. d. 22.) 22, (p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 32, (d. 14.) 33, (d. 10.) 34, (d. 4. 35.) 36, (d. 16.) 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2.) E. 3.
  • Philip de Columbariis, 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 5. 21. 34.) 19, (d. 27.) 20, (d. 4.) E. 2. 1, (p. 1. d. 11. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 37.) 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d. 13. 23. 32. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d. 8. 18.) 11, (p. 1. d. 8. 15. p. 2. d. 11. 40.) 12, (p. 2. d. 32.) 13, (p. 2. d. 1. 28.) 14, (p. 2. d. 23. 33.) E. 3.
  • Peter Corbet, de Corbet, 23, (d. 9.) 25, (d. 25.) 27, (d. 16. 28.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 31.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 4, (d. 1.) 5, (d. 11. 17. 25.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 7. 29.) 16, (d. 16.) E. 3. Robert Corbet, 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • John Cornwall, Chivaler, 11, (d. 10.) 13, (d. 2.) 15, (d. 18.) 18, (d. 33.) 20, (d. 27.) H. 6.
  • Hugh de Courtenay, 27, (d. 16. 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 22.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 14. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 5, (d. 11. 17. 25.) 6, (d. 11. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 5. 21. 34.) 19, (d. 27.): 20, (d. 4.) E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 11. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d. 13. 23. 32. 41.) 5, (p. 1. d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7) 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 28.) E. 3.) Hugh de Courtenay Junior, 11, (p. 1. d. 8. 15.) E. 3. Hugh de Courtenay le Fitz. 44, (d. 4.) E. 3.
  • Craystocke, See Graystocke.
  • William de Cressey, 15, (d. 25.) E. 1.
  • John de Cretings, 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) E. 3.
  • John de Crombewel, Crumbewel, Crumwel, 1, (d. 8) 2, (d. 11. 14. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 5, (d. 11. 15.) 14, (d. 5.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 5. 21. 34.) 20, (d. 4.) E. 2. 1, (p: 2. d. 11. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) 3, (d: 19.) 4, (d: 13. 23, 32. 41.) 5, (p. 1. d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7.) 6, (d. 9. 13. 36.) 7, (p: 2. d. 7.) 8, (d: 18.) 9, (d. 18.) E. 3. Ralph de Crumbewel, Chivaler, 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50, (p. 2. d. 6.) E. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d: 32.) 4, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d: 37.) 7, (d: 10. 37.) 8, (d: 35.) 9, (d: 45.) 10, (d: 42.) 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12, (d: 42.) 13, (d: 5.) 14, (d: 42.) 15, (d: 37.) 16, (d: 23.) 17, (d: 30.) 18, (d: 23.) 20, (p. 1. d: 15.) 21, (p. 1. d: 27) 23, (d. 3.) R. 2. 1, (d: 37.) 2, (p. 1. d: 3.) 3, (d. 17.) 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p: 2. d: 4.) 7, (d. 30.) 8, (d. 2.) 11, (d. 32.) 12, (d: 2.) 14, (d. 22.) H. 4. 1, (d: 9. 37.) 2, (d. 16.) 3, (d. 15.) 4, (d: 16.) H. 5. Ralph Crombewel, Chivaler, 1, (d: 22.) 2, (d: 18.) 3, (d: 9.) 4, (d. 15.) 5, (d. 4.) 7, (d: 2.) 9, (d. 18) 10, (d. 10.) 11, (d. 10.) 13, (d: 2.) 15, (d: 18.) 18, (d: 33.) 20, (d. 27.) 23, (d. 21.) 25, (d: 24.) 27, (d: 23.) 28, (d: 26.) 29, (d: 41.) 31, (d: 36.) 33, (d: 36.) H. 6. Humfrey, Dominus Crombewel, 2, (d: 3.) 6, (d: 1.) E. 4.
  • Nicholas de Cryoll, 25, (d. 25.) E. 1.
  • Simon de Cudington, 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
    D
  • RAnulph, Ralph de Dacre, 14, (d. 5.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 21. 34.) 20, (d: 4.) E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 16.) 2, (d: 15. 23. 31.) 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d: 23. 32. 41.) 5, (p: 1. d. 7. 25. p: 2. d. 7.) 6, (d. 9. 19. 36.) 7 (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d. 8. 18.) 10, (d: 1. 5.) 12, (p: 2. d. 32.) E. 3. William de Dacre, 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 7. 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 34, (d: 4.) E. 3.
  • Ralph de Dacre 34, (d: 16.) 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d: 3.) 39, (d. 2.) 42, (d. 22.) 43, (d. 24.) 44, (d. 1.) 46, (d. 9.) 47, (d. 13.) E. 3. Hugh de Dacre, Chivaler, 50, (p: 2. d. 6) E. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. 37.) 7, (d. 27.) R. 2. William de Dacre, 7, (d. 10. 31.) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d. 45.) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d. 13. 24) 12, (d. 42) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d. 42.) 15, (d. 37.) 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d. 30.) 18, (d. 23.) 20, (p. 1. d. 15.) 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) 23, (d. 3.) R. 2. 1, (d: 37.) 2, (p. 1. d. 3.) 3, (d. 17.) 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 4.) H. 4.
  • Thomas de Dacre de Gisland, 1, (d. 9. 37.) 2, (d. 16.) 3, (d. 15.) 4, (d. 10.) 5, (d. 11.) 7, (d. 9.) 8, (d. 2.) 9, (d. 14.) H. 5. 1, (d. 22.) 2, (d. 18.) 3, (d. 9.) 4, (d. 16.) 5, (d. 4.) 7, (d. 2.) Chivaler, 9, (d. 18.) 10, (d. 10.) 11, (d. 10.) 13, (d. 2.) 15, (d. 18.) 18, (d. 33.) 20, (d. 27.) 23, (d. 21.) 25, (d. 20.) 27, (d. 24.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 41.) 31, (d: 36.) 33, (d: 31.) H. 6. Reginald Dacre de Gisland, Chivaler, 38, (d. 30.) H. 6. Humfrey Dacre de Gisland, 22, and 23, (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • Thomas de Dagworth, 21, (p. 2. d. 9.) 22, (p. 1. d. 32.) E. 3.
  • Roger Damory, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 15. 29.) E: 2. Richard Damory, 20, (d. 4.) E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 11. 16.) 2, (d. 15, 23. 31.) 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d. 13. 32. 41.) E. 3.
  • Philip de Darcy (de. Arcy) See Arcy, 25, (d. 25.) 28, (d. 3.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) E. 1. Philip Darcy, 20, (d. 4.) E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 11. 16.) 2, (d. 5. 23. 31.) 4, (d. 13. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 4.) 7, (d. 9. 19, 36.) John Darcy de Cosin, 6▪ (d. 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) de Knayth, 22, (p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 27, (d. 1. 5.) 28, (d. 26.) E. 3. Philip de Darcy, 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40.) R. 2. Thomas Darcy, 6, (d. 37.) 7, (d: 10. 37.) 8, (d: 35.) R. 2. Philip Darcy, 3, (d: 45.) 10, (d: 42.) 11. (d: 13. 24.) 12, (d: 42.) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d. 42.) 15, (d. 37) 16▪ (d. 23.) 17, (d. 30.) 20, (p. 1. d: 15.) 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) R. 2. John Darcy, 23, (d. 3.) R. 2. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (p. 1. d. 3.) 3, (d. 17.) 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p: 2. d: 4.) 7, (d. 30.) 8, (d. 2.) 11, (d. 32.) 12, (d: 2.) 14, (d. 22.) H. 4.
  • Eli Daubeny, 28, (d: 3. 17.) 30, (d: 8. 13.) 32, (d: 2.) 33, (d, 21.) E. 1. Ralph Daubeny, 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) E. 3.
  • William Danmarle, 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Rowland Davoyes, 32, (d. 14. E. 3.
  • Da dl , See Audeley.
  • Descales, See S •• les.
  • Hugh le Dispensor, Justicia ••• s Angliae, 49, (d. 11.) H. 3.
  • Hugh le Dispenser, 23, (d. 4. 9.) 24, (d: 7.) 25, (d: 25.) 27, (d: 16. 18.) 28, (d: 17.) 30, (d: 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33▪ (d: 21.) 34, (d: 2.) E: 1. 1, (d: 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d: 11. 14. 20.) 3, (d: 16. 17.) 4, (d: 1.) 5, (d: 11. 17. 25.) 6, (d: 3. 31.) 7▪ (d: 16. 27.) 8, (d: 29. 35.) styled Senior, 9, (d: 22.) 11, (d: 8. 14▪) 12, (d: 11. 29.) 13, (d: 13.) 14. (d: 15. 29.) 15, (d: 16.) E. 2. Hugh le Dispenser Junior, 8, (d: 29. 35.) 9, (d: 22.) 11, (d: 8. 14.) 12, (d: 11. 29.) 13, (d: 13.) 14, (d: 5. 29.) 15, (d: 16.) 16, (d: 26.) 17, (d: 27.) 18, (d: 5. 21. 34.) 19, (d: 27.) E: 2. Hugh le Dispenser, 13, (p: 2. d: 1. 28.) 14, (p: 1. d: 23. 33.) 15, (p: 1. d: 37.) 16, (p: 1. d: 39.) 17, (p: 1. d: 25.) 18, (p: 1. d: 14.) 22, (p: 1. d. 7.) E: 3. Edward le Dispenser, 31, (d: 2.) 32, (d: 14.) 34, (d: 4.) 38, (d: 3.) 39, (d: 2.) 46, (d: 9.) E: 3. Philip le Dispenser, 11, (d: 24.) 12, (d: 42.) 13, (d: 5.) 14, (d: 42.) 15, (d: 37.) 16, (d: 23.) 17, (d: 30.) 18, (d: 23.) 20, (p: 1. d: 15.) 21, (p: 1. d: 7.) 23, (d: 3.) R. 2. 1, (d: 37.) H. 4.
  • John Devereux, 8, (d: 37.) 9, (d: 45.) 10, (d: 42.) 11, (d: 13. 24.) 12, (d: 42.) 13, (d: 5.) 14, (d: 42.) 15, (d: 37.) 16, (d: 23.) R. 2. Walter Devereux de Fe riers, Chivaler, 49, (d: 6.) H: 6. Dominus de Ferriers, 2, (d: 3.) 6, (d: 1.) 9, (d: 3.) 12, (d: 41.) 22, and 23, (d: 10.) E. 4.
  • Edward Deyncourt, de Eyncourt, 27, (d: 16. 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d: 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d: 2.) Ed. 1. 1, (d: 8. 11 19.) 2, (d: 11. 14. 20.) 3, (d: 16. 17.) 4, (d: 1.) 5, (d: 11. 17. 25.) 6, (d: 3. 31.) 7, (d: 16. 27.) 8, (d: 29. 35.) 9, (d: 22.) 11, (d: 8. 14.) 12, (d: 11. 29.) 13, (d: 13.) 14, (d: 5. 29.) 15, (d: 16.) 16, (d: 26.) 17, (d: 27.) 18, (d: 5. 21. 34.) 19, (d. 27.) 20, (d: 4.) E. 2. William de Eyncourt, 6, (d: 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p: 2. d: 3.) 8, (d: 18.) 9, (d: 8. 18.) 10, (d: 1. 5.) 11, (p: 1. d: 8. 15. p: 2. d: 11. 40.) 12, (p. 2. d. 30.) 13, (p: 2. d. 1. 28.) 14, (p▪ 〈◊〉 . d: 23. 33.) 15, (p. 1. d: 37.) 16, (p: 1. d: 39.) 17, (p: 1. d: 25.) 18, (p: 1. d: 14.) 22, (p: 2. d: 7.) 23, (p: 1. d: 23.) 24, (p: 1. d. 3.) 25, (p: 1. d: 5.) 27, (d: 12.) 28, (d: 26.) 29, (d: 2. 28.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 32, (d: 14.) 34, (d: 14. 35.) 36, (d: 16.) 37, (d: 22.) E. 3.
  • John D yncourt, 39, (d: 2.) E. 3.
  • John Dinham, Dynham, de Caredinham, Chivaler, 2, (d: 1.) 3, (d. 3.) 12, (d: 41.) 22, and 23, (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • Richard de Draycot, 35, (d: 25.) E. 1.
  • Dufford, See Ufford.
  • Oliver Dyna •• t, 23, (d: 4. 9.) 25, (d: 25.) 28, (d. 17.) E. 1.
    E
  • WIlliam de Ebr icis, 27, (d. 18.) E. 1.
  • William de Echingham, 5, (d. 17, 25.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 17.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 19.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d: 16.) E: 2.
  • John de E ganie, E gain, De gain, 25, (d: 25.) 27, (d. 16. 17.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34. (d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 14. 21.) 3▪ (d. 16. 17.) 4▪ (d. 1.) 5, (d. 11. 17. 25.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 12.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29 ) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d: 5. 29.) E. 2. John de Egaine, 16 (p: 1. d. 39. p. 2. d. 22.) 22, (p. 1. d. . 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 32, (d. 14.) 34, (d. 4.) E. 3. Thomas D'engaine, 32, (d. 14.) E. .
  • Henry de Erdington, 9, (d. .) E. .
  • Nicholas de Estle, 30, (d. 8. 13.) E. 1.
  • Andrew de Astle, Estlegh, Estlye, Estelye, 23, (d. 4. 9.) 24, (d. 7.) 27, (d. 18.) 28, (d. 3. 7.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1.
  • Thomas de Estelye, 22, (p. 2. d. 7.) E. 3.
  • Adam de Everingham, 2, (d: 11. 20.) 〈◊〉 (d. 17.) 4, (d. 1.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 19, 35) 9, (d. 12.) E. 2.
  • Adam de Everingham de Laxton, 44, (d. 1.) E. 3.
  • Roger de Extr noo (L strange) 23, (d. 4. 9.) 24, (d: 7.) 25, (d. 25.) 30, (d. 13.) E. 1. John de Extran •• , 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d: 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 19.) E. 2, See Lestrange.
  • De Eyncourt, See Deyncourt.
  • John de Eyvil, 49, (d. 11▪) H. 3.
    F
  • John de Fasle, Falsley, Chivaler, 7, (d. 10. 37) 8, (d. 3. 5) 9, (d. 45.) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12, (d. 42. 13, (d. 5) 14, (d. 42.) 15, (d. 37.) R: 2.
  • John de Falewesle, 16, (d. 23.) R. 2.
  • W lter de Fa o nberge, Faucomberge, 23, (d. 4. 9.) 24, d. 7.) 25, (d. 25.) 27 (d. 16.) 28, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d: 21.) 34, (d. 2.) 35, (d. 8. 13.) E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 6, (d. 11. 31.) 7, (d: 16. 27.) 8, (d: 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d: 8. 14.) 12, (d: 11. 29.) E. 2. John de Faucomberge, 9, (d. 8.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (p. 1. d: 8. p. 2. d. 11 (40.) 12, (p. 2. (d. 32.) 13, (p. 2. d. 1. 28.) 14. (p. 1. d. 23. 33.) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) 17, (p. 1. d. 25.) 18, (p: 1. d: 14.) 20, (p. 2, d. 22.) 21, (p: 2. d. 9.) 22, (p. 1. d. 32. p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p: 1. d. 19.) 29, (d. 7.) E. 3. Walter Faucomberge, 24, (p. 1. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 27▪ (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d: 7, 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 34, (d: 4. 35.) 36, (d. 16.) E. 3.
  • Robert de Felton, 6, (d. 3.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) E. 2. William de Felton, 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) E. 3.
  • Thomas de Fencotes, 23, (p. 1. d: 19.) E. 3.
  • Fennys, See Fynes.
  • William de errariis, (F rrers) 25, (d. 25.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) E. 2. John de Ferrarii , 27, (d. 16. 17.) 28, (d: 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d: 2.) E. 1. 1, (d: 11, 19.) 2, (d. 11. 14. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 4, (d: 1.) 5, (d: 17. 25.) 7, (d. 16.) 12, (d: 12. 29.) E: 2. William de Ferrariis, 6, (d. 3. 3 .) 7, (d. 16. 7.) 8, (d. 23. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14) 13, (d. 13.) 15, (d: 16.) 16, (d. 21, 26) 17, (d: 27.) E: 2. Henry de Ferrariis, 4, (d: 13. 23. 32. 41.) 5, (p: 1. d: 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7.) 6, (d. 9. 19. 38.) 7, (p: 2. d: 3.) 8, (d, 18.) 9, (d: 8. 28.) 10, (d: p. 5.) 11, (p: 1. d: 8. 15. p: 2, d: 11. 40.) 12, (p: 2. d: 32.) 16, (p: 1. d. 39. p: 2. d. 13.) E. 3. Robert de Ferrariis, 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) E: 3. William de Ferrers, 28, (d: 26.) 42, (d. 22.) 43, (d. 24.) E: 3. Robert de Ferrers, de Wemme, 49 (d. 4. 6.) 50, (p. 2. d. 6.) E. 3. 1. (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3. (d. 32.) R. 2. Henry de Ferrari •• , Ferrers de Groby, 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d: 32.) 5, (d: 40.) 6, (d: 37.) 7▪ (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d. 45.) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d: 24.) R. 2. William de Ferrariis de Gr by, 20, (p: 1. d. 15.) 21, (p. 1. d. 27) 23, (d: 3.) R: 2. , (d: 37.) 2, (p. 1. d. 3.) 3, (d: 17.) 5, (p: 1. d: 28. p. 2. d: 4.) 7, (d: 30.) 8, (d: 2.) 11, (d: 32.) 12, (d: 2.) 14, (d. 22.) H. 4. 1, (d: 9. 37.) 2, (d. 6.) 3, (d▪ 16.) 4, (d. 16.) 5, (d. 11.) 7, (d. 9.) 8, (d: 2.) 9, (d. 13.) H: 5. 1, (d. 22.) Chivaler, 2. (d: 18.) 3, (d. 9.) 4, (d. 15.) 5, (d. 4.) 7, (d. 2.) 9, (d. 18.) 10, (d. 10.) 11, (d. 10.) 12, (d: 2.) 15, (d: 18.) 18, (d. 33.) 20, (d. 27.) 23, (d. 21.) Dominus de Ferrariis de Greby, 25, (d. 24.) 27, (d. 24.) H. 6.
  • Brian Fil, Al ni, (Fitz-Alan) 23, (d: 4. 9.) 24▪ (d. 7.) 25, (d. 25.) 27, (d: 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d: 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) E. 1.
  • Thomas Fil. Bernardi (Fitz-Bernard) 6, (d. 3. 31:) 7, (d: 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 31.) 9, (d. 22.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 14, (d. 5.) 15, (d. 16.) E. 2.
  • Archerus Fil. Henrici, (Fitz-Henry, 2, (d. 1 .) 4, (d. 11.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d: 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d: 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 12.) 14, (d. 15.) 15▪ (d: 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 18, (d. 5. 21. 34.) 19, (d. 27.) E. 2.
  • Henry Fil. Hugh (Fitz-Hugh) 14 (d: 5.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 5. 34.) 19, (d. 27.) 20, (d. 4.) E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 11. 16.) 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d. 23.) 5, (d: 7. 25.) 6, (d. 9. 19 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d: 8. 18:) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 12, (p. 2. d. 32.) 13, (p. 2. d. 1. 28.) 14, (p. 1. d. 23. 33.) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39) 17, (p. 1. d. 25.) 18, (p. 1. d. 14.) 20, (p. 2. d. 22.) 21, (p. 2. d. 9.) 22, (p. 1. d. 32. p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p: 1. d: 23.) 25. (p: 1. (d: 5.) E. 3. Henry Fitz-Hugh, 1, (d: 37.) 2, (d: 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. 37.) 7, (d: 16. 37.) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d. 45.) 10, (d: 42.) 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d. 42.) 15, (d: 37.) 16, (d: 23.) 17, (d. 30.) 18, (d. 23.) 20, (p. 1. d. 15) 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) 23, (d: 3.) R. 2. 1, (d: 37.) 2, (p. 1. d. 3.) 3, (d. 17.) 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 4.) 7, (d: 30.) 8, (d. 2.) 11. (d. 32.) 12, (d. 2.) 14, (d. 2, 2.) H. 4. 1, (d. 9. 37.) 2, (d. 16.) 4, (d. 16.) 8, (d: 2.) H. 5. 1, (d. 22.) H. 6. William Fitz Hugh Chivaler, 7, (d. 2.) 9, (d. 18.) 10, (d: 10.) 11, (d. 10.) 13, (d. 2.) 15, (d. 18.) 18, (d. 33.) 20, (d: 27.) 23, (d: 21.) 25, (d: 24.) 27, (d: 24.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 41.) H: 6. Henry Fitz Hugh Chivaler, 33, (d: 38.) 38, (d: 30.) 49, (d. 6.) H: 6. 1, (d: 35.) 2, (d: 3.) 6, (d: 1.) 9, (d: 3.) E: 4. Richard Fitz-Hugh, Chivaler, 22, and 23, (d: 10.) E. 4.
  • John Fil. Iohanuis (Fitz-John) 49, (d: 11.) H: 3. Richard Fil. Johannes, 23, (d: 9.) E: 1.) Matthew Fil. Johannes, 25, (d: 25.) E. 1.
  • Robert Fil. Pagani, (Fitz-Pagan, Fitz-Payn) 25, (d: 25.) 27, (d: 16. 18.) 28, (d: 3. 17.) 30, (d: 8. 13.) 32, (d: 2.) 33, (d: 21.) 34, (d: 2.) E: 1. 1, (d: 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d: 14. 21.) 3, (d: 17.) 5, (d: 11. 17. 25.) 6, (d: 31.) 7, (d: 16. 27.) 9, (d. 29. 35.) E: 2. Robert le Fitz-Payn, 20, (d. 4.) E. 2. 1, (p: 2. d. 11. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31) 3, (d: 19.) 4, (d. 23. 32.) 5 (p: 2. d: 7.) 6, (d: 4. 9. 19. 38.) 7, (p: 2. d: 3.) 8, ( : 18.) 9, (d: 8. 28.) 10, (d: 1. 5.) 11, (p: 1. d: 8. p. 2. d: 11. 40.) 12, (p: 2. d: 32.) 13, (p: 2. d. 1. 28.) 14, (p: 1. d: 23. 33.) 15, (p: 1. d: 37.) 16, (p: 1. d: 39.) 17, (p: 1. d: 25.) 24 (p: 2. d: 3.) 25, (p: 1. d. 5.) E. 3.
  • John Fitz-Rauph, 31, (d. 14.) E. 1.
  • John Fitz-Reginald, 25, (d: 25.) 28, (d: 3. 17.) E. 1.
  • Robert Fil. Rogeri, (Fitz-Roger) 23, (d: 4. 9.) 24, (d: 7.) 25, (d: 6. 25.) 27, (d: 18.) 28, (d: 17.) 30, (d: 8▪ 1 .) 32, (d: 2.) 33, (d: 21.) 34, (d: 2.) 35, (d. 13.) E: 1. 1, (d: 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d: 14. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) E: 2. John Fil. Rogeri, 27, (d: 18.) E: 1. Andrew Fil. Rogeri, 27▪ (d: 16.) E. 1.
  • Robert Fil-Walteri, (Fitz-Wanter,) 23, (d: 4. 9.) 24, (d: 7.) de Dauntre, 25, (d: 25.) 27, (d: 16. 18.) 28, (d: 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d: 2.) 33, (d: 21.) 34, (d: 2.) E. 1. 1, (d: 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 14. 20.) 3, ( : 16. 17.) 5, (d, 17. 25.) 6, (d: 31.) 8, (d: 29. 35.) 9, (d: 22.) 13, (d: 13.) 14, (d: 1. 29.) 15, (d: 16.) 17, (d: 27.) 18, (d: 5. 21. 34.) 19, (d. 27) E: 2. John Fitz-Wa ter, 15, (p: 1. d. 37.) 16, (p: 1. d: 39.) 17, (p: 1. d: 25.) 18, (p: 1. d: 14.) 22, (p: 1. d. 7.) 23, (p: 1. d: 23.) 24, (p: 1. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 26, (d. 14.) 27, (d: 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d: 8.) 31, (d: 2. 21.) (34, (d: 4.) E. 3. Walter, Fitz-Wa ter, 43, (d. 24.) 49, (d: 4. 6.) 50, (p. 2. d. 6.) E. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d: 13. 29.) 3, (d: 32.) 4, (d: 32.) 5, (d: 40.) 6, (d: 37.) 7, (d: 10. 37.) 8, (d: 35.) 9, (d: 15.) R. 2. Walter, Fitz-Waulter, 14, (d: 42.) 15, (d: 37.) 16) d: 23) 17, (d. 30.) 20, (p. 1. d. 15.) 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) 23, (d. 3.) R. 2. 1, (d: 37.) 2, (p. 1. d. 3.) 3, (d. 17.) 5. (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 4.) H. 4. Walter, Fitz-Wa ter, Chivaler, 7, (d. 2.) 9, (d. 18.) H. 6.
  • Fulco Fil. Warini, (Fitz-Waren) 23, (d: 4. 9.) 24, (d. 7.) 25, (d, 6. 25.) 27, (d: 16. 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) 35, (d. 13.) E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, (d: 20.) 4, (d. 1.) 5, (d. 25.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 24. 35.) Senior, 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 39.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 18, (d. 5. 34.) . 2. 5, (p. 1. d. 7. 2 . p. 2. d. 7.) 6, (d. 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d. 8. 28.) E. 3. William Fil. Warini, 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) E. 3.
  • Ralph Fil. Willielmi (Fitz-William) 23, (d. 4. 9.) 24, (d. 7) 25, (d. 25.) 27, (d. 18.) 28, (d. 17.) 32, (d. 2.) E. 1. 4, (d. 3.) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) E. 2. Robert Fil. Willielmi, (Fitz William) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) 35, (d. 13.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 19.) 2, (d. 14. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) E. 2.
  • Godfry de olecumbe, 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • John de Folevil, 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Jordan Foliot, 23, (d. 4. 9.) 25, (d. 25.) E. 1. 9, (d. 22.) E. 2.
  • Hugh de Frene, 10▪ (d. 1. 5.) E. 3.
  • Ralph de Freschevil, 25, (d. 25.) E. 1.
  • Thomas de Frowike, 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Baldwin de Fryvil, 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Thomas de Fulnatly, 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Thomas de Furnivall, sometimes styled senior, 23, (d. 4. 9.) 24 (d. 7.) 25, (d. 25.) 26, (d. 18.) 28, (d. 13. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) 35, (d. 13.) E. 1. 1▪ (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2▪ (d. 14. 20.) 3, (d. 16▪ 17.) 5, (d. 11. 17. 25.) 6, (d: 2. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 23. 35.) 9, (d. 26.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 33.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17▪ (d. 27.) 18, (d. 5. 21. 34.) 19, (d. 27.) 20, (d. 4.) E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 11. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d. 13. 23. 32. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d. 8. 18.) 11, (p. 2. d. 11, p. 1. d. 32.) 13, (p. 2. d. 28) E. 3.
  • Thoma de Furnival, Junior, 1 , (d. 11▪ 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 21. 34.) E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 11.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) 3, (d: 19.) 4, (d. 13. 23.) 5, (d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7.) 6, (d. 30.) E. 3. Thomas de Furniv l, 22, (p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 22.) 24, (p. 2. d. 7.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5) 26, (d: 26.) 28, (d. 8.) 29, (d. 19.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 32, (d: 14.) 33, (d. 10.) 34, (d. 4. 35.) 35, (d: 36.) 36, (d: 16.) 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2.) E. . William de Furnival, 42, (d. 22.) 43, (d. 24.) 44, (d. 1.) 46, (d. 9. 10. 11.) 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50, (p. 1. d. 6.) E. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 37.) 6, (d. 37.) R. 2.
  • James Fyenes, Fennys, Miles, Dominus de Say et Seal, 27, (d. 24.) 28, (d. 26.) William Fennys, Dominus de Say et Seal, Chivaler, 29, (d. 41.) 33, (d. 36.) 38, (d. 30.) H. 6. 1, (d. 35.) 2, (d. 3.) 6, (d. 1.) 9, (d. 3.) E. 4.
  • Richard Fennys, (Fynes) Dominus de Dacre, Chivaler, 38, (d. 30.) 49, (d. 6.) H. 6. 1, (d. 35.) 2, (d. 3.) 6, d. 1.) 9, (d. 3.) 12, (d. 41.) 22, and 23, (d. 10.) E. 4.
    G
  • GIlbert de Gandano, or de Gaunt, 49, (d. 11.) H. 3. 23, (d. 4. 9.) 24, (d. 7.) 5, (d. 25.) E. 1.
  • Geoffrey de Genvil, Genevil, Geynvil, 27, (d. 18.) 28, (d. 17.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1.
  • John Giffard, Gifford, de Gifford, 23, (d. 4. 9.) 25, (d. 25.) 27, (d. 16. 18.) E. 1. O bertus Gifford, 25, (d. 25.) E. 1. John Gifford de Borinesfeld, 5, (d. 11. 17. 25.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9▪ (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12▪ (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) E. 2. John Gifford de Beof, 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • John Golafre, 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Raduph de Gorge, 2, (d. 11. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 4, (d. 1.) 5, (d. 11. 17. 25.) 6, (d. 3. 31▪) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) E. 2.
  • Ralph de Gorge, 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. . 29.) E. 2.
  • William de Grandisson , (Grandison) 27, (d. 16. 18.) 28, (d: 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19▪) 2, (d. 11. 14. 20.) 3, (d. 16.) 4, (d. 1.) 5, (d. 11.) 6, (d. 11. 31.) 7, (d. 16.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 5. 21▪ 34.) 19, (d. 27.) E. 2. Osberne de Grandissono, 28, (d. 17.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21. E. 1. Peter de Grandisson , 11, (p. 1. d. 8. 15.) 22, (p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) E. 3. Thomas de Grandisson , 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) E. 3.
  • Thomas de Grelly, de Gresly, 1, (d. 8.) 2, (d. 2. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 4, (d. 1.) E. 2.
  • Ralph de Grendon, 28, (d. 17.) E. 1. Robert (de Grendon) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E, 1.
  • John, Baro de Greystoke, Graystoke, 23, (d. 4. 9.) 24. (d. 7.) 25, (d. 25.) E. 1. The same (as I conceive) summoned by the name of John de Craystoke, and Graystoke only, 28, (d. 17.) 30, (d. 8.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 2 .) E. 1. Ralph de Creystoke, Creystoke, 14, (d. 5.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) E. 2. William de Greystoke, 22, (p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) E. 3. styled Baro de Greystoke, 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 7. 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) E. 3. Ralph, Baro de Greystoke, Creystoke, 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50, (p. 2. d. 6.) E. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d▪ 32.) 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. 37.) 7, (d: 10. 37.) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d: 45.) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d: 5.) 14, (d: 42.) 15, (d. 37) 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d: 30) 18, (d: 23.) 20, (p▪ 1. d. 15.) 21, (p: 1. d. 27.) 23, (d: 3.) R. 2. 1, (d: 37.) 2, (p: 1. d. 3.) 3, (d: 17.) 5, (p: 1. d. 28. p: 2. d. 4.) 7, (d: 30.) 8, (d: 2.) 11, (d. 32.) 12, (d. 2.) 14, (d. 22.) H. 4. 1, (d. 9. 37.) 2, (d. 16.) 3, (d. 15.) 4, (d. 16▪) 5, (d. 11.) H. 5. John, Baro de Greystoke, 7, (d. 9.) 8, (d. 2.) 9, (d. 13.) H. 5. 1, (d. 22.) 2, (d. 18.) Chivaler, 3, (d: 9.) 4, (d: 15.) 5, (d: 4.) 7, (d. 2.) 9, (d: 18.) 10, (d: 10.) 11, (d: 10.) 13, (d: 2.) H. 6. Ralph, Baro de Greystoke, Chivaler, 15, (d. 18.) 18, (d. 33.) H. 6. summoned without the addition of Baro, as Chivaler only, 20, (d. 27.) 23, (d. 21.) 25, (d. 25.) 27, (d. 24.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 41.) 31, (d. 36.) 33, (d. 36.) 38, (d. 30.) 49, (d. 6.) H. 6. 1, (d. 35.) 2, (d. 3.) 6, (d. 1.) 9, (d. 3.) 12, (d. 41.) 22, and 23, (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • Reginald de Grey, 23, (d. 4. 9.) 24, (d. 7.) 25, (d. 25.) 27, (d. 16.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d: 21.) 34, (d: 2.) E. 1.
  • John de Grey, 25, (d. 25.) E. 1. Henry de Grey, 27, (d. 16. 18.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8.) 2, (d. 20.) E. 2. John de Grey, 2, (d. 11. 14. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 5, (d. 11. 17. 25.) 6, (d: 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 21. 34.) E. 2.
  • Richard de Grey, 2, (d. 11. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 5, (d. 11. 17. 25.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 31.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d: 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 5. 21. 34.) 19, (d. 27.) E. 2. 1, (p. 1. d. 11. 16.) 2, (d: 15. 23. 31.) 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d. 13. 23. 32. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7.) 6, (d. 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d. 8.) 17, (p. 1. d. 25.) E. 3.
  • Henry de Grey, 19, (d: 27.) 20, (d: 4.) E. 2. 1, (p: 2. d: 11. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) 3, (d: 19.) 4, (d: 13. 23. 32. 41.) 5, (d: 7. 25. p: 2. d: 7.) 6, (d: 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p: 2. d: 3.) 8, (d: 18.) 9, (d: 8. 18.) 10, (d: 1. 5.) 11, (p: 1. d: 8. 15. p: 2. d: 11. 40.) 12, (p: 2. d: 32.) 13, (p: 2. d. 1. 28.) 14, (p: 2. d: 23. 33.) 15, (p: 1. d: 37.) 16, (p: 1. d. 39. p. 2. d. 13. 22.) 17, (p. 1. d: 25.) 18, (p: 1. d. 14) 20, (p: 2. d: 22.) 21, (p: 2. d: 9.) 22, (p: 1. d: 22. p: 2. d: 7.) 23; (p: 1. d: 23.) 25, (p: 1. d: 5.) E. 3.
  • John de Grey de Codenore, 9, (d: 8. 28.) 13, (p: 2. d. 1. 28.) 14, (p: 1. d: 23. 33.) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 16, (p. 1. d: 39.) 17, (p. 1. d. 25.) 18, (p. 1. d: 14.) 22, (p. 2. d: 7.) 23, (p: 1 d. 23.) 24, (p: 2. d. 3.) 25, (p: 1. d: 5.) 27, (d: 12.) 28, (d: 26.) 29, (d: 8.) 31, (d. 2.) 32, (d: 8. 14.) 34, (d: 4.) 37, (d: 22.) 38, (d: 3.) 39, (d: 2.) 42, (d: 22.) 43, (d: 24.) 44, (d. 1.) 46, (d: 8. 9. 10. 11.) 47, (d: 13.) 49, (d: 4. 6.) 50, (p. 2. d. 6.) E: 3. 1, (d: 37.) 2, (d: 13. 29.) 3, (d: 32.) 4, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. 37) 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d: 35.) 9, (d: 45.) 10, (d: 42.) 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d: 42.) 15, (d: 37.) R. 2.
  • John Grey de Rotherford, Rotherfield, 13, (p. 2. d. 1. 28.) 14, (p: 1. d: 23. 33.) 15, (p: 1. d: 37.) 16, (p: 1. d: 39. p. 2. d: 13.) 17, (p: 1. d: 25.) 18, (p: 1. d: 14.) 22, (p: 2. d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d: 23.) 24, (p: 2. d: 3.) 25, (p: 1. d: 5.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d: 7. 8.) 31, (d: 2. 21.) 34, (d: 4.) 38, (d: 3.) 39, (d: 2.) 42, (d. 22.) 43, (d. 24.) 44, (d. 1.) 46, (d: 9. 10. 11.) 47, (d. 13.) E. 3.
  • Reginald de Grey, 17, (p: 1. d. 25.) 18, (p. 1. d. 14.) 20, (p: 2. d. 22.) 21▪ (p. 2. d. 9.) 22, (p. 1. d. 32. p: 2. d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d: 23.) Senior, 25, (p: 1. d. 5.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d: 7. 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 34, (d: 4.) E. 3.
  • Reginald Grey de Ruthyn, 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d: 7. 8.) 31, (d: 2. 21.) 32, (d: 14.) 34, (d. 4.) 37, (d: 22.) 38, (d: 3.) 39, (d: 2.) 42, (d. 22.) 43, (d. 24.) 44, (d: 1.) 46, (d. 9 10 11.) 47, (d. 13.) 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50, (p: 1. d: 6.) E. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d. 32.) 5, (d: 40.) 6, (d. 37.) 7, (d. 10, 37.) 8, (d: 35.) 9, (d: 45.) 10, (d: 42.) 11, (d. 24.) R. 2.
  • Ralph de Grey, 32, (d. 14.) 34, (d: 14.) E. 3.
  • Henry Grey de Shorland, 50, (p. 2. d. 6.) E. 3.
  • Henry Grey de Wilton, 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d: 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d: 32.) 5, (d: 40.) 6, (d: 37.) 7, (d: 10. 37.) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d: 45.) 10, (d: 42.) 11, (d: 13. 24.) 12, (d: 42.) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d: 42.) 15, (d: 37.) 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d: 30.) 18, (d: 23.) R. 2.
  • Roger Grey de Ruthyn, 11, (d. 13.) R. 2. Reginald Grey de Ruthyn, 13, (d: 5.) 14, (d. 42.) 15, (d. 37.) 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d. 30.) 18, (d. 23.) 20, (p. 1. d. 3.) 21, (p: 1. d: 27.) 23, (d: 3.) R. 2. 1, (d: 37.) 2, (p: 1. d: 3.) 3, (d. 17.) 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p: 2. d. 4.) 7, (d. 30.) 8, (d. 2.) 11, (d. 32.) 12, (d: 2.) 14, (d. 22.) H. 4. 1, (d: 9. 37.) 2, (d. 16.) 3, (d: 15.) 4, (d: 16.) 5, (d: 11.) 7, (d. 9.) 8, (d: 2.) 9, (d. 13.) H. 5. 1, (d. 22.) Chivaler, 2, (d: 18.) 3, ( : 9.) 4, (d. 14.) 5, (d. 4.) 7, (d. 2.) 9, (d. 18.) 10, (d. 10.) 11, (d: 10.) 13, (d. 2.) 15, (d: 18.) 18, (d. 33.) H. 6.
  • Richard Grey de Codenore, 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d. 30.) 20, (p: 1. d: 15.) 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) 23, (d. 3.) R. 2. 1, (d: 37.) 2, (p. 1. d. 3.) 3, (d. 17.) 4, (p: 1. d: 28. p. 2. d. 4.) 7, (d: 30.) 8, (d: 2.) 11, (d: 32.) 12, (d. 2.) 14, (d. 22.) H. 4. 1, (d. 9. 37.) 2, (d. 6.) 3, (d. 15.) 4, (d. 16.) H. 5.
  • Ralph Grey de Raby, 20, (p: 1. d. 15.) R. 2.
  • John Grey de 〈◊〉 , 8, (d. 2.) H. 5. Chivaler, 3, (d. 9.) 7, (d. 2.) H. 〈◊〉 Henry Grey de Codenore, Chivaler, 9, (d▪ 18.) 10, (d. 10.) 11, (d. 10.) 13, (d. 2.) 15, (d. 18.) 18, (d. 33.) H. 6.
  • Reginald Grey de Ruthin, Chivaler, 18, (d. 33.) H. 6.
  • Edward Grey de Ruthin, Chivaler, 20, (d. 27.) 23, (d: 21.) 25, (d: 24.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 41.) 31, (d: 36.) 33, (d: 36.) 38, (d. 30.) H. 6. 1, (d. 35.) 2, (d. 3.) E. 4.
  • Reginald Grey de Wilton, Chivaler, 23, (d. 21.) 25, (d. 24.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 41.) 31, (d. 36.) 33, (d. 36.) 38, (d. 30.) 49, (d. 6.) H. 6. 1, (d. 35.) 2, (d: 3.) 6, (d. 1.) 9, (d. 3.) 12, (d. 41.) 22, and 23, (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • Edward Grey, Miles, 25, (d. 24.) 27, (d. 24.) Dominus de Gr by, 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 41.) 31, (d. 36.) 33, (d. 36.) H. 6.
  • Thomas Grey, Dominus de Richmond, 29 (d. 41.) Miles, 31, (d. 36.) 33, (d: 36.) 38, (d. 30.) H. 6. 1, (d. 35.) E. 4.
  • Henry Grey, Chivaler, 38, (d: 30.) 1, (d. 35.) 2, (d. 3.) 12, (d: 41.) 22, and 23, (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • Edward Grey de Lisle, 22, and 23, (d: 10.) E. 4.
  • John Grey de Powis, 22, and 23, (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • Ingelram de Gynes, 23, (d: 4. 9.) 24, (d: 7.) 25, (d: 25.) 27, (d. 16. 18.) E. 1. Reginald de Gynes, 27, (d: 18.) E. 1. Ingelram de Gynes, 6, (d. 3.) 7, (d: 27.) 8, (d: 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d: 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d: 5. 29.) 15, (d: 7.) E. 2.
    H
  • EUstace de Hacche, 27, (d: 16. 28.) 28, (d: 3. 17.) 30, (d: 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) E. 1.
  • John de Hale, 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • John de Hanndlo, 16, (p: 1. d. 39.) E. 3.
  • Andrew de Harcla, 14, (d. 5.) 15, (d. 16.) E. 2.
  • John de Hardreshull, 16, (p: 1. d: 39.) E. 3.
  • Henry de Hastings, 49, (d: 11.) H. 3.
  • John de Hastings, de Hastinges, 23, (d. 4. 9.) 24, (d. 7.) 27, (d: 16. 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 33, (d. 8. 19. 21.) 34, (d: 2.) E. 1. 1, (d: 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 14.) 5, (d: 1. 25.) 6, (d: 3. 31.) 7, (d: 16. 27.) 8, (d: 29. 35.) 9, (d: 22.) 11, (d: 8. 14.) 12, (d: 11. 29.) 13, (d: 13.) 14, (d: 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 21. 34.) E. 2. Edmund de Hastings, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d: 2.) 33, (d. 31.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d: 16. 27.) E. 2. Robert de Hastings, 5, (d: 17.) E. 2. Hugh Hastings, 6, (p: 1. d. 39.) E. 3.
  • Thomas de Hastinges, (Hastings) 16, (p: 1. d: 39. p. 2: d. 13.) E. 3.
  • William Hastinges, Chivaler, 2, (d. 3.) de Hastings, 6, (d. 1.) 9, (d. 3.) 12, (d: 41.) 22, and 23, (d. 10.) E. 4. Richard Hastings de Welles, 22, and 23, (d. 10.) E. 4. Edmund Hastings de Hungerford, 22, and 23, (d: 10.) E. 4.
  • William de H tton, 32, (d: 14.) E. 3.
  • John de Haverings, 27, (d: 16. 18.) E. 1.
  • John de Haverington, (Harrington) 18, (d. 21.) 20, (d. 4.) E. 2. 1, (p: 2. d. 11. 16.) 2, (d: 15. 23. 31.) 3, (d: 19.) 4, (d: 13. 23. 32. 41.) 5, (d: 7. 25.) 6, (d. 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p: 2. d: 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d: 8. 28.) 10▪ (d: 1. 5.) 11, (p. 2. d. 11.) 12, (p: 2. d: 32.) 13, (p: 2. d: 1. 28.) 14, (p: 2. d: 23. 33.) 15▪ (p: 1. d: 37.) 16, (p: 1. d: 39.) 17, (p: 1. d: 25.) 18, (p: 1. d: 14▪) 20, (p: 2. d: 22.) 21, (p: 2. d: 9.) 22, (p: 1. d: 32. p: 2. d. 7.) 23, (p: 1. d. 23.) 32, (d: 14.) E. 3.
  • Robert de Haverington, Harrington, , (d: 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d: 32.) 4, (d: 32.) 5▪ (d. 40.) 6, (d: 37.) 7 (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d: 35.) 9▪ (d. 8.) 10, (d: 42.) 11, (d: 13. 24.) 12, (d: 42.) 13, (d: 5.) 14, (d. 42.) 15, (d. 37.) 16, (d. 23) 17 (d. 38.) 18, (d: 23.) 20, (p: 1. d: 15.) 21, (p: 1. d: 37.) 23, (d. 3.) R. 2. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (p. 1. d: 3.) 3, (d. 17.) 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p: 2. d. 4.)▪ 7, (d: 9.) 8, (d: 2.) 11, (d: 32.) 12, (d: 2.) 14, (d: 22.) H. 4. 1, (d. 9. 37.) 2, (d: 16.) 3, (d: 15.) 4, (d: 19.) H. 5. William de Harrington, 8, (d: 23.) 9, (d: 13.) H. 5. 1, (d. 22.) 2, (d: 18) 3, (d: 9.) Chivaler, 4, (d. 15.) 5, (d. 4.) 7, (d. 2.) 9, (d: 18.) 11, (d. 10.) 13, (d: 2.) 15, (d. 18.) 18, (d. 33.) H. 6.
  • John de Haustede, 6, (d: 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p: 2. d: 3.) 8, (d: 18.) 9, (d: 8. 28.) E: .
  • Ralph de Hemenhale, 32, (d: 14▪) E. 3.
  • William Herbert, Chivaler, 6, (d: 1.) E. 4.
  • Robert de Herle, 32, (d: 14.) E. 3.
  • William Her n, 44, (d: 1.) E. 3. 17, (d: 30.) 20, (p: 1. (d: 13.) 21▪ (p. 1. d: 27.) R. 2. Chivaler, 2, (p: 1. d: 3.) 3, (d: 17) 5 (p: 1. d: 28. p: 2. d: 4.) H. 4.
  • Robert de Hibernia, 23, (d: 4.) E. 1.
  • Robert de Hilton, 23, (d. 9.) 24, (d: 7) 25, (d. 25.) E. 1.
  • Alexander de Hilton, 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d. 8. 28.) E. 3.
  • Thomas Hoe, H •• , 32, (d: 14.) E. 3. Thomas Hoe, Hoo, Chivaler, 27, (d. 24.) 28, (d: 26.) 29, (d: 42.) 31, (d: 36.) H. 6.
  • Robert de Holand, 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d: 11. 29.) 13, (d: 13.) 14, (d: 5. 29.) E. 2. Robert de Holand, 16, (p: 1. d: 33.) E. 3. Thomas de Holand, 27, (d: 14.) 28, (d. 26.) 31, (d: 2. 21.) E. 3. Robert de Holand, 37, (d: 22.) 38, (d: 3.) 39, (d: 2.) 42, (d. 22.) 44, (d: 1.) 46, (d▪ 8. 9. 10. 11.) E. 3. John de Holand, 43, (d. 24.) E. 3.
  • Walter de Hopton, 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • John de Hotham, 8, (d. 35.) E. 2.
  • Mr. Adam de Houghton, 32, (d: 14.) E. 3.
  • John Howard, de Howard, Miles, 49, (d. 6.) H. 6. 12, (d. 41.) 22, and 23, (d: 10.) E. 4.
  • Walter Hungerford, 4, (d. 15.) Chivaler, 5, (d: 4.) 7, (d: 2.) 9 (d. 18.) 10, (d: 10.) 11, (d. 10.) 13, (d. 2.) 15, (d. 18.) 18, (d. 33.) 20, (d. 27.) 23, (d. 21.) 25, (d. 24.) 27, (d. 24.) H. 6.
  • Robert Hungerford, Chivaler▪ 23, (d. 21.) ominus de Mollins, 25, (d. 24.) 27, (d. 24.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 41.) 31, (d. 36.) H. 6. Robert Hungerford, Senior, Miles, 31, (d. 36.) H. 6. Robert Hungerford, Miles, 33, (d. 36.) H. 6.
  • Walter de Huntercombe, Huntercumbe, 23, (d. 4. 9.) 27, (d. 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 33, (d: 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, (d. 11.) 3, (d. 17.) 4, (d. 1.) E. 2.
  • Roger de Huntingfield, 25, (d. 25.) E. 1.
  • William de Huntingfield, 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 7. 8.) 31, (d. 2.) 34, (d. 4.) 46, (d. 11.) 47, (d. 13.) 49, (d. 4. 6.) E. 3. John de Huntingfield, 36, (d. 16.) 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2.) 42, (d. 22.) 43, (d. 24.) E. 3.
  • Henry Huse, Husee, Husie, 23, (d. 4. 9.) 27, (d. 18.) 28. (d. 8. 17.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 22.) 34, (d. 2.) 35, (d. 13.) E. 1. 2, (d. 11. 20.) 3, (d. 17.) 4, (d. 1.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d: 15. 34.) 19, (d. 27.) E. 2. Henry Huse, Husee, 11▪ (p. 1. d. 8. 15. p. 2. d. 11. 30) 12, (p. 2. d. 32.) 14, (p. 1. d. 23. 33.) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39. p. 2. d. 13. 32.) 17, (p. 2. d. 25.) 18, (p. 1. d. 14.) 20, (p. 2. d. 22.) 21, (p. 2. d. 9.) 22, (p. 1. d. 32. p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) E. 3. Roger Husee, 22, (p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
    I
  • ANdrew Ideverel, 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Oliver de I g ham, 2, (d. 15. 23.) 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d. 23. 32. 41.) 6, (p. 1. d. 39.) E. 3.
  • John de Insula, de Insula Vectae, de Isle, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d: 8.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, (d. 11.) 4, (d. 1.) 5, (d. 17.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 17, (d. 27.) E. 2.
  • Robert de Insula, de Isle, 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9. (d. 22.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13. (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 5. 21. 34.) 19, (d. 27.) 20, (d. 4) E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 11. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d. 15. 23. 32. 41.) 5, (p. 1. d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7.) 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d: 8. 18.) 10▪ (d. 1. 5.) 11, (p. 2. d. 11. 40.) 12, (p. 2. d. 32.) 13, (p. 2. d. 1. 28.) 14, (p. 1. d. 23. 33.) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) E. 3.
  • Robert de Insula, de Rube -monte, 24, (p. 1. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 26, (d. 13.) 28, (d. 26.) 31, (d. 2.) 34, (d. 4.) E. 3.
  • Gerard de Insula, 31, (d: 2.) 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Warin de Insula, 43, (d. 24.) 44, (d. 1.) 46, (d. 9.) 47, (d. 13.) 49, (d. 4. 6) E. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40) R. 2.
    G
  • EDward de Kendale, 32▪ (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Roger de Kerdeston, 6, (d. 49. 19▪ 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d, 8. 28.) 10, (d. 5.) 11, (p. 1. d. 8.) E. 3.
  • William de Kerdeston, 11, (p. 2. d. 11.) 12, (p. 2. d. 32.) 13, (p. 2. d. 1. 28.) 14, (p. 1. d. 23. 33.) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) 17, (p. 1. d. 25.) 18, (p. 1. d. 14.) Senior, 33, (d. 10.) 34, (d. 35.) E. 3.
  • Thomas de Kerdeston, 27, (d. 12.) E. 3.
  • Thomas de Kirketon, 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) E. 3. John de Kirketon, 36, (d. 16.) 37, (d. 32.) E. 3.
  • John Kiriel, 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Bago, (Drago) de Knovil, 23, (d. 4. 9.) 24, (d. 7.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) E. 2.
  • Philip de Kyme, 23, (d. 9.) 27, (d. 16. 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 14. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 4, (d. 1.) 5, (d. 11. 17. 25.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27▪) E. 2.
  • William de Kyme, 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 5. 21. 34.) 19, (d. 27.) 20, (d▪ 4.) E. 2. , (p. 2. d. 11. 16.) 2, (d. 16. 23. 32.) 3, (d. 13.) 4, (d. 13. 23. 32. 41.) 5, (p. 1. d. 7. 29. p. 2. d. 7.) 6, (d. 19.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d, 8. 18.) E. 3.
    L
  • John de Lancastria, (Lancaster) 25, (d. 25) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) 35, (d. 13.) E. 1. 1. (d. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 20.) 9, (d. 16. 17.) E. 2.
  • Henry de Lancastria, (styled Nepos Regis in some Writs) 27, (d. 16. 18.) 28. (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) 35, (d. 13.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19) 2, (d: 11. 14. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 4 (d. 1.) 5, (d. 11. 17. 25.) 6, (d. . 31.) 7, (d. 16, 27, 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d: 26.) 17, (d.) 27.) 18, (d: 5.) 19, (d. 27.) E. 2.
  • Thomas de Langele, 32, (d. 14) E. 3.
  • Roger de Lascel, Lasceles, 23, (d. 4. 9.) 24, (d. 7.) E. 1.
  • Thomas le Latimer, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2) 33, (d. 21.) E. 1.
  • William le Latimer, Junior, 27, (d. 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) E. 1.
  • William le Latimer, Senior, 28, (d. 17.) 30, (d. 8.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d: 11. 14.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 4, (d. 1.) , (d: 17. 25.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d: 16. 27.) 8, (d: 29. 35.) 9, (d: 22.) 11, (d: 8. 14.) 2, (d: 11. 29.) 13, (d: 13.) 14, (d: 5. 29.) 15▪ (d. 16.) 16, (d: 16) 17, (d: 27.) 18, (d. 21. 34.) 20, (d: 4.) E. 2.) 1, (p: 2. d. 11. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) 3, (d: 13.) 4, (d. 13. 23. 32. 41.) 5, (p: 1. d. 7. 25. p: 2. d. 7.) 6, (d. 9. 19. 26.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d: 13.) 9, (d. 28.) E. 3.
  • William de La ymer, 42, (d. 22.) 43, (d: 24.) 44, (d. 1.) 46, (d. 9.) 47, (d. 13.) 49, (d. 4. 6.) E. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29▪) 3, (d. 32.) R. 2. John de Latimer, 7, (d. 30.) 8, (d. 2.) 11, (d: 32.) 12, (d: 2.) 14, (d: 22.) H. 4. 1, (d. 9. 37.) , (d: 16.) 3, (d. 15.) 4, (d. 16.) 5, (d. 11.) 7, (d. 9.) 8, (d. 2.) 9, (d: 13.) H. 5. 1, (d. 22.) Chivaler, 2, (d. 18.) 3, (d. 9.) 4, (d. 15.) 5, (d. 4.) 7, (d. 2.) 9, (d. 18.) H. 6. George Latimer, Chivaler, 10, (d: 10.) 11, (d. 10.) 13, (d: 2.) 15, (d. 18.) 18, (d. 33.) 20, (d. 27.) 23, (d. 21.) 25, (d: 24.) 27, (d: 24.) 28 (d: 26.) 31. (d: 36.) 33, (d. 30.) H. 6. 1, (d. 35.) 2, (d. 3.) 6, (d. 1.) 9, (d. 3.) E. 4.
  • John A t Lee, 32, (d. 14.) E. 3. Mr. ohn Leech , 32, (d. 14.) E. 3. John Lestrange de Knokyn, 2, (d. 11. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 4, (d. 1.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) E. 2. Fulco L strange, 2, (d. 11. 14. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 4, (d. 1.) 5, (d. 11. 17. 25.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 6. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d: 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d: 13.) 14, (d: 5. 29.) 15, (d: 16.) 17, (d: 27.) 18, (d: 34.) 20, (d: 4.) E. 2. Ebul. Lestrange, Strange, 1, (p. 1. d: 11. 16.) 2, (d: 15. 23. 3 .) 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d: 13. 23. 32. 41.) 5, (p. 1. d: 7 25. p. 2. d. 7.) 6, (d: 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p. 2. d: 3.) 8, (d: 18.) 9, (d. 26.) E: 3.
  • John le Strange; Straung, 4, (d. 13. 23. 32. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 9. 19. 36) 7 (p: 2. d. 3.) 9, (d: 28.) 10, (d: 1. 5.) 11, (d: 1. d: 8. 15. p. 2. d 11. 40.) 12, (p. 2. d: 30.) 13, (p: 2. d: 1. 28.) 14, (p: 2. d. 23. 33.) 15, (p: 1. d. 37.) 16, (p: 2. d: 39.) 17, (p: 1. d: 25.) 18, (p: 1. d: 14.) E. 3. Roger Lestrange, Straung, 16, (p: 1. d. 39.) 22, (p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p: 1. d. 23.) 29, (d: 3.) 31, (d: 2. 21.) 32, (d: 4.) 33, (d: 24.) de Knokyn, 44, (d. 1.) 46, (d: 9 10. 11.) 47, (d: 13.) 49▪ (d▪ 4. 6.) E. 3. 1, (d: 37.) 2, (d: 13. 29.) 3, (d: 32.) 4, (d: 32.) 5, (d: 40.) 6, (d: 37.) R. 2.
  • John Lestrange, de Knokyn, 7, (d: 10. 37.) 8, (d: 35.) 9, (d. 45.) 10, (d: 42.) 11, (d: 13. 24.) 12, (d: 42.) 13, (d: 5) 14, (d: 42.) 15, (d. 37.) 16, (d: 27.) 17, (d: 30.) 18, (d: 23.) 20, (p: 1. d: 27.) R. 2.
  • Richard Le Strange, 7, (d: 35.) 8, (d: 2,) 11, (d. 32) 12, (d: 2.) 14, (d: 22.) H. 4. 1, (d. 9. 37.) 2, (d: 16.) 3, (d: 15.) 4, (d: 16.) 5, (d: 11.) 7 (d: 9.) 8, (d. 2.) 9, (d: 13.) H. 5. 1, (d: 22.) 2, (d: 18.) Chivaler, 4, (d: 15.) 5, (d: 4.) 7, (d: 2.) 9, (d: 18.) 10, (d. 10.) 11, (d: 10.) 13, (d: 2.) 15, (d: 18) 18, (d: 33.) 20, (d: 27.) 23, (d: 21.) 25, (d. 24.) 27, (d: 24) H. 6.
  • John le Strange, Chivaler, 49, (d: 6.) H. 6. 6, (d: 1.) 9, (d: 3.) 12, (d: 41.) E. 4.
  • William de Leybourne, 27, (d: 16. 18) 28, (d: 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d: 2.) 33, (d: 21.) 34, (d: 2.) E: 1. 1, (d. 8. 11, 19.) 2, (d: 11. 14. 20.) 3, (d: 16. 17.) 4, (d: 1.) E. 2. John de Leybourne, 11, (p. 1. d: 8. p. 2. d. 11. 40.) 12, (p. 2. d. 32.) 13, (p. 2. d: 1. 28.) 14, (p: 1. d: 23. 33.) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) 17, (p. 1. d: 25.) 18, (p. 1. d: 14.) 20, (p. 1. d. 22.) 21, (p: 1: d: 9.) E. 3.
  • Henry de Lorty, 19, (d: 27.) E. 2.
  • John Lovel, Luvel, de Tichemersh, 25, (d. 25.) 27, (d. 16. 18.) 28, (d: 3. 17) 30, (d: 8. 13.) 32, (d: 2.) 33. (d: 21.) 34, (d. 2.) 35, (d: 13.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d: 11. 14. 20) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 5, (d. 17) 6, (d. 13. 31) 7, (d. 6. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) E. 2. Thomas Lovel, 16, (p. 2. d. 32.) E. 3. Richard Lovel, 22, (p. 2. d. 9.) 23, (p: 1. d. 23.) 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) E: 3. John Lovel 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50, (p. 2. d. 6.) E. 3. de Tishemersh, 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d: 32.) 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. 37.) 7▪ (d. 37.) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d. 45.) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d: 13. 24.) 12, (d: 42.) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d. 32.) 15, (d. 37.) 16, (d. 27.) 17, (d: 30.) 20, (p. 1. d. 15.) 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) 23, (d. 3.) R. 2. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (p. 2. d. 3.) 3, (d. 28.) 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 4.) 7 (d. 30) 8, (d. 2.) 11, (d. 32.) 12, (d. 2.) 14, (d. 22.) H. 4. 1, (d. 9. 37.) 2. (d. 6.) H. 5.
  • Thomas Lovel de Helmshire, 16, (d: 23.) 17, (d: 30.) 20, (p. 1. d. 15.) R. 2.
  • William Lovel de Tichemersh, Chivaler, 3, (d: 9.) 4, (d. 15.) 5, (d. 4.) 7, (d. 2.) 10, (d. 10.) 11, (d 10.) 13, (d: 2.) 15, (d. 18.) 18, (d: 33.) 20, (d. 27.) 23, (d. 21.) 25, (d. 24.) 27, (d 24.) 28, (d: 26.) 29 (d. 41.) 31, (d. 36.) 33, (d. 30.) H. 6. John Lovel, Chiv. 38, (d. 30) H. 6. 1, (d. 35.) 2, (d. 3.) E. 4.
  • William Lovel de Morley, Chiv. 49 (d. 6.) H. 6. 9, (d. 3.) 12, (d. 41:) E. 4. Francis Lovel de Lovel, Chivaler, 22, and 23, (d: 10.) E. 4. Robert de Loundres, 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Thomas de Lonvillers, 16, (p. 2. d. 22.) E. 3.
  • John de Longevilliers, 32, (d. 14) E. 3.
  • Geoffrey de Lucy, 49, (d. 11.) H. 3. 25, (d. 5.) E. 1. Antony de Lucy, 14, (d. 5.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d: 5. 34.) 19. (d. 27.) 20, (d. 4.) E. 2 1, (p. 2. d. 11. 16.) 2, (d. 16. 23. 31) 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d. 13, 23. 32. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 9 (d. 8. 18.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 12, (p. 2. d. 32.) 13, (p. 2. d. 32. p. 2. d. 1. 18.) 14, (p. 2. d. 23. 33.) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) 17, (p. 1. d. 25.)
  • Thomas de Lucy, 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) 18, (p. 1. d. 14.) 20, (p. 2. d. 22.) 21, (p. 2. d: 6.) 22, (p. 1. d. 32. p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p: 2. d. 23.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 27, (d. 13.) 28, (d. 36.) 29 (d. 7. 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 34▪ (d. 4. 35.) 35, (d. 36.) 36, (d. 26. 42.) 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d. 3.) E. 3.
  • Ralph de Lumley, 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d. 45.) 10. (d. 42.) 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d: 5) 14, (d. 42.) 15, (d. 37.) 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d. 30.) 18, (d. 23.) 20, (p. 1. d. 15.) 21. (p. 1, d. 27) 23, (p. 1.) R. 2. 1. (d. 37.) H. 4. Thomas Lumley, Chivaler, 49, (d. 6) H. 6 Dominus Lumley, 2, (d. 3.) 6, (d. 1.) 9 (d. 3.) 12 (d: 41.) 22, and 23, (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • Robert Lutterel, 23, (d. 4. 9.) E. 1.
  • John de Lyonns, 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
    M
  • PEter de Malo-lacu, 23, (d. 9.) 27, (d. 13.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 15.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 20.) 3. (d. 16. 17) 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d: 16. 27.) 8, ( . 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d▪ 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d: 13.) 14 (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d: 26.) 17, (d: 27.) 18, (d. 5. 21. 34.) E. 2. 9, (d. 2.) E. 3. Peter de Malo-lacu le Quint, 10, (d: 1. 5.) 11, (p. 2. d. 11.) 12, (p. 2. d. 32.) 13, (p. 1. d. 1. 28.) 14, (p. 1. d. 23. 33.) 15 (p. 1. d. 37.) 16, (p. 1. d. 29.) 17, (p. 1. d. 29.) 18, (p. 1. d. 14.) 20, (p. 2. d. 22.) 21, (p. 1. d. 9) 22, (p. 1. d. 32. p. . d. 7) 23, (p. 1. (d. 23.) 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 16.) 29, (d. 18.) E. 3. Peter de Malo-lacu le Sisme, 31 (d. 2. 21.) 34, (d. 4.) 47, (d: 13.) 49, (d: 4. 6.) 50, (p. 2. d. 6.) E. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 4.) 6, (d. 37.) R. 2. Peter de Malo-lacu, 23, (d: 3.) R. 2. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (p. 2. d. 3.) 3, (d. 28.) 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 4.) 7, (d. 30.) 8, (d. 2.) 11, (d. 32.) 12, (d. 2.) 14, (d. 22.) H. 4. 1, (d. 9. 37.) 2, (d. 16.) 3, (d. 15.) H. 5.
  • Thomas Malesore, 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Baldwin de Maneriis, 3, (d. 17.) E. 2.
  • Walter de Manny, 21, (p. 2. d. 9.) 22, (p. 1. d. 32.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 26, (d. 14.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 7. 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 34, (d. 4.) 36, (d. 16) 37, (d. 22.) 39, (d. 2.) 42, (d. 22.) 43, (d. 24.) 44, (d. 1.) E. 3.
  • John de la Mare, 27, (d. 18.) 28, (d. 37.) 30, (d. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) 35, (d. 13.) E. 1. 1, (d. 11. 19) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7 (d. 27.) E. 2.
  • William de Marescal (Marshal) 2, (d. 11. 14. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 4, (d. 1.) 5, (d. 11. 17. 25.) 6▪ (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) E. 2.
  • Robert Markamote, 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • William Marmyon, 43, (d. 11.) E. 3.
  • John de Marmyon, 25, (d. 25.) E. 1. , (d. 27.) 14, (d. 5.) 15, (d. 16) 20, (d. 4.) E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 10. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d. 13. 23. 32. 41.) 5, (p. 1. d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7.) 6, (d. 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 13.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d. 8.) E. 3. William de Marmyon, 32, (d. 14. E. 3.
  • Robert Martyn, 32, (d. 4.) E. 3.
  • William Martin, 23, (d. 9.) 27, (d. 16. 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 9. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 14. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 4, (d. 1.) 5, (d. 11. 17. 25.) 6, (d. 3. 3 .) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 5. 11. 34.) 19, (d. 27.) E. 2.
  • John Ma uduit, 16, (p. 2. d. 22.) E. 3.
  • Peter de Maule; Mauley, 37, (d. 32.) 38, (d. 3.) 42, (d. 12.) 43, (d. 24.) 44, (d. 1.) E. 3.
  • Nicholas de Sancto Mauro (S ymore) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) William de Sancto Mauro, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 14, (d. 5.) 15, (d. 16.) E. 2. Nicho as de Sancto Mauro, 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 7. 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 34, (d. 4.) E. 3.
  • John Mautrav rs, (styled in some Rolls Junior, ) 4, (d. 13. 23. 32. 41.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) E. 3.
  • Nicholas de Meivil, M ignell, Meynill, Mervile, Morvie, 23, (d. 9.) 27, (d. ▪18.) E. 1. 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14. 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) E. 2. 9,(d. 8.) 10, (d. 15.) 11, (p. 2. d. 11.) 12, (p. 2. d. 32.) 13, ( . 2. d. 1. 28.) 14, (p. 1. d. 23. 33.) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) E. 3.
  • Richard de Merton 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Thomas de Metha 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Io n de Moiles, 25, (d. 25.) 27, (d. 16. 18.) E. 1. 2, (d. 11. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 4, (d. 1.) 5, (d. 7.) E. 2. Nicholas de Moiles 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) E. 2.
  • Robert de Mohaunt, Morhaunt 20, (d. 4.) E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 11. 16. 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) 3, (d. 19.) E. 3.
  • John de Mohun, Moun 27, (d. 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19) 2, (d. 11. 14. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 5, (d. 25.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27) 8 (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 10, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 18, (d. 21.) 19, (d. 17.) E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 11. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 24. 31.) 3, d. 13.) 4, (d. 13. 31. 41.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) E. 3. John de Mohun de Dunste , 22, (p. . d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d. 3.) 39 (d. 2.) 42, (d. 22.) 43, (d. 24.) 46, (d. 9, 10, 11.) 47, (d. 13.) E. 3.
  • William Moigne 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Simon de Monte acuto, Montecute, Montegue) 28, (d. 17.) 30, (d. 8.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, d. (21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 20.) 3, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 10. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) E. 2. William de Monte acuto, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) E. 2. 4, (d. 23. 32.) 5, (p. 1. d. 7. 15. p. 2. d. 7.) 6, (d. 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d. 8. 28.) 10, (d. 1. 5. 22, p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) E. 3.
  • Edward de Monte acuto 18, (p. 1. d. 39.) 22, (p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 31, (d. 2.) 32, (d. 4.) 34, (d. 4. 35.) E. 3. John de Monte acuto 31, [d. 2.] 44, (d. 1.) 46, (d. 9.) 47, (d. 13.) 49, (d. 4. 6.) E. 3. 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. 37.)▪ 7, (d. 10. 37 ) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d. 45.) 10, (d. 24.) 1. 1, (d. 42.) 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d. 5.) 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d. 30.) 18, (d. 23.) 20, (p. 1. d. 15.) R. 2.
  • Roger de Monte alto 23, (d. 9.) E. 1. Robert de Monte alto, 27, (d. 18.) 28, (d. 3.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) E. 1. 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 14.) 17, (d. 27.) E. 2. Simon de Monte alto 28, (d. 3.) 30, (d. 13.) E. 1.
  • John de Monte forti, (Mountfort, Momford) 23, (d. 4. 9.) E. 1. 7, (d. 27.) E. 2. Peter de Monteforti 9, (d. 8.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39. p. 2. d. 23.) 22, (p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) E. 3.
  • John de Monte Gomeri, [Mountgomery] 16, (p. 1. d. 39) E. 3.
  • Ralph de Monte Hermerii, 2, (d. 11. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 23.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 21. 34) E. 2. Edward de Monte Hermerii, 11, (p. 1. d. 8. 15.) E. 3.
  • William de Morle, Morley 28, (d. 17.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. Robert de Morle, Morley, Mallory, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 21. 34) 20, (d. 4.) E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 11. 16.) 2 (d. 15. 23. 31.) 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d. 13. 23. 32. 41.) 5, (p. 1. d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7.) 6, (d. 19. 36.) 7, (p: 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d. 8. 28.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (p. 2. d. 11.) 12, (p. 2. d. 32.) 13, (p. 2. d. 1. 28.) 14, (p. 1. d. 23. 33.) 15, (p. 1. d. 23) 16, (p. 1. d. 39. p. 2. d. 22.) 17, (p. 1. d. 25.) 18, (p. 1. d. 14.) 21, (p. 2. d. 9.) 22, (p. 1. d. 32. p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) 〈◊〉 , (p. 2. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 26, (d. 14.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 7. 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 32, (d. 14.) E. 3. John de Morle 6, (d. 9.) E. 3. William de Morle, Morley 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2.) 42, (d. 22) 43, (d. 24.) Chivaler 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50, (p. 2. d. 6.) E. 3. 1. (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) R. 2. Thomas de Morle, Morley 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. 37.) 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d. 45.) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d. 42.) Chivaler 15, (d. 32.) 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d. 30) 20, (p. 1. d. 15.) 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) 23 (d. 3.) R. 2. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (p. 1. d. 3.) 3, (d. 17.) 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. (d. 4.) 7, (d. 30.) 8, (d. 2.) 11, (d. 32.) 1 , (d. 2.) 14, (d. 22.) H. 4. 1, (d. 9. 37.) 2, (d. 16.) 3, (d. 15.) 4, (d. 16.) H. 5. Thomas de Morle, Chivaler, 4, (d. 15.) 5, (d. 4.) H. 6. Ralph de Morle, Chivaler, 7, (d. 2.) H. 6. John de Morley, Chivaler, 10, (d. 10.) 11, d. 10.) H. 6. Thomas de Morley, Chivaler, 13, (d. 2.) H. 6.) Robert Morley, Chivaler 20, (d. 27.) H. 6.
  • Edward de Mortuo-mari, (Mortymer) 23. (d. 9.) 27, (d. 16. 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) E. 1. Simon Mortymer, 24, (d. 7.) E. 1.) Edward de Mortuo-mari, 25, (d. 25) E. 1. Hugh de Mortuo-mari, 25, (d. 25.) 27, (d. 16. 18,) E. 1. William de Mortuo-mari de Atteleburge, 25, (d. 25.) E. 1.
  • Roger de Mortuomari de Wigmore 27, (d. 16. 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 25.) 34, (d. 2.) 35, (d. 13.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 14. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 4, (d. 1.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 14, (d. 5.) 20, (d. 4.) E. 2.
  • Roger de Mortuo-mar de Chirke, Chirkes, 1, (d. 11. 19.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 5, (d. 11. 17.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 17, (d. 27.) E. 2.
  • Edmund de Mortuo-mari 5, (p. 2. d. 7.) E. 3. Constantine de Mortuo mari, 16, (p. 1. d. 39. p. 2. d. 22.) E. 3. Roger de Mortuo-mari de Wigmore 22, (p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 25.) 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 26, (d. 14.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) E. 3.
  • Roger de Moubray, Mubray 23, (d. 4. 9.) 24, (d. 7.) 25, (d. 25.) E. 1. John de Moubray 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 5, (d. 7. 11.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29▪) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 24.) E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 11.) 2, (d. 31.) 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d. 13. 23. 32. 41) 5, (p. 1. d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7. 6, (d. 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d. 8. 28.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (p. 2. d. 11,) 12. (p. 2. d. 32.) 13, (p. 2. d. 1. 28.) 14, (p. 1. d. 23. 33) 15 (p. 1. d, 37.) 16. (p. 1. d. 39. p. 2. d. 13) DOMINUS Insulae de Ax olme d. 22) 17, (p 1. d. 25.) 18, (p. 1. d. 14,) 20, (p 2. d. 2.) 22, (p. 1. d. 22. p. 2. d. 3. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 26, (d. 14.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 7. 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 32, (d. 14.) 33, (d. 10) 34, (d 35.) 36, (d. 16.) 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2.) E. 3.
  • Thomas de Multon, 25, (d. 25.) 27, (d. 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30 (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) E. 1. 8, (d. 11. 29.) 9, (d. 9. 22.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) E. 2.
  • Thomas de Multon de Egresmond 1, (d. 19. 2, (d. 11. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 18. 27.) 11, (d. 8. 14) 12, (d. 11. 29.) E. 2.
  • Tho: de Multon de Gillesland 1, (d. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 5, (d. 17.) 7, (d. 18. 27.) E. 2.
  • John de Multon 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) E. 3.
  • William de Munchensey 49, (d. 11.) H. 3.
  • Walter de Muncy 27, (d. 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1.
  • John Musard 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Thomas de Musgrave, 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 7, 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21) 32, (d. 14.) 34 (d. 4. 35.) 36, (d. 16.) 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2.) 42, (d. 22.) 43, (d. 24.) 44, (d. 1.) 46, (d. 3.) 47, (d. 13.) E. 3.
    N
  • SErlo de Naus adron 28, (d. 17.) 30, (d. 8.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1.
  • Ralph de Nevill 23, (d. 4. 9.) 24, (d. 7.) 25, (d. 25.) 27, (d. 18.) E. 1. Ralph de Nevill 5, (d. 7. 11.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27) 14, (d. 5.) 15, (d 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 5. 21. 34.) 19, (d. 17.) 20, (d. 4.) E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 11. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d. 13. 23. 32. 41) 5, (p. 1. d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7.) 6, (d. 9. 19. 36.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d. 8. 18.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 12, (p. 2. d. 32.) 13, (p. 2. d. 1. 28,) 14, (p. 2. d. 23. 33.) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) 17, (p. 1. d. 25.) 18, (p. 1. d. 14) 20, ( . 2. d. 22.) 21, (p. 2. d. 9.) 22, (d. 1. d. 32. p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 26, (d. 14.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 7. 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 32, (d. 14.) 33, (d. 10.) 34, ( . 4. 35.) 36, (d. 13.) 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2.) E. 3.
  • Hugh de Nevill 5, (d. 7.) 5, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16, 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17▪ (d. 27.) 18, (d. 5. 21. 34.) E, 2. 6, (d. 49. 19. 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 28.) 9, (d. 28.) E. 3.
  • Gilhert de Nevill 4, (d. 23.) E. 3.
  • John de Nevill de Essex 9, (d. 8.) 10, (d. 5.) 11, (p. 1. d. 18. p. 2. d. 11. 40.) 12, (p. 2. d. 32) 13, (p. 2. d. 1. 28.) 14, (p. 1. d. 23. 33.) 15, (p. 2. d. 37.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) 17, (p. 1. d. 35.) 18, (p. 2. d. 14.) 22, (p. 2. d. 7.) 23, ( p. 1. d. 23) E. .
  • Robert de Nevill 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) E. 3.
  • Iohe de Nevill de Raby 42 (d. 22.) 43, (d. 24.) 44, (d. 1) 50▪ (p. 2. d 6.) E. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d. 32.) 5. (d. 40.) 6, (d. 37.) 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d. 45.) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12, (d. 42.) R. 2.
  • Thomas de Nevill de Halmshire, Halumshire, 7, (d. 10. 37) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d. 45.) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d. 42.) 15, (d. 37.) 18, (d. 23) 20, (p. 1. d. 15.) 21, (p. 1. d. 23.) 23, (d. 3.) R. 2. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (p. 2. d. 3.) 3, (d. 17.) 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 4.) 7, (d. 30.) 8, (d. .) 11, (d. 32.) 12, ( . 2.) 14, (d. 22.) H. 4.
  • Ralph Nevill de Raby 12, (d. 42.) 14, (d. 42.) 15, (d. 37) 16, (d. 23) 17, (d. 30.) 20, (p. 1. d. 25.) 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) R. 2.
  • William de Nevill Chivaler, 9, (d. 18.) 10, (d. 10.) 11, (d. 10.) 13, (d. 2.) 15, (d. 18.) 18, (d. 33.) 20, (d. 27.) 25, (d. 24.) H. 6.
  • Edward Nevill DOMINVS de Bergavenney 29, (d. 41) Chivaler, 31, (d. 36.) 33, (d. 36.) 38, (d. 30.) 39, (d. 6.) H. 6. 1, (d. 35.) 2, (d. 3) 6, (d. 1.) 9, (d. 3.) 12. (d. 41) E. 4.
  • William Nevill de Fauconbridge Chivaler, 33, (d. 36.) 38, (d 30) H 6. 1, (d. 35.) E. 4.
  • John Nevill DOMINVS de Mounjoy [Montague] Chivaler, 1, (d. 35.) 2, (d. 3.) E. 4.
  • George Nevill Chivaler 22, 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • William de Neyrford 25, (d. 25.) E. 1.
  • Wal er de Norwico (Norwich) 8, (d. 35.) E. 2. John de Norwico, 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) 32, (d. 14.) 33, (d. 10.) 34, d. 35,) E. 3.
  • Irhn de Norwode, Northwode 6, (d. 9. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 17.) 8, (d. 29. 36.) 9, (d. 22. 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29) E. 2. Roger de Northwode 33, (d. 10.) 34, (d. 35.) E. 3. John de Northwode, 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2.) 42. (d. 22) 43, (d. 24.) 44, (d. 12.) 46, (d. 11.) 47, (d. 13.) 49, (d. 6.) E. 3.
  • Adam de Novo Mercato, 49, (d. 11.) H. 3. Thomas de Novo Mercato 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
    O
  • RObert de Ogle DOMINUS de Ogle Chivaler 2, (d. 3.) 6, ( . 1.) 9, (d. 3.) E. 4. Owen Ogle, de Ogle Chivaler, 22 & 23 (d. 10.) E. 1.
  • John de Oldcastle Chivaler 11, (d. 32.) 12, (d. 2.) 14, (d. 2 ) H. 4. 1, (d. 37) H. 5.
  • John de Orreby 2, (d. 11. 20.) 3, (d: 17.) 4 (d. 1.) E. 2.
    P
  • John de Palton 32. (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • John de Pateshull 26, (p. 1. d. 29.) E. 3.
  • John de Paynell 28, (d. 3. 17. 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 3, (d. 17.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29) E. 2. William Paynell, Paignell, 2, (d. 11. 20.) 3, d. 16. 17.) 4, (d. 1.) 5, (d. 11. 17.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 35.) 9. (d. 22) E. 2.
  • John de Payure 27, (d. 16. 18.) E. 1. 11, (d. 14.) E. 2.
  • Gilbert Pecche, de Petche 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 1 .) 32, (d. 23.) 4, (d. 2.) E. 1. 15 E. 2, d. 16. Robert Petche, 25, (d. 25.) E. 1. 14, (d. 5.) E. 2. John Pecche, Petche, de Petche 14, (d. 5.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, d. 26,) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 5. 21. 34.) 19, (d, 27.) 20, (d. 4.) E. 2. 1, ( . 2. d. 11. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d. 13. 32. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 23.) 6, (d. 9. 19. 38.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18) 9, (d. 8. 28.) 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • John de Peitz 11, (d. 8.) E. 2.
  • Henry de Percy 27, d. 8. 18.) 28, (d. 3. 7.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 8. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 14. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 4, (d. 1.) 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 35.) E. 2. Henry de Percy 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 5. 21. 34.) 19, (d. 27.) 20, (d. 4.) E. 2. 1. (p. 2. d. 11. 16.) 2 (d. 15. 23. 31.) 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d. 13. 23. 32. 41.) 5, (p. 1. d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7.) 6, (d. 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d. 8. 28.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 12. (p. 2. d. 32.) 13, (p. 2. d. 28.) 14, (p. 1. d. 23. 33.) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39. 17, (p. 1. d. 25.) 18, (p. 1. d. 14.) 20, (p. 2. d. 22.) 21, (p. 2. d. 9.) 22, (p. 1. d. 32. p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 26, (d. 14.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 7. 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 32, (d. 14.) 34, (d. 4.) 36, (d. 16.) 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d. 3.) 42, (d. 22. ( Le Percey) 43, (d. 24.) 44, (d. 1.) 46, (d. 3.) 49, (d. 4. 6) E. .
  • Henry Percey DOMINVS de Poynings, Chivaler, 27, (d. 24.) 28, (d. 26. 29, (d. 41.) 31, (d. 36.) 33, (d. 6.) H. 6.
  • Thomas Percey DOMINVS de Egremont, Gremont, 29, (d. 41.) 31, (d. 36.) 38, (d. 30.) H. 6.
  • Ralph Per t, 25, (d. 25.) E. 1.
  • Henry Peverell 32▪ (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Hugh de Peyngn 23. (d. 9.) E. 1,
  • Hugh de Sancto Phileberto, 27 (d. 18.) E. 1. Hugh de Sancto Philberto 22, (p. 2. d. 7,) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) E 3.
  • Henry Picard 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Henry de Pinkeney 25, (d. 25.) 27, (d. 16. 18.) 28, (d. 17) E. 1.
  • Ralph Pipard, Pypard, Pipart 25, (d. 25.) 27, (d. 16. 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) E. 1.
  • Robert de Playez 11, (d. 14.) E. 2.
  • Giles de Playez 25, (d. 25.) E. 1. Richard de Plaiez, Playez, 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 10.) E. 2.
  • Magister Richard de Plescy 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Hugh de Plessetis 25, (d. 25.) 27, (d. 18.) E. 1.
  • Alan de Pluckenet, Ploukenet, Plugenet 23, (d. 4. 9.) 24, (d. 7.) 25, (d. 25.) E. 1. 5, (d. 11.) E. 2.
  • Michael de la Pole 39, (d. 2.) 42, (d. 22.) 43, (d. 24.) 46, (d. 9.) 49, (d. 4. 6.) Admirallus Flote Navium versus partes Boriales, 50, (p. 2. d. 6.) E. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d. 31.) 5, (d. 40) 6, (d. 37.) 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d. 35.) R. 2.
  • Michael de Ponitz, Pointz 23, (d. 4.) 24, (d. 7.) 25, (d. 25.) 27, (d. 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 19.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) E. 2. Nicholas de Pointz 2, (d. 11. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 4, (d. 1.) E. 2. Hugh de Pointz, 11, (d. 8, 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 18, (d. 21.) 20, (d. 4.) E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 11. 16.) 2, (d. 23. 31.) 4, (d. 13. 23. 32. 41.) 5, (p. 2. d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7.) 6, (d. 19. 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d. 8. 28.) 10, (d, 1. 5.) 11, (p. 1. d. 8. p. 2. d. 11.) 12, (p. 2. d. 32.) 13, (p. 2. d. 1. 28.) 14, (p. 2. d. 23, 33.) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) 17, (p. 1. d. 25.) E. 3. Robert de Pointz 1, (p. 2. d. 16.) E. 3.
  • Thomas de Poynings, 11, (p. 1. d. 8. 15.) E. 3. Michael de Poynings, 16, (p. 1. d. 39. 22, ( . 2. d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 26, (d. 14.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 7, 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 32, (d. 14.) 34, (d. 4.) 36, (d. 16.) 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2.) 42, (d. 22.) E. 3.
  • Luke de Poynings, 42, (d. 22.) 43, (d. 24.) 44, (d. 1.) 46, (d. 9, 11.) 47, (d. 13.) 49, (d. 4. 6.) E. 3.
  • Richard de Poynings 7, (d. 37.) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d. 45.) R. 2.
  • Robert Poynings 7, (d. 30.) 8, (d. 2.) 11, (d. 32.) 12, (d. 2.) 14, (d. 22.) H. 4. 1, (d. 9. 37.) 2, (d. 16) 3, (d. 15.) 4, (d. 16.) 5, (d. 11.) 17, (d. 9.) 8, (d. 2.) 9, (d. 14.) H. 5. 1, (d. 22.) 2, (d. 18.) Chivaler, 3, (d. 9.) 4, (d. 15.) 5, (d. 4. 7, (d. 2.) 9, (d. 18.) 10, (d. 10.) 11, (d. 10.) 13, (d. 2.) 15, (d. 18.) 18, (d. 33.) 20, (d. 27) 23, (d. 21.) H. 6.
    R.
  • THomas de Reynes 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • John de Ripariis 27, (d. 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) E. 2.
  • Ludowic Robesart Chivaler, 3, (d. 9.) 4, (d. 15.) 5, (d. 4.) 7, (d. 2.) H. 6.
  • Thomas de la Roche 28 (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, ((d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1.
  • Sayerus de Rocheford, 32. (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Robert de Ros, 49, (d. 11.) H. 3.
  • Robert de Ros de Werke 23, (d. 4. 9.) E. 1.
  • William de Ros, Roos de Helmeslake, Hamelake 23, (d. 9.) 27, (d. 16. 18.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) E. 1. 1, (d. 11.) 2, (d. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 3. 17.) 7, (d. 6. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 15.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 5. 21. 34.) 20, (d. 4.) E. 2. 1, (p. 1. d. 11. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) 3, (d. 10.) 4, (d. 13. 23. 32. 41.) 5, (p. 1. d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7.) 6, (d. 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d. 8. 28.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (p. 1. d. 11. 40.) 12, (p. 2. d. 32.) 13, (p. 2. d. 1. 28.) 14, (p. 1. d. 23. 33.) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 16, (p. 1. d. 29. p. 2. d. 13. 22.) 23, (p. 2. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) E. 3.
  • John de Ros, Roos, 6, (d. 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d. 8. 28.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (p. 1. d. 15. p. 2. d. 11. 40.) 12, (p. 2. d. 32.) E. 3. Thomas de Ros, Roos de Hamelake, 35, (d. 36.) 36, (d. 16. 32.) 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2.) 42, (d. 22.) 43 (d. 24.) 49, (d. 4.) E. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. 37,) 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d. 35) R. 2. John Roos de Hamelake, 10 (d. 42.) 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d. 42) 15, (d. 32.) 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d. 30.) R. 2. William Roos de Hamlake 18, (d. 23.) 20, (p. 2. d. 15.) 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) 23, (d. 3) R. 2. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (p. 1. d. 3.) 3, (d. 17.) 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 4.) 7, (d. 30.) 8, (d. 2.) 11, (d. 32.) 12, (d. 2.) 14, (d. 22) H. 4. 1, (d. 9. 37.) H. 5, Thomas Roos de Hamelake Chivaler, 7, (d. 2.) H. 6. Thomas DOMINUS de Roos, 27, (d. 24.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 41.) Miles, 31, (d. 36.) 33, (d. 36.) 38, (d. 30.) H. 6.
  • Thomas de Rous 32 (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • William de Ryther, Rithre, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8.) 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) E. 2.
  • William Ryvill 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
    S
  • WIlliam Sampson 28, (d. 17.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1.
  • Roger de Sancto Iohanne (Seint-John) 49, (d. 11.) H. 3.
  • John de Sancto Iohanne de Lageham 25, (d. 25.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8, 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 4, (d. 1.) 5, (d. 11. 17.) 6, (d. 3. 31) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 28) E. 2.
  • John de Sancto Iohanne (usually styled Junior ) 28, (d. 17) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) E. 2.
  • John de Sancto Iohanne de Basinges 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 5. 21, 34.) 19, (d. 27.) E. 2.
  • John de Sancto Iohanne 20, (d. 20.) E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 11. 16,) 6, (d. 15. 23. 31.) 4, (d. 13. 41.) 5, (d. 25.) E. 3.
  • John de Sandall 6, (d. 35.) E. 2.
  • Arnold Sauvage 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Geofry de Say 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22) 11, (d. 8. 14) 12, (d. 11. 19.) 13, (d. 13) 14, (d. 5. 29.) E. 2. Geofry de Say 16, (p. 1. d. 29.) 22, (p. 2. d. 9.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) 26, (d. 14.) 27, d. 12.) E. 3. William de Say 36, (d. 13.) 37, (d. 20.) 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2) 42. (d. 22.) 43 (d. 24.) 44, (d. 1.) 46, (d. 9, 10, 11.) 47, (d. 13.) E. 3.
  • Rober de Scales, D'escales, 27, (d. 16. 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 11. 19.) 6, (d. 3. 31. 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29,) 13, (d. 3. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) E. 2. Robert de Scales, 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) 25, p. 1. d. 5.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 7, 8.) 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2.) 42, (d. 22.) 43, (d. 24.) 50, (p. 2. d. 6.) E. 3.
  • Roger de Scales, Skales 49, (d. 4. 6.) E. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. 37.) 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d. 45.) R. 2. Robert de Scales 20, (p. 1. d. 15.) 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) 23, (d. 3.) R. 2▪ 1, (d. 37.) 2, (p. 1. d. 3.) H. 4. Thomas de Scales, Miles 23, (d. 21.) 25, (d. 24.) 27, (d. 24.) 28, (d. 26) 29, (d. 41.) 31, (d. 36.) 33, (d. 36.) 38, (d. 30) H. 6.
  • Henry le Scrop 8, (d. 35.) E. 2. Henry le Scrop, 3, (d. 19.) 6, (d. 4.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 26, (d. 14.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 34, (d. 4.) 44, (d. 1.) 46, (d 9.) 47, (d. 13.) 50, (p. 2. d. 6.) E. 3. 1, (d. 37) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d. 32.) Chivaler, 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. 37.) 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d. 45▪) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d. 37.) 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d. 42.) 15, (d. 37.) R. 2.
  • Richard le Scrop 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 39.) 3, (d. 32) 4, (d. 32.) 4, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. 37.) 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d. 45.) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d. 42.) 15, (d. 37.) 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d. 30.) 18, (d. 23.) 20, (p. 1. d. 15.) 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) 23, (d. 3.) R. 2. 1, (d, 37.) 2, (p. 2. d. 3.) 3, (d. 17.) 5, (p. 1. d. 25.) H. 4.
  • Stephen de Scrop de Masham 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d. 30.) 20, (p. 1. d. 15.) 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) 23, (d. 3.) R. 2. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (p. 2. d. 3.) 3, (d. 17.) 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 4.) 7, (d. 30.) 8, (d. 2.) H. 4. Henry le Scrop de Masham, 11, (d. 32.) 12, (d. 2.) 14, (d. 22.) H. 4. 1, (d. 9. 〈◊〉 ) 2, (d. 16.) H. 5. John le Scrop de Masham, Ch ••• ter, 4, (d. 15.) 5, (d. 4.) 7, (d. 2.) 9, (d. 18.) 10, (d. 10.) 11, (d. 10.) 13, (d. 2.) 15, (d. 18.) 18, (d. 33.) 20, (d. 27.) 23, (d. 21.) 25, (d. 24.) 27, (d. 24.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 41.) 31, [d. 36.] 33, [d. 36.] H. 6.
  • Henry le Scrop de Bolton, Chivaler 20, [d. 27.] 23, [d. 21.] 25, [d. 24.] 27, [d. 24.] 28, [d. 26.] 29, [d. 41.] 31, [d. 36.] 33, [d. 30.] H. 6. John de Scrop de Bolton, Chivaler 38, (d. 30.) 49, (d. 6.) H. 6. 1, (d. 35.) 2, (d. 3.) 6, (d. 1.) 9, (d. 33.) 12, (d. 41.) 22 & 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • Thomas le Scrop de Masham Chivaler 38, (d. 30.) 49, (d. 6) H. 6. 1, (d. 35.) 2, (d. 3.) 6, (d. 1.) 9, (d. 33) 12, (d. 41.) 22 & 23, (d. 10,) E. 4.
  • Nicholas de Segrave 49, (d. 11.) H. 3. Nicholas de Segrave senior 23, (d. 9.) 25, (d. 6. 25.) 27, (d. 18.) 28, (d. 3.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 10. 21) 34, (d. 2.) 35, (d. 13.) E. 1. 1, (d. 11▪ 19,) 2, (d▪ 14. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29) E. 2. Nicholas de Segrave Junior 23, (d, 4. 9.) 24, (d. 7.) E. 1.
  • John de Segrave 24, (d. 7.) 25, (d. 6. 25.) 27, (d. 16, 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 14. 20) 5, (d. 11. 17. 25) 6, (d. 3. 13.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14. 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 5, 34.) E. 2. John de Segrave 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11. (p. 1. d. 8. 15, p. 2. d. 40.) 12, (p. 2. d 32.) 13, (p. 2. d. 1. 28) 14, (p. 2. d. 23. 33) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 16, (p, 1, d. 39. p. 2. d. 13.) 17. (p. 1. d 25.) 18, (p. 1. d. 14.) 20, (p. 1. d. 22.) 21, (p. 2. d. 9.) 22, (p. 1. d. 32. p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23) 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) 21, (p. 1. d. 5.) E. 3.
  • Thomas Seymor 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Richard Seymour, Seymore, 4, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. 37.) 7, (d. 10. 33.) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d. 45.) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d. 10. 37.) 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d. 42.) 15, (d. 37.) 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d. 30.) 18, (d. 23.) 20, (p. 1. d. 15.) 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) 23 (d. 3.) R. 2. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (p. 2. d. 3.) 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 4.) 7, (d. 30.) 8, (d. 2.) H. 4.
  • William de Shareshall 6, (d. 4.) E. 3.
  • Edmond de Sleye 25, (d. 25.) E. 1.
  • John de Somery 1, (d. 8.) 2, (d. 11, 14. 20.) 3, (d. 16, 17) 4, (d. 1.) 5, (d. 11. 17. 25.) 6, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29, 35) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) E. 2.
  • William Spenser 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Edward BARO de Stafford 27, (d. 16. 28.) 28, (d. 3. 17) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 20.) 34, (d. 2) E. 1. 1, (d. 11. E. 2.
  • Ralph de Stafford 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (p. 2. d. 40.) 12, p. 2. d. 32.) 13, (p. 2. d. 1. 28.) 14, (p. 2. d. 23. 33.) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) 17, (p. 1. d. 25) 21, (p. 2. d. 9.) 22, (p. 1. d. 32.) E. 3. BARO de Stafford (listed amongst the Earls) 18, (p. 1. d. 14) and then amongst the Lord's by this title BARO de Stafford, 22, p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) 24, (p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23) 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) E. 3.
  • Richard de Stafford, 32, (d. 14.) 46, (d. 9, 10, 11.) 47, (d. 13.) 49 (d. 4. 6.) 50, (p. 2. d. 6.) E. 3. 1, (d. 37) 2, (d 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) R. 2. Hugh de Stafford 44, (d. 1.) E. 3. Hugh Stafford 12, (d. 2.) 14, (d. 22) H. 4.
  • Humphrey Stafford de Southwick Chivaler 2, (d. 3.) 6, (d. 1.) E. 4.
  • Thomas de Stanley Chivaler 38, (d. 6.) 49, (d. 6.) H. 6. 1. (d. 35.) DOMINUS Stanley 2, (d. 3.) 6, (d. 1.) 9, (d. 3.) 12, (d. 31.) 22 & 23▪ (d. 10.) E. 4. George Stanley de Lestrange Chivaler 22 & 23, (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • Nicholas de Stapleton 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16, 27.) E. 2. Nicholas de Stapleton 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) E. 3.) Miles de Stapleton 32, (d. 34.) E. 3.
  • Henricus de Staunton 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) E. 2.
  • Straunge, See Lestrang, de Extrane .
  • John de Strivelin, 16, (p. 2. d. 39) 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2.) 42, (d. 22.) 44, (d. 1.) E. 3.
  • John Stourton Miles, DOMINUS de Sturton 28, (d. 26) 29, (d. 41.) 31, (d. 36.) 33, (d. 36,) 38, (d. 30.) H. 6. 1, (d. 35) E. 4.
  • William Stourton de Stourton Chivaler 49, (d. 6.) H. 6. 9 (d. 3.) 12, (d. 41.) E. 4. John Stourton Chivaler 22 & 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • John de Suby, Sudeley, Sudele, Sully, Sudle 28, (d. 3.) 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 20.) 3, (d. 17.) 4, (d. 1.) 5, (d. 11.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29) E. 2.
  • John de Sutton 18, (d. 21.) E. 2. John Sutton de Holderness 6, (d. 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d. 8.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (p. 1. d. 8. p. 2. d. 11. 40.) 12, (p. 2. d. 32.) 13, (p. 2. d. 1. 28.) 14, (p. 1. d. 23. 33.) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 16▪ (p. 1. d. 39.) 17, (p. 1. d. 25.) 18, (p. 1. d. 14.) E. 3.
  • John de Sutton de Duddele 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) E. 3.
  • John de Sutton de Essex 33, (d. 10.) 34, (d. 35.) E. 3.
  • John Sutton de Duddeley Chivaler 20, (d. 27) 23, (d. 21) 25, (d. 24.) 27, (d. 24.) 29, (d. 41.) 31, (d. 36) 33, (d. 36.) 38, (d. 30.) H. 6. 1, (d. 35) 2, (d. 3.) 6, (d. 1.) 9, (d. 3.) 12, (d. 41.) 22, & 23, (d. 10) E. 4.
  • Adam de Swyllington 20, (d. 4.) E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 11. 16.) 2, (d. 31) E. 3.
  • Roger de Swynerton 11, (p. 1. d. 8. 15. p. 2. d. 11. 40.) E. 3.
    T
  • GIlbert Talbot, Talebot 4, (d. 32.) 5, (p. 2. d. 7.) 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d, 8. 18.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (p. 2. d. 11. 40.) 12, (p. 2. d. 32.) 13. (p. 2. d. 1. 28.) 14, (p. 1. d. 23. 33.) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39. p. 2. d. 22.) 17, (p. 1. d. 25.) 18, (p. 1. d. 14.) 22, (p. 1. d. 32. p. 2. d. 7.) 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2.) 42, (d. 22.) 44, (d. 1.) 47, (d. 13,) 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50, (p. 2. d. 6.) E. 3. 1, (d. 35.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3▪ (d. 32.) 4, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40) 6, (d. 37.) 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d. 45.) 10 (d. 42.) R. 2.
  • Richard Talbot 4, (d. 23. 33) 6, (d. 9. 19.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d. 8. 28.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (p. 1. d. 8.) 12, (p. 2. d. 32.) 13, (p. 2. d. 1. 28.) 14, (p. 1. d. 23. 33.) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) 18, (p 1. d. 14.) 21, (p. 2. d. 9.) 2 , (p. 1. d. 23) 24. p. 2. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 26, (d. 14.) 27, (d. 12.) 28▪ (d. 26.) 29, (d. 7, 8.) 36, (d. 16.) 37, (d. 22.) E. 3.
  • Thomas Talbot de Blackmore 7, (d. 10.) R. 2.
  • Richard Talbot de Blackmore 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d. 45.) 10, (d. 42.) Chivaler 11, (d. 24.) R. 2.
  • Richard Talbot de Goderich-Castle 11, (d. 13.) 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d. 42.) 15, (d. 37.) 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d. 30.) R. 2.
  • Gilbert Talbot 7, (d. 30.) 8, (d. 2.) 11, (d. 32.) 12, (d. 2) 14. (d. 22.) H. 4. 1, (d. 9. 37.) 2, (d. 16.) 3, (d. 15.) 4, (d. 16.) 5, (d. 11.) H. 5.
  • John Talbot DOMINVS de Furnival 11, (d. 32.) 12, (d. 2.) 14, (d. 22.) H. 4. 1, (d. 9. 37.) 2, (d. 6.) 4, (d. 16) 8, (d. 2.) H. 5.
  • John Talbot Chivaler 4, (d. 1 5.) 11, (d. 10.) 13, (d. 2.) H. 6.
  • John Talbot de Lisle Chivaler 23, (d. 21,) 25, (d. 24▪) 27, (d. 24) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 41.) Viscount de Lisle, 31, (d. 36.) H. 6.
  • Robert de Tateshall 22, (d. 4.) 24, (d. 7.) 25, (d. 6. 25) 27. (d. 16. 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) E. 1.
  • Walter de Tey 27, (d. 16. 28.) 18, (d. 17.) 32, (d. 2.) 33. d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) E. 2.
  • Henry de Teyes, Teyeys, Teyers, Tryes, 27, (d. 18) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8, 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) 35, (d. 13.) E. 1. 1, (d. 29.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16, 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8, 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29) E. 2.
  • John de Thorpe 2, (d. 11. 20.) 3, (d. 16, 17.) 4, (d. 1.) 5, (d. 11. 17.) 6, (d, 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 14, (d. 15.) 15 (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 5. 34.) 19, (d. 27.) E. 2.
  • William de Thorpe 4, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. 37.) 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d. 4 .) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d. 13. 24.) 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d. 42.) R. 2.
  • Pagan de Tibetot, Tibetorte 1, (d. 8.) 2, (d. 11. 14. 20.) 3, (d. 16, 17.) 5, (d. 11. 17. 25.) 6, (d. 3. 31) 7, (d. 16. 27) E. 2
  • John de Tibetot, Tibetorte, Tibetote, Tipetote, Tiptoft, 9, (d. 8. 28.) 10. (d. 1. 5.) 11. (p. 1. d. 8. p. 2. d. 40.) 13. (p. 2. d. 1.) 14, (p. 2. d 23, 33.) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 17, (p. 1. d. 35.) 18, (p. 1. d. 14.) 22, (p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 5.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 7. 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 32, (d. 14.) 34, (d▪ 4.) 36, (d. 16. 42.) 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2.) E. 3. Robert Tibetot. 42, (d. 22.) 44, (d. 1.) E. 3. John Tibetot, Tibetoft, Tiptoft, Chiveler. 4, (d. 15.) 5, (d. 4.) 7, (d. 2.) 9, (d. 18.) 10, (d. 10.) 11, (d. 10.) 13, (d. 2.) 15, (d. 18.) 18, (d. 33,) 20, (d. 27.) H. 6.
  • John Traverse 3, (d. 19.) E. 3.
  • John Tregoz, Tregoitz 25, (d. 25.) 27, (d. 16. 18) E. 1. Henry Tregoz, Tregoitz 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) 35, (d. 13) E. 1. 1, (d. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 20.) 3, (d. 16, 17.) 4, (d. 1.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13) 14 (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) E. 2.
  • Thomas Tregoz 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18) 9, (d. 28.) E. 3.
  • John Trouett 32, (d. 14) E. 3.
  • William Trussell 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) E. 3. Theobald Trussell 32 (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • William Tuchet, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. John Tuchet 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 4.) 7, (d. 30.) 8, (d. 2.) H. 4.
  • Marmaduke Twenge, Thwenge 35, (d. 13.) E. 1. 2, (d. 11. 20.) 3, (d. 16, 17.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 27.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26) E. 2. William de Twenge 18, (d. 22.) E. 2.
    V
  • ADomaru , Eimerus de Valentia 25, (d. 25.) 28, (d. 3. 17,) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 34, [d. 2] E. 1.
  • William la Vavasour, Vavassor 27, (d. 28.) 28, (d. 3. 17) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 20.) 3, (d. 17.) 4, (d. 1.) 5, (d. 11.) 6, (d. 31) E. 2. Walter le Vavassour 7▪ (d. 27) E. 2.
  • Peter de Veel 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Hugh de Veer 27, (d. 16▪ 28.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13,) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) 35, (d. 13) E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 29.) 2, (d. 11. 14. 20.) , (d. 11.) 4, (d. 1.) 5, (d. 11. 17. 25.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 25. 29.) E. 2. Robert de Veer 9, (d. 22) 11, (d. 8. 14) E. 2.
  • Theobald de Verden, Verdon, Verdun, Verdoun 23, (d. 4. 9.) 25, (d. 25.) Senior. 28, (d. 17.) 30, (d. 8.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 2, (d. 11. 19) 3, (d. 16, 17.) 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 11. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 32,) E. 2.
  • Theobald de Verdun Junior 28, (d. 17) 30, (d. 8.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) 35, (d. 1.) E. 1.
  • John de Verdon 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d. 8▪ 28.) 16, (p. 1. d. 9.) E. .
  • John de Vescy 49, (d. 11.) H. 3. William de Vescy 23, (d. 4. 9.) E. 1. 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) E. 2.
  • Kobert de Vfford, D'ufford 2, (d. 11. 20.) 3, (d. 16, 17) 4, (d. 1.) 5, (d. 17. 25.) E. 2. Robert de Vfford 6, (d. 9. 19. 36.) 7, p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d. 8. 28.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) E. . John de Vfford 33, (d. 10.) 34, (d. 35.) E. 3. William de Vfford 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2.) E. 3▪
  • Thomas Vghtred, de Vghtred 18, (p. 1. d. 14.) 22, (p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) 24, p. 2. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1▪ d. 5.) 26, (d. 14.) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 7, 8.) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 32, (d. 14.) 34, (d. 4.) 36, (d. 16.) 37, (d. 22.) 38, (d. 3.) E. 3.
  • Gilbert de Vmfravill 23, (d. 4. 9.) 24, (d. 7.) E. 1. Robert de Vmfravil 2, (d. 20.) E. 2.
  • Henry de Vrtiaco 25, (d. 25.) 27, (d. 18.) E. 1.
  • Peter de Wedale, 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d. 18. 28.) E. 3.
    W
  • THomas de Wa ull 25, (d. 25,) E. 1.
  • John de Wake 23, (d. 4. 9.) 24, (d. 7.) 25, (d. 25.) 27, (d. 18.) 28, (d. 17.) E. 1. Thomas de Wake 11▪ (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15▪ (d. 16) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 5. 34.) 19, (d. 27.) 20, (d. 4.) E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 11. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d. 41) 5, (p. 1. d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7.) 6, (d. 9. 19. 31.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) de Lydell, 9, (d. 8. 28.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (p. 2. d. 11. vacat) 12, (p. 2. d. 32.) 13, (p. 2. d. 1. 28) 14, (p. 1. d. 2 . 33) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39 p. 2. d. 13. 22.) 1 , (p. 1. d. 25.) 18, (p. 1. d. 14.) 20, (p. 2. d. 22.) 21, (p▪ 2. d. 9.) 22, (p. 1. d. 3 , p. 2. d. 7.) 23, (p. 1. d. 23.) E. 3.
  • Richard Walkefore 32 (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Thomas Walkefore 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Richard Walleyes 14, (d. 5.) E. 2.
  • Ralph de Ward 28, (d. 27.) E. 1. Robert de la Warde 28 (d. 3.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) E. 1. Simon de Ward▪ 18, (d. 21.) 20, (d. 4.) E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 11. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 29. 31,) 4, (d. 13. 23. 32. 41.) 5, (d▪ 7. 15) 6, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) E. 3. Richard Ward Chivaler, 49, (d. 6.) H. 6.
  • Roger la War▪ 27, (d. 16. 18 28, (d. 3. 17.) 31, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 10. 21.) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 1. (d. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 20.) 3, (d. 17) 4, (d. 1.) E. 2.
  • Robert la War 33, (d. 21.) E. 1.
  • John la War 1, (d. 8 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 14. 20.) 3, (d. 16, 17.) 5, (d. 11. 17. 25.) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 16. 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 29.) E. 2. John la War 16, (p. 1. d. 39.) E. 3. Rich: de la War 32, (d. 14) E. 3. Roger de la War, 36, (d. 16.) 37, (d. 22.) E. 3. John la War, 44, (d. 1.) 46, (d. 9▪) 47, (d. 13.) 49, (d. 4. 6.) 50. (p. 2. d. 6.) E. 3. 1, (d 35.) 2, (13, 29.) 3, (32.) 4, (d. 3 2.) 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. 37.) 7, (d. 10. 37) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d. 45.) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d. 37.) 12, (d. 42.) 11, (d. 37.) 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d. 42.) 15, (d. 37.) 16, (d. 29.) 17, (d. 30.) 18, (d. 23.) 20, (p. 1. d. 15. (21, p. 1. d. 27) R. 2.
  • Magister Tho. de la War, 23, (d. 33.) R. 2. 1. (d. 37.) 2, (p. 1. d. 3.) 3, (d. 17.) 5, (p. 1. d. 28▪ p. 2. d. 4.) 7, (d. 30.) 8, (d. 2.) 11, (d. 32.) 12, (d. 2.) 14, (d. 22.) H. 4. 1, (d. 9. 37.) 2, (d. 16.) 3, (d. 15.) 4, (d. 16.) 5, (d. 11.) 7, (d. 9.) 8, (d, 2.) 9, (d. 13.) H. 5. 1, (d. 22.) 2, (d. 18.) 3, (d. 9.) 4, (d. 15.) 5, (d. 14.) H. 6.
  • Reginald la War Chivaler 5, (d. 4.) 7, (d. 2.) H. 6.
  • Robert de Watevill, 20, (d. 3.) E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 11. 16.) 2, (d. 11. 23. 31.) 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d. 41.) E. 3.
  • Adam de Welle, Welles, 27 (d. 16. 18.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21) 34, (d. 2.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11.) 2, (d. 11. 14. 20.) 3, (d. 16. 17.) 4, (d. 1) E. 2. Adam de Welles, de Welle, 6, (d. 4 9. 23. 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d. 8. 18.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (p. 1. d. 8. p. 2. d. 11▪ 40.) 12, (p. 2. d. 32.) 13, (p. 2. d. 1. 28) 14, (p. 1. d. 23. 33.) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39. p. 2. d. 13. 22.) 17, (p. 1. d. 25.) 18, (p. 1 d. 14.) E. 3. John de Welles 31, (d. 2.) 34, (d. 4.) Chivaler, 49, (d. 4.) 50, (p. 2. d. 6.) E. 3. 1, (d. 35.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40.) 11, (d. 24.) 12, (d. 42.) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d. 42.) 15, (d. 37,) 16, (d. 23.) 17, (d. 30.) 18, (d. 23.) 20, (p. 1. d. 15.) 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) 23, (d. 3.) R. 2. 1, (d. 37,) 2, (p. 1. d. 3.) 3, (d. 17.) 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 4.) 7, (d. 30.) 8, (d. 2.) 11, (d. 32.) 12, (d. 2.) 14, (d. 22) H. 4. 1, (d. 9. 37.) 2, (d. 16.) 3, (d. 15.) 4, (d. 16) 5, (d. 11.) 7, (d. 9.) 8, (d. 2.) H. 5. 1, (d. 22.) , (d. 18.) 3, (d. 9.) 4, (d. 15.) 5, (d. 4.) 7, (d. 2.) H. 6. Leonel, Leonard de Welles, Chivaler 10, (d. 10.) 11, (d. 10.) 13, (d. 2.) 15, (d. 18.) 18, (d. 33.) 20, (d. 27.) 23, (d. 21.) 25, (d. 24.) 27, (d. 24.) 28, (d. 26) 29, (d. 41.) 31, (d. 36) H. 6.
  • Richard Welles DOMINVS de Willoughby, Miles 33, (d. 36.) 38, (d. 30) H. 6. 1, (d. 35.) 2, (d. 3.) 6. (d. 1,) 9, (d. 3) E, 4.
  • John Wenlock de Wenlock Chivaler, 3, (d. 3.) 6, (d. 1.) 9, (d. 3.) E. 4▪
  • Thomas de West 16, (p. 1. d. 39,) E. 3. Thomas West Chivaler 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 4.) H. 4. Reginald West Chivaler, 10, (d. 10.) 11, (d. 10.) 13, (d. 2.) 15, (d. 18.) 18, (d. 33.) 25, (d. 24,) 27, (d. 24.) 28, (d. 26.) H. 6. Richard West Chivaler 38, (d. 30.) H. 6, 1, (d. 35▪) 2, (d. 3.) 6, (d. 1.) 9, (d. 3.) 12, (d. 41) 22 & 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • John de Whitingdon 25, (d. 25) E. 1.
  • Thomas de Wodestoke 14, (d. 19.) E 2.
  • Richard Woodvill, Wodevill, Miles, DOMINVS de Rivers 27, (d. 24.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 41.) 31, (d. 36.) 38, (d. 30.) H. 6. 2, (d. 3.) E 4.
  • Anthony Wodevill, DOMINVS de Scales 2, (d. 3.) Chivaler 6, (d. 1.) H. 6.
  • John de Wylington, Wyllington 3, (d. 19) 4, (d▪ 23. 31.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (p. 1. d. 8. p. 2. d▪ 11. 40.) 12, (p. 2. d. 32.) 13, (p. 2. d. 1. 28) E. 3. Ralph de Wylington, 16, (p. 1, d. 29.) E. 3. Adomar de Wylington 32, (d. 14.) E. 3.
  • Robert de Wilghby (Wylug by 7, (d. 16. 27.) E. 2.
  • John de Wyloughby Wiloughby, Willoughby 6, (d. 9. 19. 37) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d. 8. 28.) 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (p. 2. d. 11. 40) 12, (p. 2. d. 32) 13, (p. 2. d. 1. 28) 14, (p. 1. d. 23, 33) 15, (p. 1. d. 27.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39. p. 2. d. 13. 22) 17, (p. 1. d. 25.) 18, (p. 1. d. 14) 20, (p. 2. d. 22.) 21, (p. 2, d. 9.) 22, (p. 1. d. 31. p. 2. d. 7.) 23, ( . 1. d. 23) de Eresby 24, (p. 2. d. 3.) 25, (p. 1. d. 6) 27, (d. 12.) 28, (d. 26.) 29, (d. 6, 7.) 31, (d. 2. 21) 34▪ (d. 4.) 36, d. 16.) 37, (d. 22) 38, (d. 3.) 39, (d. 2.) 42, (d. 22) 43, (d. 24) 44, (d. 1.) 46, (d. 9.) E. 3. William de Wylughby, 32 d. 14. E. 3.
  • Robert de Wyloughby 49 (d. 4.) 50, (p. 2. d. 6.) E. 3. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, (d. 32.) 4, (d. 32.) 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. 37. 7, (d. 10. 37.) 8, (d. 35.) 9, (d. 45.) 10, (d. 42.) 11, (d. 13. 37.) 12, (d. 42) 13, (d. 5.) 14, (d. 42.) 15, (d. 37) 16, (d. 23) 17, (d. 30) 18, (d. 23.) R. 2.
  • William de Wyloughby 20, (p. 1. d. 15.) 21, (p. 1. d. 27.) 23, (d. 3. R. 2. 1, (d. 37.) 2, (p. 1. d. 3.) 3, (d. 17) 5, (p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 4.) 7, d. 30.) 8, (d. 2.) 11, (d, 32) H. 4.) Robert de Willoughby 12, (d. 2) 14, (d. 22) H. 4. 1, (d. 9. 37.) 2, (d. 16.) 4, [d. 16] 8, (d. 2.) H. 5.
  • Robert Wyloughby Chivaler 15, (d. 18.) 18, (d. 33.) 20, (d. 27.) 23, (d. 21) 25, (d. 24) 27, (d. 24.) 28 (d. 26.) 29, (d. 41) H. 6.
  • William de Wyndesore 5, (d. 40.) 6, (d. 37.) 7, (d. 10. 37) R. 2.
    Z
  • ALan de la Zusche, Zousche, Zouche, 25, (d. 6.) 26, (d. 16, 18), 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 8. 13.) 32, (d. 2.) 33, (d. 21.)▪ 34, (d. 2.) 35, (d. 13.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 14. 20.) 3, (d. 16, 17.) 5, (d. 17) 6, (d. 3. 31.) 7, (d. 15. 27) E. 2.
  • Will: la Zousche (another, not of Haringworth ) 2, (d. 11. 20) 3. (d. 16, 17.) 6, (d. 3. 31) 7, (d. 16, 27.) 8, (d. 29. 35.) 9, (d. 22.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d. 13.) 14, (d. 5. 29.) 15, (d. 16.) 16, (d. 26.) 17, (d. 27.) 18, (d. 5. 21. 34) 19, (d. 27.) E. 2.
  • William la Zousche de Haringworth 17. (d. 27.) 18, (d. 5. 21. 34.) 19, (d. 27.) 20, (d. 4.) E. 2. 1, (p. . d. 11. 16.) 2, (d. 23. 31) 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d. 13. 23, 32, 41,) 5, (p. 1. d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7.) 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36.) 7, (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) 9, (d. 8. 28.) 10. (d. 1. 5.) 11, p. 2. d. 21. 40.) 12, (p. 2. d. 32.) 13, (p. 2. d. 1. 28.) 14, (p. 1. d. 23, 33,) 15, (p. 1. d. 37.) 16, (p. 1. d. 39, p. 2. d. 13.) 17, (p. 1. d. 25.) 18, (p. 1. d. 14.) 20, (p. 2. d. 22.) 21, (p. 2. d. 9.) 22, (p. 1. d. 32. p. 2. d. 7.) E. 3.
  • William la Zousche de Castro Rici 19 (d. 27.) E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 11. 16) 2, (d. 31) E 3.
  • William la Zousche de Mortuomari, Mortymer 2, (d. 15. 23) 3, (d. 19) 4, (d. 13. 28. 32. 41) 5, (d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7) 6, (d. 4. 9. 19. 36) 7, (p. 2. d. 3) 8, (d. 18) 9, (d. 8) 10, (d. 1. 5.) E. 3.
  • William la Zouche de Asheby 9, (d. 28.) E. 3.
  • William la Zousche de Haringworth Junior 23, (p. 1. d. 23) 24, (p. 2. d. 3) 25, (p. 1. d. 5) 26, (d. 14.) 27, (d. 12) 28, (d. 26) 29, (d. 7, 8) 31, (d. 2. 21) 32, (d. 14) 34. (d. 4) 35, (d. 30) 36, (d. 42) 37, (d. 22) 38, (d. 3) 39. (d. 2) 42, (d. 22) 43, (d. 24) 44, (d. 1) 46, (d. 9) 47, (d. 13) 49, (d. 4. 6) 50, (p. 2. d. 6.) E. 3. 1, (d. 37) 2, (d. 13. 29) 3, (d. 32) 4, (d. 32) 5, (d. 40) 6, (d. 37) 7, (d, 10. 37) 8, (d. 35) 9, (d. 45.) 10, (d. 42) 11, (d. 13. 37) 12, (d. 42) 13, (d. 5) 14, (d. 42) 15, (d. 37) 16, (d. 23) 17, (d. 30) 18, (d. 23) 20, (p. 1. d. 15) R. 2.
  • William la Zouche de Haringworth 2, (p. 1. d. 3) 3, (d. 17) 5, (p. 1. d. 18. p. 2. d. 4.) 7, (d. 30) 8, (d. 2) 11, (d. 32) 12, (d. 2) 14, (d. 22) H. 4. 1, (d. 9. 37) 2, (d. 16) H. 5.
  • William la Zouche de Haringworth, 4, (d. 15) 5, (d. 4) Chivaler, 7 (d. 2) 9, (d. 18) 10, (d. 10) 13 (d. 2) 15 (d. 18) 18, (d. 33) 20, (d. 27) 25, (d. 24) 27, (d. 24) 28, (d. 26) 29, (d. 41) 31, (d. 36) 33▪ (d. 36) 38, d. 30.) H. 6. 1, (d. 35.) 2, (d. 3) 6, (d. 1.) E. 4.

As these last Alphabetical, Chronologicall Tables will be very useful to all Heralds, and the ancient Nobility of the Realm, and add much luster to Mr. Brookes his Catalogue of Nobility; Mr. Vincent his Discovery of the Errors therein, James York his Union of Honors, William Martyn his succession of the Nobility of England at the end of his History, and other Writers of our Nobility; (who were originally hereditary for the major part) so by the serious perusal of the later of them, you may clearly discern beyond all contradiction,

1. That there are at least 98. Laymen in the later Catalogue summoned only once, and no more hui once, by our Kings at sundry times, to several Parliaments and Great Councils of the Realm, by the self same general Writs of Summons as the Earls, Peers, and Barons of the land were summoned, and enrolled amongst them in the Lists of Summons and Resummons; and specially commanded by their Writs, Quod personaliter intersitis Nobiscum, ac cum Praelatis, & caeteris Magnatibus & Proceribus dicti Regni nost i, super negotiis praedictis tractaturi, Vestrum{que} Consilium impensuri, &c. yet neither themselves, nor any of their Name or Posterity were ever summoned afterwards to any other Parliament or Great Council, for ought appears by the Clause Rolls, and Lists of persons summoned.

2. That there are at least 50. others of them, thu summoned by general Writs, and listed amongst the names of the temporal Lord's, Barons, and Great men, some of them only, to 2. others of them, to 3. others, to 4. others, to 5. or 6. Parliaments and great Councils at several times; yet not one of them, or their Progenie afterwards called by Writ to any succeeding Parliaments or Councils.

3. Th t John ap Adam was called by Writ to no less then 16. successive Parliaments and Grand Councils of the Realm, under King Ed. 1. 2. and 3. Roger de Banent to 22. under Ed. 2. and 3. Guido de Bryan to 37. under E. 3. and R. 2. John de Claverings to 45. under E. 1. 2. and 3. Philip de Columbariis to 44. under E. 2. and 3. Sir William Herne to 8. under E. 3. R. 2. and H. 4. as likewise Walter de Manny, John de la Mare, Nicholas de Meyvill, Thomas de Musgrave, John Somery, Henry de Teyez, Thomas Vhtred, and some others, summoned by general Writs, to sundry Parliaments and Councils, by one or more of our Kings; yet they and their Posterities of the same name, were afterwards totally omitted out of the Writs, and lists of Summons, and never summoned again in succeeding times.

4. That Gilbert and William de Acton, Richard and William de Aldeburge, Gilbert and William de Aton, (perchance the same with Acton) Robert and William de Felton, John, Richard, and Matthew Fitz John, Ralph and Robert de Grendon, Robert and Alexander de Hilton, Adam and Thomas de Novo Mercato, Hugh and Hugh de Sancto Phileberto, Giles and Richard de Playez, Miles and Nicholas de Stapleton, William and Theobald Trussell, William and John Tuchet, to omit others, were successively summoned to one, two, or three Parliaments, Great Councils, not immediately succeeding each other, but some good distance of years and time after the other, (during which, many Parliaments and Councils intervened, to which none of them were called by Writ) and then totally omitted▪ none of their name or posterity (for ought appears) being ever summoned again, as the last Table visibly demonstrates.

From which 4. particulars, I conceive it experimentally evident beyond dispute, That as the Kings Writs to his Counsel, Justices, and other Assistants (mentioned in the next Section) did neither constitute them nor their issues, Peers or Barons of the Realm, nor Assistants for life, though they sat, advised with the King & Lord's upon all weighty occasions in the Lord's House:) and as the elections, retornes of Knights, Citizens, Burgesses, Barons of Ports, by the Kings Writs of summons to Parliaments, and their sitting, voting in the Commons House in one or more Parliaments, for which they are elected; (though seconded with the Kings Writs for levying their expenses after the Parliaments ended) do neither create them Knights, Citizens, Burgesses, Barons of Ports, nor Members of the Commons House, during their own lives, much less their issue Males in succession after them, but only during the session and continuance of these particular Parliaments and Councils for which they are elected and retorned; which being once▪ determined, they presently ceased to be Knights, Citizens, Burgesses, Barons, in any succeeding Parliaments or Councils, unless newly elected and retorned to serve in them by the Kings new Writs, as our Law books and experience resolve: so, the Kings general Writs of summons directed to Knights, Gentlemen, and other Laics, who held not by Barony, and are no Lord's nor Barons by special creations, or Descent from their Ancestors, to treat with the King and the rest of the Lord's and Great men in the Lord's House, and their sitting therein once, twice, or oftener, by Virtue of such Writs, doth in truth and reality neither make, nor create themselves, nor their heirs Males after them, in point of law or right, either Peers, Lord's or Barons of the Realm for life, or inheritance, nor give them (much less their issues after them) a right of summons to, or voice amongst those who are real Peers and Lord's by Tenure, Creation or Descent, in all succeeding Parliaments; but only a temporary right to treat and advise with the King and other Lord's in those Parliaments and Councils to which they are particularly summoned, and not in any others; as it did in the cases of Abbots, Priors, and other ecclesiastical persons thus summoned to, and sitting now and then in the Lord's House, but holding no Lands by Barony, whose general Writs of summons to, and session in Parliaments and Councils made neither themselves during their lives, nor their successors after them, actual Peers or Barons of the Realm, as S r Ed: Cook, & others acknowleg, and I have elsewhere proved, there being the self same reason, and by consequence the self same Law in both cases; Else our Kings (by Sir Edwards own doctrine) had been and should be bound Ex debito Iustitiae to summon everyone of those Knights and Laymen once summoned to, and sitting in any of their Parliaments, and Great Councils (by virtue of their general Writs, without any other creation) during their natural lives, and their beires males being of full age after their deaths, to all succeeding Parliaments and Councils, and ought not to have omitted them out of the lists of summons at their pleasures, and their posterities after them in all succeeding Parliaments, as we experimentally find they did, without the least question, claim or complaint made by them or their heirs, for ought I find in Records or Histories. Whereas not only the Earls and Barons in the Parliamentary Great Council at London under King Henry the 3. Ann. 1255. refused to grant any aid, or act anything therein, because All the Barons were not at that time summoned to Parliament, as they ought to be by the tenor of Magna Charta; but even other succeeding Parliaments have done the like; And in the Parliament of 2. Caroli An. 1626. the Earl of Bristol, being a Peer of this Realm, and not receiving a summons to Parliament, according to the Privilege of his Peerage: thereupon compiained thereof to the Lord's House: who referring the buisnesse to their Committee of Privileges; Upon the Earl of Hertfords report from the Committee; The Lord's resolved it necessary for them to beseech his Majesty, that a Writ of Summons might be sent to this Earl, and also TO SUCH OTHER LORD'S WHOSE WRITS ARE STOPPED; except such as are made uncapable BY JUDGMENT OF PARLIAMENT, or some other legal judgment. Whereupon writs were issued to them; It being a great intrenchment upon the Liberty, Privileges, and Safety of the Peers of the Land, and of dangerous consequence for the King at his pleasure to omit any of them out of the Writs of summons, keep back their Writs, or restrain them from the Parliament after their receipt; as they then resolved in his case, and the Earl of Arundels likewise the same Parliament.

5. From this Table we may discern the observation of learned Sir He ry Spelman in his Glossary, touching the summons of the Greater English Barons to Parliaments, to be in a great measure justifiable. Denuo autem crebra bella & simultates, quas Reges veteres aliquando habuere cum his ipsis MAIORIBVS SVIS BARONIBVS, alios etiam eorum interdum omitterent, alios vero NON BARONES, ad Parliamenta evocarent, habitique sunt deinceps PERPETVO OMISSI PRO NON BARONIBVS, evocati contra BARONVM Titulo salutantur. Aegre hoc ferentes Proceres, Johannem adigere sub magno sigillo Angliae pacisci; Vt Archiepiscopos, Episcopos, Abbates, & MAJORES BARONES REGNI, sigillatim per literas sommoniri faceret. Quod autem adeo neglexit Henricus 3. Vt cum ipsemet (Anno Regni sui 41.) ducentas quinquaginta Baronias in Anglia Numerasset, vocaretque ad Parliamentum An o 49. regni sui. 120. Praelatos Ecclesiae, Laicos tantum, Barones. 29. accersivit ( the rest were newly slain in the Battle of Evesham, or in actual rebellion, which was the true cause hereof ) ut e Schedis constat ejusdem Parliamenti. Neglexit utique Edovardus I. multos quos vocass t Hen. 3. etiam silios plures, quorum ipse partes 1 admisissit, aliis interim introductis. Sic antiqua illa Baronum dignitas, secessit sensim in titularem & arbitrariam, REGIOQUE TANDEM DIPLOMATE ID IRCO DISPENSATA EST; to wit, by his special Patents of creation, with particular Clauses granting them and their heirs Males, ut eorum quilibet Sedem et Locum in Parliamentis Nostris et H redum et Successorum Nostrorum, infra Regnum nostrum Angliae tenendis, inter ALIOS BARONES, VT BARO, &c. not by any general Writs of Summons, which have not the word BARO in them.

6. That although some of our ancienter Kings, as Henry the third (to settle Peace after the battle of Louis, and Barons Wars) Claus. 49. H. 3. d. 10. 11. Cedula, King Edward the 1. and 2. in some of their Parliaments, and King Edward the 3d. in his Great Council, cl. 32. E. 3. d. 1 4. did upon extraordinary Occasions and Necessities, summon not only sundry Abbots, Priors, and Ecclesiastical Persons, but likewise divers Laymen (of Great estates, Wisdom, Parts and abilities) who were no Peers, Lord's nor Barons of the Realm, by Tenure, Patent or Descent, by the self same form of general Writs as they summoned the Bishops, Abbotis, Spiritual and Temporal Lord's, who were real Peers and Barons of the Realm; Vobiscum, &c. & Nobiscum, & cum caeteris Praelatis, Magnatibus, & Proceribus super dictis negotiis ractaturi, Vestrumque Consilium impensuri, &c. and that only once, twice, thrice, or perchance oftener, never summoning them nor their heirs or successors afterwards, or very rarely: so it is observable, 1. That they did it very seldom, upon extraordinary emergent necessities; not customarily, or frequently. 2ly. That they did it not out of any affront or opposition to the ancient Hereditary, real, spiritual or temporal Lord's, Peers and Barons of the Realm, to seclude, overvote, baffle, disparage all or any of them; but by their advise, consents and approbation, as the Writs, Rolls, attest, 3ly. That their numbers usually, (except in 49 H. 3. when most of the Barons were slain at Evesham, or in actual arms against the King; or when some extraordinary aid, advise or assistance was required of them) were not very great nor considerable; the ancient spiritual, and temporal Lord's and Barons, being usually double, treble, quadruple to them; and for the most part, six or ten to one, as you may easily discern by comparing their names in every list of summons. 4ly. That there are very few Presidents under King Edward the 3. of an con iderable numbers of such spiritual or temporal persons called to his Parliaments, but only to one general Council, in 32 E. 3. d. 14. 5ly. That after King Edward the 3d. his reign, there is not one president of any Archbishop, Bishop, Abbot, Prior or religious persons, summoned to any Parliament to my remembrance, but only of those who held by Barony, and were constantly summoned as Spiritual Peers to all our Parliaments. And very few Presidents, if any, of a Knight, Gentleman, or other Layman whatsoever, summoned by any general Writs to the Lord's House, to treat and consult together with them, unless they were ancient Earls, Lord's, or Barons of the Realm, or newly created such by special Patents, before their summons, or by special clauses of creation in the Wri s by which they were summoned, as all the lists of summons in the Clause Rolls, the precedent Table, the Statutes of 5 R. 2. Stat. 2. c. 4. 31 H. 8. c▪ 10. and Mr. Martyns Catalogue of them at the end of his History, clearly manifest. 6ly. That in my best observation there is no president from 49 H. 3. till the last Parliament of King Charles, nor in any age before, where any of the ancient Nobility, Peers, Lord's or Barons of the Realm, at least any considerable number of them, (unless such who were actually outlawed, or attainted of High Treason, or absent in foreign parts, or in actual service in the Wars, or under age) were omitted out of the Writs of summous, or secluded from sitting in the Lord's House in any Parliament by force or frand, (unless by Mor imer, in the Parliament at Salisbury, An. 2. E. 3. and in 21 R. 2.) nor of others, who were no real Lord's, Peers by Patent, Tenure, or other legal creation, summoned to the Lord's House out of England (much less out of Scotland and Ireland ) to supplant them, or supply their places, under any name, notion, or pretext whatsoever. Neither were they or any of them, secluded, disinherited of their seats, Votes, Peerage in Parliament, without or before the least legal hearing, trial, impeachment, or conviction whatsoever, of any capital crime which might for eight their Peerage, against all the Great Charters, Statutes, Records, Declarations, Orders, Ordinances, Votes, Protestations, Oathts, Covenants, (mentioned in my Plea for the Lord's, and House of Peers ) which ratify and perpetuate this their Birthright to them and their Posterities, and the very law of all Nations. 6ly. It is very observable, that both Houses of Parliament in their Propositions sent to King Charles at their last Treaty with him in the Isle of Weight, to prevent the creation and introduction of any New Lord's into future Parliaments, to the prejudice, seclusion, or overvoting of the Ancient Nobility, or Commons house, did amongst other things propound. That BY ACT OF PARLIAMENT, all LORD'S and PEERS made by the King since Edward Lord Littleton deserted the Parliament, and carried away the Great Seal the 21. of May, 1642. should be unlorded, unpeered, set by, and their Titles of Honor, Patents, revoked, declared null and void to all intents, and never hereafter put in use. And that NO PEER WHICH SHOULD BE HEREAFTER MADE BY THE KING, HIS HEIRES OR SUCCESSORS (who have only and solely a just, legal power to create them, and none else, as they hereby declare) SHALL SIT IN THE PARLIAMENT OF ENGLAND WITHOUT CONSENT OF BOTH HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT. Which the King then fully and freely consented to without any limitation or exception whatsoever. Since which Proposition of both Houses, and concession by the King, how any person or persons who assented to, or approved thereof in any kind▪ as reasonable, or beneficial to the public; without any special Patent or creation from the King, his heirs or successors; and without the consent of the House of Lord's, and ancient Peers of the Realm (the only proper members of & Judges in it) & of the Commons House, (yea against both their consents and approbations) can justly, by any other authority, Patent, Writ, or instrument whatsoever, assume unto themselves the Titles of Lord's or Barons of the Realm, or of the Lord's House itself; to the disseasing, disinheriting, suppressing of the ancient undoubted Peers and House of Lord's: Or how any who have Voted down, declared against, and abolished the Lord's and Lord's House, in sundry printed Papers, as Uselesse, Dangerous, Inconvenient, Oppressive to the People, obstructive to the Proceedings in Parliament, and the like; and afterwards by several Votes, and printed New Knacks, took and subscribed themselves, and prescribed to all others under severest penalties, a public Engagement, To be rue and faithful to the Commonwealth of England▪ as it was then established, (as they thought by themselves, though the event soon after proved the contrary) Without a King or House of Lord's; can or dare become this very Selfsame Vselesse, dangerous, oppressive, obstructive, grievance, &c. themselves; and against their own Votes, Declarations, Acts, Subscriptions, Engagements, style or assert themselves to be either real Lord's, or an House of Lord's, without the greatest Praevarication, Contradiction to, and Apostasy from their own former Principles; or how they can ever probably expect that either the ancient Lord's or Commons of England should submit unto them as such, let their own judgments, consciences and reasons resolve them. The rather, because divers of the Earls, Nobles made by King Stephen were styled, yea deposed as mere Imaginary, false Earls and Lord's, ( Quosdam Imaginarios et Pseudo-Comites ) and both their Titles and Crown lands given them by Stephen (though King de facto ) resumed by King Henry the 2. right heir to the crown, because Stephen was an Usurper; & Chartae Invasoris praejudicium legitimo Principi minime facere deberent, as the Chronicle of Normandy, the Book of the Abby of Waverly, Mr. Selden out of them; Gulielmus Neubrigensis, and Chronicle of Brompton. Col. 1046. inform us. Whose President may justly deter them from any unjust disseisin of the ancient Lord's, and setting themselves in their Places.

And thus much for my Observations on, and from the Writs in this second Section.

SECTION 3.

Of Writs of Summons to the Kings Council and other Ordinary Assistants to the Lord's in Parliaments and Parliamentary Councils; with annotations on them.

T He next Writs of Summons after those to the Spiritual and Temporal Lord's entered in the ancient Clause Rolls, are those to the Kings Council, different only in one or two Clauses from the former, in which else they usually accorded. These persons commonly summoned to Parliaments as the Kings Council by distinct writs from the Lord's, as ordinary Assistants both to the King and them in all causes, controversies, Questions of Moment, were mostly the Kings Great Officers, as well Clergymen as Secular persons, who were no Lord's nor Barons of the Realm; as namely his Treasurer, Chancellor of the Exchequer, Judges of his Courts at Westminster, Justices in Eyre, Justices assigns, Barons of his Exchequer, Clerks, Secretaries of his Council, and sometimes his Serjeants at Law, with such other Officers and Persons whom our Kings thought me o summon.

The first writ of this kind I yet find extant in our Records is thus entered in Clause 23 E. I. dorso 9.

Rex dilecto & fideli suo Gilberto de Thornton, salutem: [ 1] Quia super quibusdam arduis negotiis, Nos & Regnum nostrum, ac Vos, coeterosque de Consilio nostro tangentibus, quae sine, &c. ( ut supra▪ p. 6.) Vobis mand mus in ide & dilection quibus Nobis tenemini, &c. ( ut supra, in Mandato Episcoporum, p. 6. usque in finem ) Teste ut ibi.

Eodem modo mandatum est, Justiciariis de utroque Banco, & de Itinere, Justic. assignatis, Justiciar, juratis de Consilio, Baronibus de Scaccario, et aliis Clericis de Consilio, quorum nomina inferius annotantur, viz.

  • Gilb de Thornion, ut supra
  • Rogero Brahazon
  • Magistro Iohanni Lovell
  • Iohanni de Metingham
  • Willielmo de Bereford
  • Petro Malorre
  • Hugoni de Cressingham
  • Willielmo de Ormesby
  • Willielmo de Mortuo Mari
  • Roberto de Swillington
  • Roberto de Ratford.
  • Iohanni de Insula
  • Iohanni de Cobham
  • Willielmo de Carleton
  • Petro de Leycestr.
  • Magistro Iohanni de Lacy
  • Philippo de Willughby Decano Lincoln
  • Magistro H. de Newwerke Decano Ebor.
  • Magistro I. de Derby, Decano Li hf.
  • Roberto de Hertford
  • Iohanni de Berewik
  • Iohanni de Lichegreyns
  • Hugoni de Cave
  • Ade de Crokedayk
  • Willielmo Inge
  • Henr. de Enfeld
  • Iohanni de Bosco
  • Iohanni de Batford
  • Willielmo Haward
  • Osberto de Spalding on
  • Rogero de Burton
  • Magist. Gerard de Wyspayn Archid. Richm.
  • Magistro I. de Crancumb, Archid. Estrid
  • Magist. Rob: de Redeswell
  • Magist. W. de Grenefeld
  • Magist. Regi. de Brandon
  • Magist. W. de Kilkenny
  • Gilberto de Roubury
  • Magistro Petro de Dene.

In Clause 25 E. 1. d. 25. there is no writ at all to the Council; But after the writ at large to the Earl of Cornwall, follows, Consimile mandatum habent singuli Comites, Barones, et Milites subscripti, viz. &c. And after the Earls and Barons names with a lines space between them, the Justices names follow, with Milit s in the Margin, in this order.

  • Rogerus Brabazun
  • Wilhelmus de Bereford
  • Petrus Malorie
  • Johannes de Leithgreines
  • Iohanneo de Cobham
  • Adam de Crokeda k
  • Henr. de Euefeld
  • Johannes de Bosco▪
  • Bogo de Knouill
  • Wilhelmus Iuge
  • Johannes de Insula
  • Wilhelmus Haward
  • Henr. Spigurnel; without any others of the Clergy.

The next writ on Record is this of Claus. 27. E. . [ 3] d. 18.

Rex dilecto & fideli suo Rogero de Brabazon, salutem; Quia super negotiis nostris ultramarinis vobiscume et cum caeter ls de Consilio nostro habere volumus Colloquiunt et Tractatum. Vobis mandamus in fide e dilection quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes, uod prima Dominica, &c. ut supra (to the Archbishop, p. 9, 10.) Teste ut supra.

Consimiles li erae diriguntur subscriptis, viz. 20 more▪ Justices and others, most of them the same as in the 2. former lists.

The 4. writ is this of Claus. 28 E. 1. dors. 17. [ 4]

Rex dilecto et fideli suo Philippo de Wyllughby Cancellar. Scaccarii sui, salutem. Quia ad salvationem Coronae nostrae & communem utilitatem popul regni nostri s cunda die Dominica Quadragesimae prox. futur. Londini Parliamentum tenere, & vobiscum, et cum caeteris de Consilio nostro, super Negotiis Nos et idem Regnum nostrum contingentibus speciale Colloquium habere volumus et tractatum. Vobis ma damus firmiter injungentes, quod ad praedictos diem & locu •• &c. ( ut supra, p. 164. to the Earl of Cornwall.) T. ut supra.

Consimiles literae diriguntur subscriptis, viz. Rogero Brabazun, and 22 Justices and Lay-men more, whereof Iohanni de Havering Justic. Northwalliae, and Hugoni de Leominster Thesaur. de Karnarvan, are two; and to 24 Clergymen, 3 of them Archdeacons, and 2 of them Deans. The total number of them being 38.

[ 5] The 4th and 5th writs of this nature are thus registered one after the other, Clause 28 E. 1. d. 3.

Rex dilecto Clerico suo Magistro Reginaldo de Braundon, salutem. Quia super jure et dominio quae Nobis in Regno Scotiae competit, & quae Antecessores nostri Reges Angliae in eodem Regno Scotiae habuerunt temporii bus retroactis, cum Iurisperitis, et cum caeteris de Consilio nostro speciale Colloquium habere volumus et tractatum. Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes, quod modis omnibus sitis ad Nos apud Lincoln. in Octabis Sancti Hillar. prox. futur. Nobiscum, et cum caeteris de Consilio nostro super praemissis tractatur. vestrumque Consilium impensur. Et hoc sicut Nos et Honorem ac commodum Regni nostri diligitis nullatenus omittatis▪ T. Rege apud le Rose 28 die Septembris.

    Consimiles literae diriguntur subscriptis, videlicet.
  • Magistro Willo. de Grenfeld Decano Cicestr.
  • Magistro R. Decano Sancti Pauli London.
  • Magistro Willo. de Sardene Offic, Cantuar.
  • Magistro Roberto de Radeswell Archid. Cestr.
  • Magistro Petro de Insula Decano Wellen.
  • Magistro Iobanni de Derby Decano Lichf.
  • Magistro Iohanni de Crancumbe Archid. Estriding.
  • Magistro Pho. Martell.
  • Magistro Willo. Pikering
  • Magistro Robert Pikering
  • Magistro Willo de Kilkenny
  • Magistro Rico. de Plumpsted
  • Magistro Thomae de Lugore
  • Magistro Petro de Dene.
  • Magistro Iohanni de Lacy.

Rex dilecto & fideli suo Johanni de Metingham, salutem. Quia nuper de quibusdam arduis Negotiis Nos et statum Regni nostri tangentibus in Octabis Sancti Hilary prox. futur. apud Lincoln. speciale Colloquium abere volumus, & ractatum. Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes, quod ad praedictos diem & locum modis omnibus personaliter intersitis, Nobiscum, & cum caeteris de Consilio nostro super dictis negotiis tractatur. vestrumque consilium impensur. Et oc nullatenus omittatis. T. Rege apud le Rose, 26 die Septembris.

    Consimiles literae diriguntur subscriptis, viz.
  • Rogero Brabazon
  • Willo. de Ormesby
  • Gilberto de Roubyry
  • Willo de Bereford
  • Eli de Beckingham
  • Willo: Haward
  • Petro Mallore
  • Willo: de Carleton
  • Pho: Willughby Canc. Scac.
  • Petro de Leicestr.
  • Johanni de Insula.
  • Ade de Crokedayk
  • Joh: Lovel de Snotescumb
  • Willo: Juge
  • Henr: de Gildeford
  • Rogero de Hegham
  • Johanni de Betesford
  • Henr: Spigurnell
  • Hugoni de Leominster
  • Thesaur. de Karnarvan.
  • Roberto de Retford
  • J: de Havering Iusti . Wall.

Immediately after which follows this writ to the Chancellor and University of Oxford.

Rex dilecto sibi in Christo Cancellario et Universi ati Oxford. salutem. Quia super jure et dominio quae No is in Regno Scotiae competit, & quae Antecessores nostri Reges Angliae in eodem Regno Scotiae habuerunt, temporibus retroactis cum Iurisperitis et ceteris de Consilio nostro Colloquium habere volumus et tractatum. Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes, quod Quatuor vel quinque de discretioribus et in ure scripto magis expertis Universitatis praedictae ad Parliamentum nostrum apud Lincoln mittatis. Ita quod sint ibi in Octabis Sancti Hilary prox. futur. ad ultimum, Nobiscum & cum caeteris de Consilio nostro super praemissis tractaturi, suumque consilium impensuri; Et hoc sicu Nos & honorem ac commodum Regni nostri diligitis nullatenus omittatis. T. Rege ut supra.

Eodem modo mandatum est Cancellar. et Universitati Cantebr. quod mittant ad dictum Parliamentum duo vel tres de discretioribus et magis in ure scripto expertis, &c.

Then follows a writ to sundry Abbots, Priors, Deans and Chapters, (with the same recital) Quia super Iure & Dominio, &c. (as in the last) De mittendi Chronic ad Parliamentum &c. of which in its due place, more fully. The occasion and result whereof, and of sending these Lawyers from the Universities to the Parliament, you may read at large in Matthew Westminster. Anno 1302. p. 419. to 438. and in Thomas de Walsingham. Hist. Angl. p. 32. to 58.

Before I proceed to the ensuing Writs, I shall here observe, 1. That this recital, Quia super jure & Dominio quae Nohis in regno Scotiae competit, &c. is not mentioned at all in the Writs of Summons to the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, temporal Lord's, Justices, or Sheriffs of Counties; but only to the Clergy-men of the Kings Council, Universities, and to those Abbots, Priors, Deans and Chapters, who were to search and send their Chronicles to the Parliament, that had any thing in them concerning the Kings right to Scotland. 2ly. That (for the Honor of my Quondam nursing Mother the University of Oxford ) she is here preferred before the University of Cambridge; and her Chancellor and she enjoined to send 4. or 5. of the discre test and most exact Lawyers of the said University to the Parliament, to treat with the King and the rest of his Council, concerning his ancient right and dominion to the Realm of Scotland; whereas the Chancellor and University of Cambridge, are commanded to send only 2. or 3. such Lawyers of it for that purpose. 3ly. That these Lawyers sent from the Universities upon this special occasion, were only extraordinary assistants, there being no such president of any thus sent to succeeding Parliaments.

[ 6] The 6. Writ of this kind is in Claus. 30. E. 1. d. 13. Rex dilecto & fidelissimo suo Rogero la Brabazun, salutem. Quia super quibusdam arduis negotiis, Nos & totum Regnum nostrum specialiter tangentibus, Vobiscum & Cum caeteris de Consilio Nostro habere Volumus colloquium & tractatum, Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes, quod in Octabis Nativitatis Sancti Johannes Baptistae prox. futur. ad ultimum apud Westm. omnibus modis personaliter inters •• is Nobiscum, super dictis negot is tractatur▪ vestrumque consilium impensur. & hoc nullatenus omittatis. T. Rege ut supra. p. 13.

Consimiles literae diriguntur subscriptis, viz. 33. more Judges and others, mentioned in the former Catalogues.

Anno. 34. E. 1. dors. 2. There is no Writ to the [ 7] Assistants entered in the Roll: but 16. of them only (Justices and Clergy-men) are named in the Eodem modo, after the Lord's and great men, with a little space between their names for distinction sake.

The next Writ of this kind is thus briefly registered, [ 8] Claus. 1. E. 2. dors. 19.

Rex dilecto & fideli suo Rogero le Brabazun, salutem. Quia super quibusdam, &c. ut supra, usqu ibi vobiscum & cum caeteris fidelibus nostris &c. & Magnatibus, &c. Teste Rege ut supra. p. 14. 15. eodem modo scribitur subscriptis. viz. 29. more Justices, Clerks, and others.

In Claus. 1. E. 2. d. 9. There is no Writ: but after [ 9] the Earls and Barons Writ and names, follows this entry, Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis. viz. Willielmo Iuge and 36. others, whereof 2. only were Clergy-men.

The next Writ is in Claus. 1. E. 2. dors. 8. Rex dilecto [ 10] & fideli suo Rogero de Brabazon, salutem. Quia &c. ut supra (p. 15.) Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes, quod dictis die & loco omnibus aliis praetermissis personaliter intersitis ibidem, Nobiscum & Cum caeteris de Consilio Nostro super dictis negotiis tractatur. vestrumque consilium impensur. & hoc nullatenus om ttatis. T. R. apud Westm. x. Die Martii.

Consimiles literae diriguntur, to 35. others, Justices, [ 11] and Lay-men, and but to 2. Clerks.

In Claus. 2. E. 2. d. 14. 11. 20 Schedula, there are 4. Writs of the same form with the last. The 1. to Roger de Brabazon, and 34. others, whereof one only was a Clerk. the 2. to him, and 16. others, whereof 7. were Clerks: the 3d. to him and 22. others, whereof 6. were Clerks; and two others Escheators, the one ultra Trentam, the other citra Trentam; The 4th. to him and 6. more, the one of them a Clerk.

[ 12] The next Writ is in Claus. 4. E. 2. dors. 1. somewhat different from the former.

Rex dilecto & fideli suo Willielmo de Bereford, salutem. Quia super diversis & arduis negotiis Nos & Statum Regni nostri specialiter tangentibus in instanti Parliamento nostro die Dominica prox. ante festum Sancti Laurentii prox. futur. fecimus summoneri, Vobiscum, & cum caeteris de Consilio nostro Colloquium habere volumus & tractatum, Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes, quod omnibus aliis praetermissis dictis die & loco personaliter intersitis, Nobiscum & cum caeteris de Consilio nostro super praemissis tractaturi, Vestrumque consilium impensur. Et hoc nullatenus omittatis. T. ut supra. ( p.

Eodem modo scribitur subscriptis. viz. 16. Lay-men more.

[ 13] Claus. 5. E. 2. d. 17. The Kings Counsill, Clerks and Judges, are thus entered in the eodem modo scribitur subscriptis, after the Earls and Lord's, with a lines space between them, and this distinction made between them in the margin of the Roll.

  • Iohanni de Sandale
  • Iohanni de Merkingfeld
  • Waltero de Norwico
  • Iohanni Abel
  • Magistro Ricardo de Abyndon
  • Magistro Johan. de Everdon
  • Magistr. Roberto de Pickering
  • Magistro Iohanni de Nassington senior;
  • Rogero Brabazon
  • Willielmo de Bereford
  • Gilberto de Roubury
  • Stephano de Malo Lacu
  • Waltero de Thorp.
  • Magistro Tho. de▪ Cobham.
  • Magistro Golberto de Middleton
  • Magistro Tho. de Loggore
  • Willielmo de Goldington.
  • Johan. de Chaynell
  • Roberto de Cliderhow
  • Johan. de Foxle
  • Roberto de Re ford.
  • Willielmo de Ormesby
  • Henrico de Stourton
  • Henr. le Scroop
  • Johan. de Benstede
  • Johan. de Insula
  • Lamberto de Trikingham
  • Johan. de Mi ford
  • Henr. de Guldeford
  • Johan. de Doncastr.
  • Willielmo Inge
  • Henr. Spigurnel.

In Claus. 6. E. 2. d. 31. There is such a Writ to [ 14] Roger le Brabazon, as the fore rehearsed; with Vobiscum & caeteris de Consilio nostro, &c. twice repeated▪ in it, and an eodem m do mandatum est, to 42 besides; (most of them in the preceding Catalogues) sub data pud Windesore, 14. die Februar. when as the writs to the spiritual and temporal Lord's bear date thence. 8. die Januar. Claus. Anno 7. E. 2. d. 27. There is a like writ issued to Roger le Brabazon and 29 others.

I find this memorable writ issued to Willielmo de [ 15] Bereford Chief Justice of the Common Bench, Claus. 9. E. 2. d. 20. varying from the first there issued to him and the rest of the Coun ill.

Rex dilecto & fideli suo Willielmo de Bereford. Quia Volumus Vobiscum una cum caeteris de Consilio nostro, in Parliamento nostro quod apud Lincoln. in Quindena Sancti Hilary prox. futur. secimus summo eri super Negotiis Nos tangentibus habere Colloquium & Tractatum; Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes▪ quod magis ardua negotia coram Vobis & sociis vestris, in instanti termino Sancti Hilary, cum omni deliberatione qua poteritis expediatis, Ita quod sitis in dicto Parliamento nostro, viz. sexto die post Quindenam supradictam, ad tractandum ibidem nobiscum & cum caeteris de Consilio nostro, super negotiis antedictis. Onerantes dilectos & fideles nostros Lambertum de Trikingham, & Iohannem Bacun Justiciarios nostros, & Socios vestros de Banco praedicto, quod residua negotia in Banco preaedicto expediant, cum festinatione qua poterunt, sucundum legem & consuetudinem Regni nostri. Et hoc nullatenus omittatis. T. Rege apud Clipston. 27. die Decembris.

[ 16] I find this memorable Writ recorded in Claus. 7. E. 2. dors. 25.

Rex dilecto & fideli suo Iohanni de Insula, salutem. Cum pro diversis & arduis negotiis Nos & Statum Regni nostri tangentibus ordinavimus Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Dominica prox. post festum Sancti Matthei Aposteli prox. futur. tenere, & Vobiscum & cum caeteris de Consilio nostro super dictis negotiis habere Colloquium & Tractatum, per quod vobis mandavimus, quod dictis die & loco interlitis Nobiscum, & cum caeteris de Consilio nostro super dictis negotiis tractatur▪ Ac jam intelligimus, quod vos unà cum quibusdam aliis ad Assisas tam in Episcopatu Dunolm. quam in diversis Com. versus partes boriales capiend. certos dies statim post dictam diem Dominicam praefixistis, unde plurimum miramur; praesertim cum per captiones Assisarum si durante dicto Parliamento nostro procederent, negotia nostra in eodem tractanda possent non mediocriter perturbari. Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes, quod omnibus hujusmodi captionibus Assisarum, & omnibus aliis praetermissis, dicta die Dominica apud Westm. modis omnibus intersitis Nobiscum & cum caeteris de Consilio nostro super negotiis praedictis tractatur. Et hoc sicut indignationem nostram, & grave dampnum vestrum vitare volueritis, nullo modo omittatis. T. Rege apud Windesore, sexto die Septembris. Per Breve de Privato Sigillo.

    Eodem modo scribitur subscriptis, viz.
  • Thomae de Fisheburn
  • Hugoni de Louthre
  • Ricardo de Berningham
  • Ade de Middleton
  • Iohanni de Dancastr. exceptis illis Verbis, tam in Episcopatu Dunolmens. quam.

From which writ is apparent; 1. That the Justices of Assizes were usually summoned by writ to Parliaments, as Members of the Kings Council; as the words cum caeteris de Consilio nostro, thrice repeated in it and in other writs, demonstrate. 2ly. That their summons by writ to attend and counsel the King in Parliament; was a super sedeas to them to take Assizes during the Parliament; and their proceeding to take Assizes notwithstanding, inconsistent with their attendance in Parliament, yea a contempt and offense punishable by the King. 3ly. That the Assizes and Suits of private persons ought to give place to public affairs of the King and kingdom in Parliament, and to be deferred, when they may hinder or disturb the affairs of Parliament, or keep any Members or Assistants from their personal attendance in them, when summoned to them.

In the Clause Roll of 8. E. 2. dors. 35. There is [ 17] no Writ at all to the Kings Justices and Counsill; but in the Eodem modo, I find sundry of them here and there promiscuously inserted amongst the Barons names, and not after them, as usually in other Rolls, sc. Iohanni de Hotham, Waltero de Norwico, Iohanni de Foxle, Rogero la Brabazon, Gilberto de Roubery, Willielmo I ge, Iohanni de Insula, Henr. le Scrop, Henr. Spigurnel, Iohanni Benstede, Lamberto de Trikingham; always listed amongst the Justices, and Kings Council in precedent Rolls, and in 7 E. 2. d. 27. the very next before this, and those succeeding it. In Cl. 8. E. 2. d. 29. the Council are coupled together with the Barons in the Eodem modo mandatum est, without any writ, with a space of distinction between them, all of them after the Lord's, without intermixture with them, being in all 33.

In Cl. 9. E. 2. d. 22. They are named only in the eodem modo, with a small distance after the Lord's, being in all 34. without any special writ entered. In Claus. 12. E. 2. d. 29. in Cedula, There is no special writ to any of the Council entered, but only a list of their names in the Eodem modo, being 24. in [ 18] number, 2. of them escheators, Vltra & citra Trentam; others of them Deacons, Archdeacons, Clergymen and Justices, with Magistro Johan de Walewayn Thesaur. Regis. And likewise in Claus. 12. d. 11. they are listed in the same manner, being but 25. whereof two were the Escheators fore-named. And in Claus. 13 E. 2. dors. 13. they are listed in the same form being 25. and in Claus. 14 E. 2. d. 29. where they are 32.

[ 19] Claus. 14. E. 2. d. 5. there issued a writ in the usual form, Willielmo de Bereford, and 37 others, whereof 2. were Escheators, and the Dean and a Canon of York two others; Cl. 15 E. 3. d. 16. there is the like writ sent to him, and 33. more. Cl. 16. E 2. d. 26. the like writ to him and 22. others. And Cl. 19 E. 2. d. 7. the like writ to him and 22. besides; the Dean of York being one of them, as in most of the precedent lists. Cl. 20 E. 2. d. 4. the writ issued Waltero de Norwico, and 22. more.

[ 20] In Clause 1 E. 3. pars 2. d. 16. there is this writ issued, somewhat different from the precedent.

Rex dilecto et fideli suo Waltero de Norwico, salutem. Quia super magnis et arduis negotiis Nos et statum Regni nostri tangentibus, Vobiscum, et cum Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proceribus, ac cum caeteris de Consilio nostro apud Lincoln. in crastino Exaltationis Sanctae Crucis prox. futur. Colloquium habere ordinavimus et Tractatum. Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes, quod omnibus aliis praetermissis dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis Nobiscum, si interesse possumus, seu interveniente impedimento, deputandis à Nobis, super dictis negotiis tractatur. vestrumque consilium impen sur. Et hoc nullatenus omittatis. Teste Rege apud Stanhope, 7, die Augusti.

Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis, viz. 33. 0thers there named. And in the same Roll, dors. 3. there is the like writ to him, and 7. more only.

The writ Claus. 2 E. 3. dorse 31. thus varies from the former.

[ 21] Rex dilecto et sideli suo Waltero de Norwico, salutem. Cum in Parliamento nuper apud Eborum convocato magna et ardua negotia proposita fuerunt, quae propter absentiam quorundam Praelatorum, Magnatum, et Procerum Regni nostri tunc non poterunt terminari; super quibus et aliis diversis Negotiis de assensu Praelatorum, ac Magnatum et Procerum in eodem Parliamento nostro tunc existentium, apud Northhampton, à die Paschae prox. futur. in tres Septimanas Parliamentum tenere, et Vobiscum, ac cum Praelatis, Magnatibus, et Proceribus Regni nostri, et eum caeteris de Con silio nostro Colloquium et Deliberationem habere volumus. Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes, quod omnibus aliis praetermissis dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis, Nobiscum super dictis Negotiis tractatur: vestrumque Consilium impensur. Et hoc sicut Nos ac honorem nostrum, ac salvationem Regni nostri diligitis nullo modo omittatis. Teste Rege ut supra.

Eodem modo mandatum est, to x. more: the first of them Magistro Gilberto de Middleton Archid: Northhampton. Clause 23: of the same Roll, there is the like writ (different only in the recital, as to the Archbishop, p. 28.) to x. Justices and Assistants, the same with the former; and so in dorse 15.

In Claus. 3 E. 3. d. 19. there is no writ entered to [ 22] the Justices and Council, but I find them promiscuously inserted amongst the Lord's in the Eodem modo mandatum est; where I meet with Magist: Rico: Erinm, (perchance Ermin) Magist: Antonio de Bek, Decano Ecclesiae beatae Mariae Lincoln, Galfro: le Scrop, Will •• : le Herle, Roberto de Malberthorp, Rico: de Willug by, Iohi: de Traverse, Ade de Herewinton, Henry le Scrop, Roberto de Wodehouse, Archid: Richmond, Willo: le Dennie, Io i: de Cante rigg Rico: de Aldeburge, Magist. Gilberto de Middleton, Archid: Northampton, and Rob., Baynard; inserted into the List of the Lord's, being usually listed amongst the Justices and Council, in precendent and subsequent Rolls.

Clause 4 E. 3. d. 41. the writ runs in this most usual form, except in the recital.

[ 23] Rex dilecto et fideli fuo Roberto de Wodehouss Archid. Richmond. Thesaurar. suo, salutem. Quia pro magnis et arduis negotiis Nos et statum Regni nostri multipliciter contingentibus, Parliamentum nostrum apud Winton die Dominica prox. ante festum Sancti Gregorii Papae prox. futur. tenere; et Vobiscum, ac cum caeeteris de Consilio nostro habere Colloquium disposuimus et tractatum. Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes, quod omnibus aliis praetermissis dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis Nobiscum, ac cum caeteris de Consilio nostro, super dictis negotiis tractatur. vestrumque consilium impensur. Et hoc nullatenu omittatis. T. ut supra, p. 30.

Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis, viz. 8. more: Ibidem, dors. 13. the like Writ (except in the Prologue, Qualiter, &c. as p. 31.) issued to this Treasurer, and the same 8. persons more: But in dorso 23. there is no writ entered, but only the names of 5. of the Council, in the Eodem modo after the Lord's, with a space for distinction.

[ 24] Claus. 5 E. 3. dors. 25. the Writ issues; Dilect & fideli suo Galfrido Le Scrop, Capitali Iusticiario suo, &c. (as p. 32.) in the recital, and then in the usual form, as the precedent writ in the later Clause: there being 12 more names in the Eodem modo: Dorse 7. the like writ issued to him and x. more: both of them entered after the Writs to the Sheriffs and Warden of the Cinque-ports, (usually registered before them, next after the writs to the Lord's in all precedent Rolls, but frequently after them in most Rolls after this.) Clause 6 E. 3. d. 9. 19. & 36. there are three writs of this nature entered after those to the Sheriffs and Wardens of the Cinque-ports, issued to this Chief Justice Scrop, the first to 7, the second to 30, the third to 9 more, Justices and others. Claus. 7 E. 2. pars 2. dors. 3. the writ entered is to him, and 20. besides, after all the rest of the Writs but one, (as in many more ensuing Rolls) and so Claus, 8 E. 3. d. 18. to him and 22. more, whereof the Chancellor of the Exchequer is one, and the Kings Treasurer another.

Claus: 9 E. 3. d. 8. the Writ entered is to to the same Geoffrey Le Scrop, and 15 others; and Dorse 28. to him and 22 more: But in Claus. 10. dors. 1, & 5. the Writs enrolled issued, Magistro Roberto de Stratford, Archid. Cantuar: and 14 more in both lists, whereof Roberto Parnings, Willo: Scot, Simony Trewosa, Servientibus Regis, are 3. These are the two first Eodem modo mandatum est I meet with, wherein the Kings Serjeants at Law were summoned to Parliaments, who are last named in both these Lists.

Clause 11 E. 3. pars 1. d. 15. After the Lord's, 5 are [ 25] registered, with Iustic: added to them, and 3 besides. In d. 8. there is only this entry, Eodem mode mandatum est dilecto Cler. suo Mro: Joh: de Ufford, mutatis mutandis after the Lord's names: to which 9. of the Councils & Justices names are conjoined without distinction, before this entry. But in Clause 11 E. 3. part 2. dorse 40. the writ entered is directed Rob: de Stratford Electo Cicestr. different in the recital from the writs to the Temporal and Spiritual Lord's in this Membrana, and agreeing with that in Claus. 11. pars 1. m, 8. to which it should refer: upon which Account I shall transcribe it.

Rex dilecto Clerico fuo Mro. Rob: de Stratford, Electo [ 26] Cicestr. salutem. Quia super certis responsionibus solennibus Nunciis nostris per Nos ad partes Franciae ultimo pro quibusdā negotiis nostris ibidē expediendis transmissis datis, necnon pro quibusdā aliis negotiis urgentis limis, Nos et statum Regni nostri, ac aliarum terrarum nostrarum intime contingentibus, cum Praelatis, Magnatibus, et Proceribus regni nostri apud Westm. die Veneris prox. ante festum Sancti Michaelis prox. futur. ordinavimus habere Colloquium et Tractatum. Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes, quod omnibus aliis praetermissis dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis Nobiseum, &c. ut supra. T. ut supra.

Eodem modo mandatum est, &c. to 10. more, most of them Justices, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

Here a Bishop elect is summoned as one of the Council; though usually summoned as a Spiritual Peer; and the Guardian of the Spiritualties of the Bishopric of Chichester, seed vacante, summoned in the list amongst the Bishops, not this Bishop elect, who is summoned as a Bishop the next year and Parliament; Claus. 12 E. 3. d. 11. the Writ issued Galfrido Lescrop and 12. more, whereof the Kings Treasurer, and Chancellor of the Exchequer, were two.

[ 27] Claus. 12 E. 3. pars 2. d. 32. the writ entered, issued Iohanni de Ston re, with the same recital as p. 41, 42. and then Quod omnibus aliis praetermissis intersitis cum dicto Custo e, et cum caeteris de Consilio praedicto, super dictis negotiis tractatur. &c.

Eodem modo mandatum est to 13 others, whereof the Kings Treasurer, and Chancellor of the Exchequer are two▪ and the last Robto: de Sadyngton Capitali Ba dni de Scaccario: the first I observe summoned by this Title. Claus. 13 E. 3. pars 2. d. 28. the writ entered is of the self-same form with the last: and to the same 13 persons, though not listed in the same order; and with this addition of Regis, after Staccario, to the Chief Baron. Claus. 13 E. 3. pars 2. d. 1. we have the same form of writ to Stonore and 13 more, the very same as in the two former lists: Claus. 14 E. 3. pars 1. d. 33. the like to him, those 13, and one more: and Pars 1. d. 23. to him and 14 more.

[ 28] The Writ in Claus. 15. E. 3. pars 1. d. 37. issued in usual form, Dilcto et fideli suo Roberto de Parnings Thesaurar: suo, and 9. others. Claus. 17 E. 3. pars 1. d. 25. Roberto de Sadington, and only 6. more. Claus. 18 E. 3. pars 1. d. 14. Willo: Scot, and but 4. more, Cl. 20 E. 3. pars 2. d. 22. Willo: Scot, Quod personal •• er intersitis Nabis um si praesentes fuorimus ibidem▪ seu cum Custode dicti Regni nostri si abesse nos contigerit, & cum caeteris de Consilio nostro, super dictis negotiis, &c. and 14 others, the two last Roberto de Thorpe Servienti Regis, Henry de Grene, Servienti Regis. Claus. 21 E. 3. pars 2. d. 9. Willielmo de Thorpe (with the same recital, as to the Archbishop, Here, p. 52, 53. and the same Seire vos volumus, quod dictum Parliamentum non ad auxilia, &c. as in that writ:) Eodem modo mandatum est to 16 others, the 4 last the Kings Serjeants at Law: namely Roberto de Thorpe Servienti Regis, Henr: de Grene Servienti Regis, Willo: de Notton Servienti Regis, Thomae de Seton Servienti Regis. Claus. 22 E. 3. pars 1. d. 32. the writ issued Willo: de Thorpe, and 16 more, the 4 last the Kings Serjeants forenamed. This writ is registered next after the Lord's: As is that in Clause 22 E. 3. pars 2. d. 7. issued to Judge Thorpe, and 15 more, the 4. last the Kings Serjeants forenamed.

In Claus. 24 E. 3. pars 2. d. 3. the writ runs in this [ 29] form.

Rex dilecto et fideli suo Willo: de Shareshull, salut: Quia pro quibusdam arduis et urgen ibus negotiis, Nos, & statum, et bonum regimen Regni nostri Angliae, et aliarū terram̄, et Dominiorum nostrorum Parl: nostrum apud Westm. in Octabis Purificationis beatae Mariae Virginis prox. futur. tenere; & cum Praelatis, Magnatibus, et Proceribus dicti Regni nostri Angliae, & aliis de Consilio nostro, Colloquium habere volumus & tractatum. Vobis mandamus, &c. personaliter intersitis Nobiscum, & cum dictis Praelatis, Magnasibus et Proceribus dicti regni, Super dictis negotiis tractatur. &c.

Eodem modo mandatum est to 12. more, the 4 last are the Kings forecited Serjeants at Law: Claus. 25 E. 3. pars 1. d. 5. the same form of writ as the last, issued to William Shareshull, and 13 others, whereof the last are the 4. Serjeants. Claus. 26 E. 3. d. 14. there are two writs registered one after another; the first to Shareshull, and 7 Justices more: The 2. Dilecto Clerico suo Magistro Iohanni de Leech, and 8 Masters more. So Claus. 27 E. 3. d. 12. there are two distinct writs to the same parties, and to 6 Justices, and 3. more Masters.

In Claus. 28 E. 3. d. 26. There is only one Writ [ 30] to William de Shareshull, of the same form with that of 24 E. 3. and to 11 more, whereof 4 are the Kings Serjeants; namely, Thorp and Notton forecited, Willo: de Skipwith, Servienti Regis, John: Mowbrey Servienti Regis, last named. The same form of writ to him, & 13 others is registered Claus. 29 E. 3. d. 8. wherein the Kings said Serjeants are last listed. Claus. 31 E. 3. d 21. there is the like writ to him and 14 others; where Notton, Skipwith, and Mowbrey are listed without the addition of Kings Serjeants: Claus. 31 E. 3, d. 2. the like writ is entered to him, and 15 others, without the addition of Serjeants to those so styled in former lists.

[ 31] The writ in Claus. 34 E. 3. d. 4. to William de Shareshull and 13 others, is only, & cum Praelatis et caeteris Magnatibus et Proceribus dicti Regni Colloquium habere, &c. Dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis Nobiscum, et cum dictis Praelatis, Magn tibus et Proceribus dicti Regni, &c. without the clause, & caeteris de Consilio nostro, in either place, or any other part of the writ. So is the writ Claus. 36 E. 3. d. 16. Henr: Grene, and 8 others: and Claus: 37 E. 3. d. 22. to him and 8. more; and Claus: 38 E. 3. d. 3. to him, and but 5 besides: and Claus: 39 E. 3. d. 2. Iohi: Knyvet, and 13 more, whereof Mro: Thomae Young Offic: Cur: Cancell. is one the first I find so styled in the Rolls: The like writ Iohanni Knyvet, is in Claus: 42 E. 3. d. 22. and 8 others: and Claus: 43 E. 3. d. 24. Claus: 44 E. 3. d. 1. the same in form, persons, number, without any Clause cum caeteris de Consilio nostro, in them.

There is this form of writ in Claus: 46 E. 3. d. 11. different from the precedent.

[ 32] Rex dilecto et fideli suo Iohi: de Cavendish, Capitali Justiciario suo, salutem. Qui pro quibusdam arduis, &c. (ut supra, p. 67:) teneatnr, et cum Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proceribus Regni nostri Angliae tractatus et Colloquium habeantur. Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes, quod omnibus aliis praetermissis, dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis Nobiscum, si praesentes fuerimus ibidem, seu cum Ricardo filio Carissimi Primogeniti nostri Edwardi Principis Aquitaniae & Walliae Custode Regni nostri Angliae, et locum nostrum tenente in eodem Regno, si abesse Nos contigerit, et CUM CAETERIS DE CONSILIO NOSTRO, super dictis Negotiis tractaturi, vestrumque consilium impensuri; et hoc nullatenus omittatis. Teste ut supra. Without any Eodem modo to others. Claus. 47 E. 3. d. 13. there is a writ issued to him, with a different recital (as p. 67.) and a personaliter intersitis Nobiscum, et cum caeteris de Consilio nostro, with Consimilia Brevia to 6 more Justices: The like writ to him is in Clause 48 E. 3. dors. 24. with Consimilia Brevia to 8 others, whereof two are Masters: These writs are entered after those to the Sheriffs, and before the writs to the Warden of the Cinque-ports; as the like writ to him is, Claus. 50 E. 3. pars 2. dors. 6. with Consimilia Brevia to 8 mo e; the two last Mro: Iohanni Barnet, and Mro: Nicho de Chaddeston, as in the last before.

The next writs of this nature, are in Claus: 1 R. 2. [ 33] dors: 37: Claus: 2 R. 2. d: 13. both directed Iohanni Cavendish, Capitali Justiciar: suo, and 11 others in both Rolls, with a personaliter intersitis Nobiscum, & cum caeteris de Consilio nostro super dictis negotiis tractaturi, &c. But that of Claus: 3 R: 2 dors; 32. runs thus: Quod omnibus aliis praetermissis dictiss die & loco personaliter intersitis Nobiscum, & CUM CAETERIS PRAELATIS, MAGNATIBUS, ET PROCERIBVS Regni▪ nostri DE CONSILIO NOSTRO tractaturi, vestrumque Consilium impensuri, &c. The like Ordinary writ issued to Cavendish and 9 others: Claus: 4 R: 2: dorso 32: After which this form of writ is registered.

Rex dilecto Servienti suo David Hannemere, salutem: [ 34] Quia de avisamento, &c. usque tractatum; tunc, Mandamus firmiter injungentes, &c: quod di tis die et loco personaliter intersitis ad faciendum pro Nobis et expeditione negotiorum nostrorum quod ad tunc ibidem fuerit faciend: et hoc Nullatenus omittatis. Teste Rege apud Westm, 26 die Augusti.

[ 34] In the Clause Roll of 5. R. 2. dorso 40. The writ entered is directed Roberto Tresilian Capitali Justic suo, and 7 more. Claus. 6 R▪ 2. pars 1. d. 4. & 7. to him and 8 others in both dorses. Claus. 7 R. 2. d. 10. & 17. to him and 7. others in both. Claus. 8 R. 2. d. 35. to him and 10. besides, Claus. 9 R. 2. d. 45. to him and 9 more. Claus. 10 R. 2. d, 42. to him and 12 others. Claus. 11 R. 2. d. 24. to him and 11 more. Claus. 12 E. 3. d. 42. the writ issued Waltero Clopton Capitali Iustic. suo, and 7 others. Claus. 13 R. 2. pars 1. d. 6. & Cl. 14 R. 2, d. 42. to him and 12 more. Cl. 16 R: 2. d. 37. to him and 12 others, whereof the chief Baron of the Exchequer was one. Clause 16 R. 2. d, 23. to him and 11 others: and d: 32 to him and 12. more. Claus. 17 R. 2. d. 30. to him and 12 others. Cl. 18 R. 2. d: 23. to him and 10 besides. Claus. 20 R. 2. d. 11. to him and 11 more. Cl. 21 R 2. d. 27. and Cl. 23 R. 2. d. 3. to him, and 11 others.

[ 35] The writ in Claus: 1 H: 4: d. 37. is directed Waltero Clopton Capitali Iustic: suo, and 12 others: and still to the Chief Justice for the time being throughout his reign; all or most of the rest of the Assistants being Justices, whose names you may find in the ensning Table.

[ 36] The writ in Claus: 1 H: 5: dors: 9. issued Willielmo Hankeford Capitali Iustic: suo, &c. But that in dors: 37: Willielmo Gascoyne, Capitali Iusticiario suo, and 11 others, most, or all Justices, and so throughout his reign.

[ 37] In Henry the 6. his reign, Claus. 1 H. 6. dors. 22. the writ is directed Willo: Hankeford Capitali Iustic: suo, and 10 more Justices; and so in other years to the Chief Justice for the time being, and other Justices.

[ 38] In Cl. 1 E: 4. d. 34. the writ issued Iohi: Markham and 12 Justices and Lawyers besides; and so throughout his reign to the Chief Justice and Justices for the time being, and few else besides them.

[ 39] Of later times both the Chief Justices, Chief Baron, and all the Kings Justices, Barons of the Exchequer, Serjeants at Law, the Mr: of the Rolls, & some Masters of the Chancery, have been usually summoned as Assistants, to counsel and advise both the King and Lord's in all matters of Law and difficulty, wherein their advice is necessary, as also to carry messages, Bills and Orders from the Lord's to the Commons House, and return answers from them upon such occasions, when they please to return answers by them, and not by Messengers of their own.

Usefull Observations upon the precedent Writs to, and concerning the Kings Council summoned to Parliaments and Parliamentary Councils.

IT is observable, 1. That in many ancient Rolls and Lists of Summons to Parliaments and Parliamentary [ 1] Councils, there is no mention of any writs or summons at all to any of the Kings Council, Justices, Officers, or others, as there is in those forecited; as namely in the summons in Claus: 49 H. 3. d: 11. 23 E: 1. d. 2, 3, 4. 24 E. 1. d. 7. 25 E. 1. d. 6. 27 E. 1. d. 9. 16. 28 E. 1. d. 16, 17. 30 E. 1. d. 9. 32 E. 1. d. 2. Cl. 33 E. 1. d. 8. Cl. 35 E. 1. d. 13. Cl. 3 E. 2. d. 16, 17. 7 E. 2. d. 16. 9 E. 2. d. 22, 18 E. 2. d. 5. 21, 34. 20 E. 2. d. 4. Cl. 5 E 3. pars 2. d. 7. 1 E. 3. p. 1. d. 15. 16 E. 3. pars 1. d. 39. 16 E. 3. pars 2. d, 13. 29 E 3. d. 7. 32 E. 3. d. 14. 33 E. 3 d. 10. 34 E. 3. d. 35. & 49 E. 3. d. 4. to omit others: Which Parliaments it seems were held without any of the Kings Council, or Justices summoned to them; or else the Clerks through negligence or slothfullness omitted the entries of their Writs or names in all these Rolls of Summons: Therefore they are no essential Members of the Parliaments or Great Councils of England, which may be held without them, being none of the 3. Estates.

[ 2] 2ly, That there is no mention at all made of them in the usual ordinary writs to the Spiritual or Temporal Lord's, Sheriffs, and Wardens of Cinqueports; in these most material clauses, Parliamentum nostrum tenere, & Vo iscum ac um Praelatis, Magnatibus & Proceribus dicti regni nostri Angliae Colloquium ha bere volumus & tractatum: Or the personaliter inters •• is Nobiscum, ac cum dictis Praelatis, Magnatibus et Proceribus dicti Regni super dictis Negotiis tractaturi, vestrumque consilium impensuri, which have never this Clause, & cum aeteris de Consilio nostro, inserted into them: Therefore they are no essential constitutive Members of our Parliaments or Great Councils, but Assistants only to the King and Lord's, as there is occasion.

[ 3] 3ly, That those of the Kings Council summoned to Parliaments and Great Councils by the precedent writs, were sometimes very many in number, sometimes very few, and always more or less, at the Kings mere pleasure. In the first writ and list of summons extant, they were no less than 40, in some others above 30, in most under 20, usually in later times but 10, 11, 12, 13, or 14, sometimes but 4, 5, 6, or 7; once or twice but one. Sometimes most of them were Deans, Archdeacons, and other Clerks or Clergymen who had always▪ the Title MAGISTRO, praefixed to their names both in the writs and lists of their names; other times the major number were Justices, Laymen, and but two or three Clerks: In later times the Clergymen, were wholly omitted, or very rarely inserted, and that when they were Treasurers, or Temporal Officers to the King: An unanswerable apparent Argument and demonstraon, that they were no essential Members of our Parliaments or Great Councils, since the King might thus summon more or fewer of them, or which of them he thought fittest, and omit all or any, or as many of them as he would at his pleasure out of the summons.

[ 4] 4ly. That in all lists of Summons of this kind, the Kings Chief Justices, and other Justices of his Courts at Westm: and Chief Baron, were constantly summoned in more or less numbers, and the Kings Serjeants very frequently: yea the writs of Summons entered in the Rolls, were, for the most part, issued to the Kings Chief Justice; because there was most use of the Justices and learned Lawyers advice and counsel in Parliaments in all matters of Law there debated, in writs of Error there pending, in the penning of New, and altering, explaining, or repealing of former Statutes; in Pleas of the Crown, and other cases criminal or civil heard and determined in Parliaments, than there was of inferior Clergymen of the Council; the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors and Spiritual Lord's there present as Members, being sufficiently able to advise the King and Temporal Lord's in all Ecclesiastical matters there debated or treated of; especially when assisted with the Clerks of the Convocation usually summoned, without any Clergymen of the Kings Council.

5ly, That by the King and his Council, Vs and Our [ 5] Council, Vs and the rest of our Council, aliis ac caeteris de Consilio nostro, in the precedent and other writs in the Clause Rols, the Rolls of Parliament, the afetrcited Statutes, and other Acts of Parliament; the Kings Justices and others summoned to Parliaments and Great Councils as his Council, not as Spiritual or Temporal Lord's; are properly meant and intended, not the Lord's of the Kings Privy or continual Council, nor yet the Lord's in Parliament, or Parliament itself; the Parliament in the writs of Summons to the Bishops, in the Clause of Praemunientes Decanum, Capitulum, Archidiaconos, totumque Clerum vestrae Dioc: &c. and in the writs to the Sheriffs & Wardens of the Cinqueports, being usually styled, Commune Consilium Regni nostri, as the Clause, Ad consentiendum hiis quae tunc ihidem de Communi Consilio regni nostri contigerit ordinari: inserted into the last part of these Writs, informs us: And so is it styled in the writ prescribed by the Statute, De non ponendis in Assis s, Anno 21 E. 1. & in other Writs grounded upon Acts of Parliament in the Register of Writs and Natura Brevium: Or the Kings Common or General Council, as in the Stat: of Vouchers 18 E. 1. in the Statutes of Wast, & de Defensione Iuris, An: 20 E: 1. and other printed Acts; and long before this, in Pat. 1 Joh: R : m. 3 n. 3. Pat. 1 H: 3. m. 3. Pat. 3 H, 3. ps. 2. m. 6. and sundry other writs and Patents in his reign

6ly, That although Sir Edward Cook and others make this the chief or sole distinguishing Cla se, or proprium quarto modo, between the writs of Summons to the Lord's and Members of the Lord's House, and Assistants; that the one are always summoned, quod in propria persona intersitis Nobiscum, ac cum dictis, or caeteris Praelatis, Magnatibus, et Proceribus dicti regni nostri, super dictis negotiis tractaturi, vestrumque consilium impensuri: The others only summoned; quod personaliter intersitis Nobiscnm, et cum caeteris de Consilio nostro, super dictis negotiis tractaturi, vestrumque consilium impensuri; Yet this is not a general truth: For 1. in sundry forecited writs to the Kings Council, Justices, and Assistants; this clause, Et cum caeteris de Consilio nostro, &c. is totally omitted, though it be in most of them: and intersitis Nobiscum only, or, intersitis Nobiscum, et cum dictis Praelatis, Magnatibus, et Proceribus super dictis negotiis tractaturi vestrumque consilium impensuri; (without any & cum caeteris de Consilio nostro,) inserted in lieu thereof; yet with this distinction, (not formerly observed by any to my knowledge) that in the writs to the Spiritual and Temporal Lord's, the words always run thus in the first Clause of the writs; Vobiscum, ac cum CAETERIS Praelatis, Magnatibus & Proceribus dicti Regni nostri, to a Spiritual Lord: and, Vobiscum, & cum Praelatis, ac CAETERIS Magnatibus et Proceribus, &c: to a Temporal Lord: and thus in the mandatory part; dictis die et l co personaliter intersitis Nobiscum, ac cum CAETERIS Praelatis, Magnatibus & Proceribus, if to a Prelate: and if to a Temporal Lord, Nobiscum, ac cum Praelatis, et CAETERIS Magnatibus et Proceribus Praedictis super dictis negotiis tractaturi, &c. the word Caeteris is always omitted in the writs to the Justices, and other Assistants of the Council in both these clauses; because they are no Spiritual nor Temporal Lord's of Parliament, nor summoned as such; and, cum Praelatis, Magnatibus & Proceribus, without caeteris, being only used in their writs; both where & cum caeteris de Consilio nostro is inserted into their writs after the word Proceribus, or elsewhere; and where it is totally omitted: So that the omission of the word caeteris in this place and manner in all writs to the Justices and other Assistants, and the inserting it as aforesaid, into the writs of the Spiritual and Temporal Lord's, is the principal distinguishing word that puts a difference between them, not this Clause alone, Nobiscum, & cum aliis de Consilio nostro, twice inserted into the writs of Prorogation and Resummons both to the Temporal and Spiritual Lord's, as well as to the Justices and Assistants, Claus: 33 E. 1. d. 9, 10. which I shall recite at large in its due Section.

7ly, That in the writs of Summons to the Kings [ 7] Council, they are never licensed to appear by Proxies, or Attorneys, as the Spiritual and Temporal Lord's sometimes are; but in proper person alone.

8ly, That such of them who were Deans, Archdeacons, [ 8] or Clergymen have always the Title MAGITRO prefixed to their names both in the writs and lists of summons, by which they are distinguished from the Laymen mentioned in those writs and lists. And that one Bishop elect summoned amongst the Bishops to Parliament, was yet summoned as one of the Kings Council by another writ. What ever else is worthy Observation touching these writs, or lists of persons summoned, I have noted already in the precedent recitals of them.

9ly, That though the Kings Justices and others of [ 9] his Council summoned to our Parliaments, were no real essential Members of them, but rather Assistants to the King and Lord's, yet they had a very great hand, power, authority, not only in making Ordinances, Proclamations, desciding all weighty controversies, regulating most public abuses, and punishing all Exorbitant Offences out of Parliament in the Star-chamber and elsewhere, Coram Rege et CONSILIO SVO, as is evident by 19 E. 3. Fitzh: Judgment 24. 20 As . 14. Br. Dures 12. 39 E. 3. f. 14. b. Brook Judges 13. Judgment 117. 43 Ass. 15. 38. Register pars 1. f. 191. b. pars 2. f. 124. b. 125. a. 13 E. 4. f. 9, 10. 27 H. 6. 5. b. 2 R. 3. f. 2. 10, 11. 1 H. 7. f. 3. 4. Brooke Parliament 37. 105. Fitz. Parl. 2. 135. An Exact Abridgement of the Records in the Tower, p. 157, 169, 197, 426, 428, 459, 460, 560, 591, 638, 641, 651. Lambardi Archaion, p. 108. to 116. and the records there cited, transcribed by Sir Edward Cook in his 4 Institutes, c. 5, Cromptons Jurisdiction of Courts, f. 29. &c. de Court de Starr-chamber, et matters avant LE COVNSELL LE ROY, Ashes Tables, Courts 2. and the Lawbooks, Statutes, there cited, with others anon remembered; but likewise in receiving, answering all sorts of Petitions, determining, adjudging all weighty doubtful cases, pleas, yea in making Acts, Ordinances, Statutes, and transacting all weighty affairs concerning the King or kingdom, even in Parliaments themselves, when summoned to them by the premised writs; which being not commonly known to the Kings Counsill, or others, nor insisted on, nor cleared up by Sir Edward Cook, or any others who have written of our PARLIAMENTS, I shall briefly and satisfactorily illustrate by these four following particulars.

1. By sundry Petitions upon several complaints and occasions presented and directed to the King and HIS COUNSELL, OR SAGE, OR GOOD COUNSEL in sundry of our ancient Parliaments, entered in the Clause and Parliament rolls, more especially in Claus. Anno 1. E. 3. pars 1. & 2. Where multitudes of Petitions are thus directed; A nostre Sign ur. le Roy, et ASON COVNCILL, Au BON COVNCIEL nostre Signior le Roy, &c. Which Petitions were usually answered and determined, sometimes By the KING and His COVNSELL, jointly, other times by His COVNSEL alone; and sometimes by the King with the assent or advice of his COVNSEL, as these entries; Coram Rege & CONSILIO concessum est & emendatum: per agard de toute LE COVNSELL: soit le COVNCIEL certify; Coram CONSILIO NOSTRO in praesenti Parliament venire faciatis scriptum praedictum; ad faciend. inde ulterius, quod per idem CONSILIVM NOSTRVM ibidem CONTIGERIT ORDINARI▪ Videtur CONSILIO: Il semble AV COVNCIEL que ce est bone affaire▪ Veniat Inquisitio CORAM CONSILIO. Place at Dom. Regi & CONSILIO SVO ordinare: with the like, most frequently occurring in these Petitions, and the answers to the proceedings and resolutions upon them, abundantly evidence.

2. By this subscription or addition to many Writs, Patents, Charters, in the Clause, Patent, Charter, and Parliament Rolls, per ipsum Regem & Consilium in Parliamento, being all made, issued, granted, approved, entered by Order of the King and those of His COUNSIL in Parliament.

3. By the Placita coram ipso DOMINO REGE ET EJUS CONSILIO AD PARLIAMENTA SUA, &. AD PARLIAMENTUM SWM, &c. recorded in the Parchment Book of Pleas in the Tower of London.. Wherein, the Proceedings, and the Judgments on them, were given sometimes by the Kings COVNSELL alone; sometimes by the King and his COUNSELL, and other times by the King, with the advice of the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Barons, and others, or the rest of His COUNSELL; and sometimes Fines and Recognizances were acknowledged before the COUNSELL in Parliament. To instance in some particulars. In the Placita coram ipso Domino Rege et ejus Consilio, ad Parliamenta sua post festum Sancti Hilary, et etiam post Pascha, Anno 18 E. 1. Wilhelmus de Wasthull quaeritur Domino Regi et ejus Consilio, per quandam petitionem, against a deceit and covin in levying a fine: Johannes Comes de Dewe venit coram Rege et ejus Consilio, ad Parliamentum suum post Pascha, &c. & petiit, &c. So Domino Regi et ejus Consilio Johannes Episcopus Wynton. alias coram Auditoribus quaerelarum monst avit, &c. Petrus Maulore, venit coram Domino Rege et ejus Consilio, ad Parliamentum, &c. et petiir, &c. Dominum Regem et ejus Consilium certiorari faciant Querela Willielmi de Valentia Consilio Domini Regis in Anglia, dum Rex suit in Vasconia. Macolomus de Harlegh monstravit Consilio Regis per quandam petitionem, &c. So Placita Parliamenti apud Clipston & Asherugg, &c. Anno 18 E. 1. Margeria de Mose uxor Thomae de Weyland, & Ricardus filius ejusdem Thomae monstraverunt Domino Regi, et ejus Consilio, &c. coram ipso Domino Rege et ejus Consilio venerunt praedicti Cemites Gloucestr. & Hereford: Quod ipsi habeant corpora eorundem Comi um coram ipso Domino Rege et Consilio suo, &c. ad faciendum et recifiendum id quod Dominus Rex de Consilio suo duxerit ordinandum. Prior de Goldelyne queritur Domino Regi et ejus Consilio, de hoc, &c. Memorandum quod Recordum, quod Episcopus Wynton et socii sui miserunt coram Consilio de magno placito Abbatis de Rupl. &c. Robertus Bardolph habet diem per adjornamentum in pleno consilio, &c. Maria quae fuij uxor Willielmo de Brewosa petiit coram Domino Rege et ejus Consilio versus Willielmum, &c. medietatem manerii de Wykeham, &c. Placita coram Rege et Consilio suo ad Parliamentum suum post Pascha apud London. Anno 21 E. 1. Wilhelmus de Mere, &c. et Reginaldus do Legh coram ipso Domino Rege et ejus Consilio allocuti, ad rationem positi de hoc, &c. Stephanus Rabez Vicecomes Leicestr. & Warwic: coram ipso Domino Rege et ejus Consilio arrenatus, ad rationem positus de hoc, &c. Placita coram ipso Domino Rege et Consilio suo ad Parliamentum suum post festum Sancti Michaelis, Ann. 21 E. 1. Malcolinus de Harley Eschaetor Domini Regis citra Trentam monstravit Domino Regi et ejus Consilio, &c. et super hoc vocatis coram domino Rege et ejus Consilio: Decano de Wellen▪ &c. Placita coram ipso Domino Rege et ejus Consilia apud Cantuar. &c. Anno 21 E. 1. The Judgments and Orders upon such Petitions and complaints, were sometimes given by the Council alone. As in the case of Theobaldus de Verdun coram ipso Rege et ejus Consilio apud Bergaveny, de diversis Transgressionibus et inobedientiis factis Domino Regi, arenatus; and found guilty of them by Inquisition, returned and read C ram ipso Domino Rege et ejus Consilio, in the Parliament of 20 E. 1. praedictus Theobaldus de Verdun per considerationem et Iudicium totius Consilii committebatur Goalae, et exhaeredatus fuit de tota libertate sua Regali, quam habuit in terris suis de Ewyas Lacy, pro so et hoeredibus suis imperpetuum; But mostly by the King & Council: Witness these Clauses in Plac. Parl. Anno 18 E. 1. Loquela inter Johannem de Sancto Johanne, & Willielmum de Valentia ponitur in respectum usque in Octabis Sancti Johannes Baptistae, eo quod per Consilium Domini Regis et Iusticiarios suos judicium certum in loquela illa nondum est provisum, &c. Postea ad diem illum Dominus Rex et ejus Consilium in praesentia praedict rum partium habito consilio de procedendo ad judicium, &c. The Summons to Theobald de Verdun; ad faciendum et recipiendum qu d Dominus Rex de Consilio ordinaret; And the acquittal of the Servants of The bald de Lacy, upon the returns of the Inquisitions against them, lecta et audita coram dom. Rege et ejus Consilio. In the Plea between the King and the Bishop of Winchest. de Custod: Hospitii S. Juliani Southampton, upon full hearing and examining of the cause, Uidetur Domino Kegi et ejus Consilio, quod Iusticiarii secundum quod in recordo suo praedicto continetur, debito modo & secunduin consuetudinem Regni ad captionem praedictae Inquisitionis processerunt, &c. In the case of the Earl of Ewe in Normandy petitioning for the restitution of the Castles of Hastings and Tikehall belonging to his Granmother Alicia, whose heir he was, and by her delivered into the Custody and protection of King Henry the III. Et quia Domino Regi et ejus Consilio manifest constat, quod praedicto Comi i alias responsum fuit ad consimilem Petitionem, &c. Nec videtur Domino Regi aut ejus Consilio, quod ration aliquarum literarum praedictarum praedicto Comiti aliud responsum dare debeat, &c. In the Parliament of 0 E. 1. The case of the Prior of Gisburn, Coram Rege et ejus Consilio apud Norham. Anno 19 E. 1. where per ipsum Regem & CONSILIVM suum ordinatum et concordatum est, that a Recognisance of 600 marks acknowledged in Chancery by the Prior should be cancelled. In the case of the differences between the Citizens of London and Merchants of Gascoigne, both cited Coram ipso Domino Rege & CONSILIO SVO. Anno 20 E. 1. Vt auditis coram ipso Domino Rege et CONSILIO SUO allegationibus et disputationibus, rationibusque quibuscunque per praedictas partes porrectis, fieret in hac parte quod Dominus Rex de Consilio decreverit, &c. et contentio praedicta finem debitum per ipsum Dominum Regem et CONSILIUM SWM sortietur; who then made an Order and peace between them, and likewise in the Parl. of 21 E. 1. In the case between John Gifford, and Robert Tybetot touching the Commot of Hysk ynny, the King at Berwick Anno 21 E. 1. Cartam praedictam coram se & CONSILIO suo legi fecit, et ad ambiguitatem quorundam verborum in praedicta Garta contentorum de caetero auferendam, eadem verba declaravit in hun modum. &c. An. 21 E. 1. The Bishop of Durham (having his liberties unjustly seised by the award of the Justices in Eyr,) Supplicavit ipsi Domino Regi et CONSILIO SUO instanter, quod praedicta processus et Recordum coram eis recitarentur et examinarentur, et errores in eisdem contenti pro se & Ecclesia sua Dunolm. prout justum fuerit, & secundum legem et consuetudinem Regni emendarentur. Which being accordingly done, and the cause fully heard and debated before them; consideratum est per ipsum Regem & Consilium, quod judicium praedictum revocetur, & adnulletur, et quod omnes libertates praedicti Episcopy, Ecclestae suae & hominum suorum, quae per considerationem Justiciariorum tinerantium, in manum Domini Regis captae fuerunt, eidem Episcopo, Eccles ae & hominibus suis plenary & integre restituentur.

I shall instance only in three more memorable cases at large.

The 1. is in the Placita coram ipso Rege & Consilio suo, ad Parliamentum suum post Pascha apud London. in Manerio Archiepiscopi Eborum; Anno regni Regis Edwardi 1. 21. De Petentibus arreragiis de tempore Iudae rum. Quia plures Capitales Domini, de quibus Iudaei ante Exilium suum de Regno isto tenementa sua tenuerunt, diversa arreragia petunt, de servitiis orundem tenementorum ibi detentis, tempore quo tenementa illa in manu Domini Regis, ut Eschaeta sua per Exilium eorundem Iudeorum devenerunt, & similiter à tempore postquam tenementa illa per concessionem & donationem suam, in manus nunc tenentium devenerunt, quod per eosdem tenentes aut eorum haeredes, aut assignatos plenary satisfiat, capitalibus Dominis de quibus tenementa illa tenentur, de omnibus serviciis & consuetudinibus eisdem Dominis capitalibus feodi debitis & consuetis, & quae servicia Iudaei ante Exilium suum; dum tamen sibi facere consueverunt & debuerunt, & secundum quod iidem Domini capitals legitime verificare poterunt, servicia illa & consuetudines sibi deberi, & quod Iudaei dum tenementa illa tenuerunt pro tenementis illis sibi acere consueverunt, cum singulis Cartis Domini Regis de talibus tenementis cuicunque concessis semper contineatur, quod servicia debita & consueta inde faciant capitalibus Dominis feodi illius. Et de toto illo tempore quo tenementa illa in se ina Domini Regis remanserunt postquam per Exilium orundem Iudeorum eisita fuerint usque diem quo eadem tenementa per concessionem ipsius Domini Regis in seisinam aliorum devenerunt respond atur, satisfiat Capitalibus Dominis ac Scaccarium per ipsum Dominum Regem, singulis pro sua portion, et secundum quod verificare poterunt prout superius dicitur; cum quilibet de suo tempore tantummodo teneatur respondere, et de isto tempore quo Rex tenebitur respondere satisfaciant ipsi modo tenentes Capitalibus Dominus, et ipsis allocetur in pacatione sua facienda, aut redditu suo, vel secundum quod The saurarius et Barones de Scaccario, melius viderint expedire. De tempore autem Iudeorum quo ipsi tenementa illa tenuerunt, non videtur Domino Regi, aut ejus consilio, quod alicui petenti debet responderi, cum iidem Capitales Domini semper suerant et esse debuerant sufficientes et potentes ad servitia et consuetudines sibi debita petenda, et pro eisdem distringenda si quid aretro fuit, vel cum ipsi Iudei forte satisfecerunt de hoc quod modo petitur, et inde habeant acquietancias. Et si quid a retro fuerit hoc fuit per negligentiam et stultitiam eorundem Dominorum Capitalium, quorum negligentia merito ibi ip is imputanda, et cum dicitur, Vigilantibus et non dormientibus jura subveniunt.

The second is the case of the Prior of Bridlington, before the King and his Council the same Parliament. Prior de Bridelington allocutus coram ipso Domino Rege et consilio suo de hoc, quod cum quidam Bonamy nuper Iudeus Eborum: mutuasset eidem Priori Trescenta Lìbras Sterlingorum, solvendas eidem Iudeo ad Gulas Augusti, Anno regni Regis nunc vicessimo, Et idem Iudeus ante terminum praedictum; Per commune Exilium Iudeorum de regno isto exularet, per quod praedictum debitum simul cum omnibus aliis bonis quae fuerant ejusdem Iudei in Anglia, et quae in regno remanserunt post eorum Exilium, in quorumcunque manus fuerunt ipsius Domini Regis Catalla fuerunt, et ipsi Domino Regi reddi debuissent; Praedictus Prior debitum praedictum quod fuit &c. esse Catall. Dom. Regis, ad terminum statutum ipso Domino Regi non solvit, nec ipsum Dominum Regem aut suos inde premunit; Immo totaliter concelavit, detinuit▪ & adhuc detinet, in lesionem fidei sui qua Domino Regi tenetur, & ad grave dampnum ipsius Domini Regis, &c. Et Prior been cognoscit, quod Praedecessor suus immediatus pecuniam praedictam de praedicto Iudeo mutuavit termino praedicto solvendam, & quod ipse ration mutui illius, adhuc ad solutionem pecuniae illius tenetur. Set dicit; quod Johannes Archiepiscopus Eborum qui nuncest, in tertia septimana Quadragesima proximo praeterito ad domum suam de Bridelington, prout ad officium suum pertinet, visitavit, & inter caetera in visitatione sua ibidem inventa, quaesivit de debitis domus in quibus idem Prior, & quibus, & pro quo tenebatur? ita quod tunc inuenit, quod domus praedicta praedicto Iudeo indebitabatur in pecunia praedicta; et statim in Capitulo ipso Priori injunxit, quod pecuniam illam solveret ejusdem valecto tunc ibidem praesenti ad festum Nativitatis Sanctae Mariae proximum, quem valectū idem Archiepiscopus dicebat esse Attornatum praedicti Iudaei. Et ipse Prior prout ration obedientiae suae tenetur; praecepto praefati Archiepiscopi obedivit, & eandem pecuniam tunc solvere promisit. Et quia idem Prior cognoscit, quod praedicta pecunia praedicto Iudeo debebatur, nec ei solvebatur. ante exilium Iudeorum, & quicquid remansit de eorum debitis & catallis in Regno post eorum exilium, Domini Regis fuit. Consideratum est, quod Dominus Rex recuperet praedictam pecuniam, ut Catalla sua versus praedictum Priorem. Et dictum est praedicto Priori, quod non exeat e villa, priusquam Domino Regi, de praedicta pecunia satisfecerit. Et quia praedictus Archiepiscopus praedicto Priori injunxit; quod catalla Domini Regis praedicto vallecto solveret, ad dampnum Domini Regis, & similiter quia Dominus Rex intellexit, quod Archiepiscopus praedictus quoddam scriptum obligatorium, per quod praefatus Prior praedicto Iudaeo tenebatur in debito praedicto, contra fidem Domino Regi debitam, & Sacramentum fidelitatis suae à praedicto Iud o emit aut perquisivit, ad elongandum Dominum Regem de Catallis suis praedictis, & ibi appropriando malitiose: Praeceptum est Vicecomiti Eborum, quod venire faciat praedictum Archiepiscopum coram Domino Rege, à die Sancti Michaelis, in Quindecim dies, ubicunque, &c. ad respondendum Domino Regi de receptione praedicta. Et similiter quod praedictum scriptum, ut dicitur, remanet in custodia Abbatis Sanctae Mariae Eborum aut Prioris Sancti Andre Eborum, ideo praeceptum est Vicecomiti praedicto, quod venire faciat eosdem Abbatem & Priorem, ad terminum praedictum, ad respondendum de eodem scripto.

Hereupon the Sheriff summoned the Archbishop; Ad respondendum Domino Regi de hoc, quod nunc Prior de Bridelington et ejusdem loci conventus per scriptum suum obligatorium tenebatur cuidam Bonamy quondam Iudeo Eborum, in Trescentis libris sterlingorum certis terminis solvendorum: et idem Iudeus Per Commune Exilium Iudeorum de Regno isto, ante solutionem praedictae pecuniae sibi factā Exuleret; praedictus Archiepiscopus de Curia Romana rediens apud Paris cum praedicto Iudaeo conventionem & mercatum faciens, praedictum debitum, quod fuit & est Catalla Domini Regis ab eo emit, & post in visitatione sua ad Prioratum praedictum facta, eidem Priori et Conventui per obedient am injungit, quod pecuniam praedictam cuidam Valecto ipsius Archiepiscopi, aut nuncio praefati Iudaei, certo termino solverent; contra fidelitatem in qua Domino Regi tenentur, & in alienationem pecuniae Domini Regis▪ ad dampnum Domini Regis mille librarum &c. Et praedictus Archiepiscopus modo venit, & super hoc facto praedicto CORAM DOMINO REGE ET CONSILIO SUO arenatus, express dicit; Quod nunquam cum praedicto Iudaeo aliquam conventionem fecit, seu mercatum de pecunia praedidicta sibi adquirenda; set revera dicit, quod in visitatione sua ad domum praedictam invenit, et per Prio em et Conventum ejusdem domus sibi ostensus fuit, quod domus illa indebitabatur praedicto Iudeo de prae icta pecunia. Et idem ad salvationem animarum sua um prout tenebatur, eidem Priori et Conventui dixit, quod pecuniam illam salva conscientia retinere non possent, et quod sic facerent quod animas suas salvarent: set quod nunquam eis injunxit, quod pecuniam illam sibi aut all i nomine praedicti Iudei solverent, paratus est se acquietare, si placuerit DOMINO REGIET EJUS CONSILIO. Et Dominus Rex super hoc, de gratia sua specially, et ad instantium MAGNATUM DE CONSILIO SUO, licet per patriam de jure inquirere posset veritatem praemissorum, concessit praedicto Archiepiscopo, quod in fide in qua ei tenetur, veritatem praemissorum fatetur et cognosca . Et idem Archiepiscopus in fide, &c. fatetur et dicit, quod in veniendo de Curia Romana apud Paris: been audivit & intellexit per praedictum Iudeum quod praedicta pecunia ei debebatur, et quod idem Iudeus eum rogavit, ut ei pro Deo esset in auxilium ad praedictam pecuniam suam ecuperandam. Et postea, ut praedictum est, in visitatione sua ad domum praedictam hoc idem invenit per confessionem praedictorum Prioris et Conventus; et eis dixit, quod ic facerent, quod animas suas salvarent. Et quia idem Archiepiscopus been cognoscit, quod POST EXILIUM DICTI JUDAE , & ALIORUM JUDAEORUM DE REGNO ISTO, à praedicto Iudeo intellexit, quod pecunia praedicta ibi in regno isto debebatur, et POST EORUM EXILIUM, omnia quae sua fuerunt, et in regno isto remanserunt, tam debita quam alia bona quaecunque ipsi Domino Regi remanserunt, et Catalla sua fuerunt, et super hoc incontinenti POST EORUM EXILIUM solempnis Proclamatio siebat per totum regnum, et quod omnes qui debita aliqua alicui Iudeo debebant, aut de eorum debi is tis, bonis & catallis aliquid sciebant Domino Regi, aut alicui de Consilio suo scire facerent, de qua quidem Proclamatione nullus dedicere potest, quin scivit, a •• scivisse debuit. Et idem Archiepiscopus de debito praedicto scivit, prout fatetur, tam per Iudeum, quam per Priorem & Conventum, nec de hoc Domino Regi, aut alieui de suìs constare fecit; Immo debitum illud concelando, et à Domino Rege alienando contra fidem qua Regi tene ur, injunxit praefato Priori et Conventui, quod animas suus-salvarent, quod tantum valuit, quantum si dixisset; quod Iudeo satisfacerent, concordatum est, quod praedictus Archiepiscopus remaneat in misericordia Domini Regis, pro concelamento & transgression praedicto, &c. et idem Dominus Rex sibi ipsi reservat Tax ationem illius misericordiae. From these 2. Records I shall observe, That the General Banishment of the Jews out of England, and the escheat and forfeiture of their Lands, Goods, and Debts to the King, by this their general exile, is no less then 10. several times precisely mentioned in these 2 Records, and the very groundwork of them; besides some hundreds of other Records and Authors cited by me in the 1. and 2. Part of my Demurrer to the Jews long discontinued Remitter into England: And therefore I must admire Sir Edward Cooks peremptory denial of it in print, in his Commentary on the Statute de Iudaismo, in the very date whereof he is mistaken, as well as in most of his Comments thereupon, as I have largely proved in my Demurrer. 2. That it is a breach of the Oath of Fealty and Allegiance in any Subject, and an offense for which he is punishable, to conceal from, or defraud the King of any of his just debts and rights, especially when engaged by Proclamation to discover them. 3ly. That the King and his Counsel gave judgment in these causes; and that in the later of them the King reserves the taxing of the Amerciament of the Archbishop for an offense against him, wholly to himself.

The 3. case is that of John Sa veyn, his wife and her sister, in the Placita coram ipso Domino Rege apud Westmonasterium in Parliamento suo in Octabis Nativitatis beatae Mariae, Anno regni Regis Edwardi filii Regis Henrici 33. which is very memorable, and thus recorded.

Johannes Salveyn, Margareta uxor ejus, Isabello soro ejusdem Margaretae, filiae & haeredes Roberti de Ros de Werk, per Petitionem suam in forma sequenti ostendunt Domino Regi, et petunt, quod cum Dominus Rex de gratia sua specially concessit et ordinavit, Quod omnes gentes de regno Seotiae, cujuscunque fuerint, et quae ad pacem suam venerint, exceptis aliquibus personis in eadem Ordinatione nominatis, admittantur secundum conditions subsequentes; videlicet, quod salva sit eis vita et membra, et quod quieti sint de imprisonamento, et quod non exhaeredantur. Ita quod de eorum exemptione et emendis de Transgressionibus, qnas ipsi Domino Regi solummodo fecerint, et de estabilamento terrae Scotiae staret ordinationi suae, sicut plenius continetur in Ordinatione supradicta. Et in super Dominus Rex concessit omnibus qui secuti fuerint seisinam de terris quas ipsi et eorum Antecessores tenuerunt in principio Guerrae In quorum manus terr •• illae devenissent; quod ipsi Johannes, Margareta, & Isabella, uti possent et gaudere concessione et Ordinatione praedictis, quoad terras quae dictus Robertus tenuit in Anglia & Scotia in principio guerrae. Ita quod non sin exhaeredati. Et Wilhelmus de Ros de Hamlake, qui tenet praedictum Manerium de Werk, ex dono et concessione Domini Regis, per praemunitionem sibi factam venit , et tam pro seipso tanquam tenenti dictum Manerium, quā pro Domino Rege quo ad alias terras et tenementa quae fuerunt dicti Roberti, tam in regno Angliae quam in terra Sco iae, dicit; Quod praedicti petentes nichil in eisdem per medium praedicti Roberti clamare possunt ut ipsius haeredes, nec ad illa petenda, seu aliquam partem earundem audiri debent, prout petunt. Dicit enim, quod ipsi petunt tenementa praedicta ut haeredes praedicti Roberti, et virtute c jusd m Ordination s, quam Dom nus Rex nuper fecitet concessit illis hominibus de terra Scotiae, qui in ultima guerra in eadem terra ad pacem suam venerunt et admissi suerunt; et per illa ver a videlizet, [quod non x aeredentur,] Et etiam petunt, quod ipsi uti possunt, et gaudere concessione et Ordinatione praedictis quo ad terras quas dictus Robertus tenuit in Anglia & in Scotia in principio guerrae, Ita quod non sint exhaeredati, prout in sua petitione continetur, quod nullo modo admitti debent. Quia dicit, quod praedictus Robertus diù ante principium istius gueriae, ad quod tempus Ordinationi praedicta reddito terrarum et concessio se extendunt, Inimicus Domini Regis devenit mani estus, parti Scotorum Contra Homagium et Filelitatem suam felonice et traditiose adh rendo, et sic omnes terras et tenementa sua ubicun{que} infra Dominium et potestatem Domini Regis existentia, simul cum aliis bonis suis quibuscunque totaliter forisfecit; nec unquam postea in vita sua ad pacem Domini Regis rediit, set in inimicitia sua ut Felo et Traditor obiit. Occasione cujus Inimicitiae sic commissae Dominus Rex terras illas et tenementa statim in manū suam seisivit; et postea ipsum Manerium de Werk ipsi Willielmo dedit. Et hoc paratus est verisicare, tam p o Domino Rege quam pro seipso, si petentes praedicti in petitione sua praedicta audiri debent, &c. Et quia habito super praemissis diligenti tractatu per ipsum Dominum Regem et totum Consil um, express recordatum est, quod dictus Robertus de Ros, per multa tempora ante principium istius ultimae guerrae contra Homagium, Fidelitatem et Ligeantiam suam, de ipso Domino Rege traditiose et felonice se elongavit, et Inimicus ipsius Domini Regis manifest devenit parti Scotorum adhaerendo tunc Inimicorum et Rebellionum Domini Regis existentium, nec unquam postea in vita sua ad pacem Domini Regis rediit, set inimicus ••• s obiit, visisque articulis et conditionibus contentis in Ordinatione per ipsum Dominum Regem facta in ea dem ultima guerra hominibus de terra Scotia, et concessione de redditione terrarum suarū eisdem facienda, quam de aliis in eadem Ordinatione contentis, et virtute cujus Ordinationis petentes praedicti modo tenementa praedicta petunt: Uidetur Domino Regi et Consilio suo, quod petentes praedicti ration illius Ordinationis seu redditionis in Petitione sua praedicta audiri non debent. Propter quod Concordatum est et consideratum per ipsum Dominum Regem et Consilium suum, quod praedictus Wilhelmus eat inde sine die, &c. Et quod praedicti petentes nichil capiant per Petitionem suam praedictam, &c. After which, upon the suit of the Petitioners to King Edward the 2. in the 4. year of his reign, being in Scotland, there issued two several writs to Gilbert de Roubyry, to search the Rolls of Parl. and certify the Tenor of the Petitions aforesaid, and the Answers given thereunto, and proceedings thereupon coram dicto Patre nostro (Edw. 1.) et Consilio suo in Parliamentis suis fa ta; because this John Salve n coram Nobis et Consilio nostro prosecutus fuerit petenda, &c. that the King would receive his homage for the moity of the lands descended to his wife, as one of the Coheirs of Robert de Ros, and restore the same unto him.

For Judgments given in Parliament upon Petitions or Complaints by the King, Lord's, and Kings Council jointly, you may peruse Nicholas de Segraves case, in Cooks 3 Instit. p. 7, 8. and My Plea for the Lord's, p. 361. with others there cited: I shall here for brevity recite only two Memorable ones.

The 1. in the Placita in Parliamento apud London in crastino Epiphaniae, Anno regni Edwardi 1. vicesimo, the long, great and famous case between Humphrey de Bohun Earl of Hereford and Essex, and Gilbert de Clare Earl of Gloucester and Hertford, who invaded one another's lands by force and arms in a warlike manner, and committed many rapines, burnings, murders and enormities against the Kings peace and prohibition: after many Inquisisitions and debates touching this business before Justices assigned, and afterwards before the Kings Council, and then before the King and his Council, by these passages often mentioned in the record; Concordat m est per DOMINUM REGEM & CONSILIUM, Decretum est PER CONSILIUM, Videtur CONSILIO DOMINI REGIS, per dictum DOMINUM REGEM & CONSILIUM, &c. evident r compertum est (twice repeated) Quod corpora eorum habeat coram. DOMINO REGE & EJUS CONSILIO, ad voluntatem ipsius Domini Regis audiendam et faciendam, et recipiendum id quod DOMINUS REX DE CONSILIO SUO DUXERIT ORDINANDUM) fully evidence. At last both the Earls. Voluntati Domini Regis se omnino submiserunt, ut de eorumque libertatibus faciat quod sibi placuerit. Whereupon Dominus Rex super hoc non voluntary tantumniodo, imo pro t de jure et secundum legem et consuetudinem regni fuerit faciendum, et etiam per Consilium Archie-piscoporum, Cpiscoporun ; Comitum et Baronum caeterorumque De Consilio suo existentium facere volens in praemissis, et ut voluntas sua justa sit et rationabilis pro t decet, eorumque Assensum in praemissis petiit et Consilium. Propter quod habito tractatu oram ipso Domino Rege et Consilio suo super praedictis, tam ipso Domino Regi, quam caeteris Praelatis et Magnatibus et singulis de Consilio suo vide ur, quoad Comitem Gloucestriae, quod libertas sua praedicti, &c. pro se et haeredibus suis forisfacta est ration delicti praedicti, &c. Dictum est eidem Comiti Gloucestriae per considerationem et Iudicium Archiepiscoru •• , Episcoporum, Comitum, Baronum, et totius consilit Domini Regis, quod libertas sua praedicta, &c. totumque regale in eisdem terris remaneânt Domino Regi et haeredibus suis ut forisfacta tota vita ipsius Comitis Gloucestriae, et idem Comes retor etur prisonae, et inde redimetur ad voluntatem domini Regis▪ et etiam quod praedictus Comes Hereford recuperet versus eum Centum libras pro dampnis praedictis. Et similiter quoad praedictum Comitem Hereford, o quod videtur Domino Regi, et ejus Consilio habito super hoc tracta •• diligenti, quod libertas sua in terris suis de Brekenno , &c. ration delicti praedicti forisfacta esset. Dictum est eidem Comiti Hereford, per considerationem et judicium Archiepiscoporum, Episcoporum, Comitum et Baronum, et totius Consilii Domini Regis, quo libertas sua praedicta remaneat Domino Regi et haeredibus suis forisfacta de ipso Comite Hereford et haeredibus suis imperpetuum, et corpus suum prisonae retornetur et inde redimetur ad voluntatem Domini Regis; Et quia videtur Domino Regi et ejus Consilio, quod transgressio de qua idem Comes Hereford convictus est, non est ita carcans, nec tantam poenam requirit quantum et facta transgressio praedicta de qua praedictus Comes Gloucestriae convincitur: and because he had espoused the Queens kinswoman; therefore the forfeiture was mitigated, and ordered to continue to the King and his heirs during the Earls life only: After these Earls had continued in prison for some time; the Earl of Gloucester, finem fecit Domino Regi pro Decem Mille Marc. pro Transgre s ione praedicta, and put in 5 Noble men for his pledge ; And the Earl of Hereford likewise, finem fecit Domino Regi pro T ansgressione praedicta, pro Mille Marcis, et re ipitur per plegios, who are named in the Record: After which Io •• de Crepinghes, and others of the Earls Assistants in these riotous Misdemeanors, ad instantiam Praelatorum, Comitum & Baronum, et aliorum de Consilio sus, who moved the King to show mercy to them▪ were put to several fines.

The 2. is in the Placita co am ipso Rege & Consilio suo ad Parliamentum suum, post Pascha apud London, Anno 21 E. 1. the Archbishop of Yorkes case. Johannes Archiepiscopus Eborum attachi tus fuit ad respondendum Damino Regi de pla i o quare cum placita de Imprisonamento et aliis Transgressionibus in regno Regi contra pacem Regis factis ad Regem & coronam et dignitatem suam specialiter pertineant. Idem Archiepiscopus per Johannem Priorem de Bolton in Cravene Commissarium suum in venerabilem Patrem Antonium Episcopum Dunolm: dum nuper in partibus Borialibns in obsequio Regis juxta la us suum per praeceptum ipsius Regis sub protectione extitit, pro eo quod Ballivi esusdem Episcopy Willielmum de Wrleton 〈◊〉 Johannem Roman apud D nolm. inventos ceporunt et imprisonaver nt, Excommunicationis sententi m in Regis contemptum et Coronae & dignitatis suae laesionem, & contra reverentiam Regis in hac parte debitam, in dispectum ipsius Regis viginti Mille librarum, fecit fulminari, et illam Excommunicationem demandari. Propter quod idem Rex ta um contemptum & tantum irreverenti 〈◊〉 sibi illatam ransire impunitam sustinere non valens, maxim cum tam ipse Rex quam praellictus Episcopus quanium in ipso suit, praefato Willielmo & Johanni de imprisonamento praedicto celeris justitiae complementum juxta regni consue udinem semper fuerunt parati exhibere, &c. After the Archbishops Plea thereto, and a long debate of the business in Parliament; Videtur Domino Regi in pleno Parliamento praedicto, Comitibus, Baronibus, Iusticiariis, & similiter toti Consilio ipsius Domini Regis, quod praedictus Archiepiscopus quantum in ipso fuit niteba ur occupare & usurpare super Coronam Regiam et Dignitatem, in casu isto deliberationes imprisonatorum, contra legem et consuetudinem regni, et Contra •• dem in qua idem Archiepiscopus Domino Regiet Coronae suae astringitur, ad exhaeredationem Do •• ni Regis et haeredum suorum manifestam. Propter quod per Comites, Barones et Iusticiarios, et dinnes alios de Constlio ipsius Domini Regis concordatum est, quod praedictus Archiepiscopus committatur prisonae, pro offensa & transgression praedictis. Et super hoc ante Iudicium pronunnciatum licet unanimiter de consilio praedictorum Magnatum et aliorum concordatum fuisset tenendum in hoc casu, et similiter in casibus consimilibus imperpetuum, praedictus Archiepiscopus Maguates et alios de Consilio ipstus Domini Regis rogavit, quod pro eo Dominum Regem requirerent, ut Ante Pronuntiationem Judicit ipsum ad gratiam suam admitteret. Et Dominus Rex ad instantiam eorundem Magnatum, de gratia sua specially hoc idem ipso Archiepiscopo concessit. Et idem Archiepiscopus humiliter supplicavit, quod possit de omnibus praemissis alto & basso Voluntati Domini Regis se submittere. Which the King assenting to at the Lord's request, Dictum est eidem Archiepiscopo sub gravi forisfactura, quod non recedat à Parliamento isto onec super praemissis Domini Regis audivit voluntatem. Postea venit praedictus Archiepiscopus, et fecit finem Domino Regi pro Transgressione praedicta, pro quatuor millibus marcarum, per scriptum suum obligatorium: 5 others being bound with him for due payment thereof to the King.

It is observable, that in all these Pleas, Proceedings & Judgments, there is no mention at all of the Knights, Citizens, Burgesses, or Commons in Parliament, (no shar rs in them) but only of the King, Archbishops, Bishops, Earls, Barons, Justices, and Kings Counsel.

4ly. The power of the Kings Counsel and Judges in Parliament, is evident by sundry Prefaces to, and passages in our printed Acts of Parliament: as namely by the preface of the printed Statute of Bigamy, 4. Octo . An. 4. Ed. 1. In the presence of certain Reverend Fathers, Bishops of England, and OTHERS OF THE KINGS COVNSELL, the Constitutions underwritten were recited, after heard, and published before the King and HIS COVNSELL: forasmuch as ALL THE KINGS COVNSELL, AS WELL IVSTICES AS OTHERS DID AGREE that they should be put in writing for a perpetual memory, and that they should be steadfastly observed. &c. By the exposition of the Statute of Gloucester An. 6. E. 1. made by the King and HIS IVSTICES. By the Statute of Mor main An. 7. E. 1. which recites. We by the advice of our Prelates, Lord's, Barons, and other our Subjects, BEING OF OUR COVNSELL, have provided, made and ordained, &c. By the Statute of Acton Bnrnell. 13. E. 2. Forasmuch as Merchants &c. The King for himself, and BY HIS COVNSELL hath ordained and established, &c. The Prologue to the Statute of Wes m. 2. An. 13. E 1. Whereas of late our Lord the King the 6. year of his reign calling together the Earls, Prelates, Barons, and HIS COVNCELL at Gloucester, &c. (so as there were writs of summons then issued to them all, though not entered in the Clause Rolls of 6. Ed. 1. nor any other now extant.) By the Statute of Merchants, An. 13. E. 1. The King and HIS COVNSELL at his Parliament holden at Acton Burnell, the 11. year of his reign, ath Ordained establishments thereupon, for the remedy of such Merchants: which Ordinances and establishments, the King commandeth, that they shall be firmly kept throughout the Realm. By the Statute of Wast. Anno 20. E. 1. Other Instices with the more part OF THE KINGS COVNSELL, were of the contrary opinion, &c. Wherefore our Lord the King in his full Parliament, in the 20th. year of his reign, by A GENERALL COVNSELL, hath ordained, &c. Articuli super Chartas, An. 28. E. 1. c. 2. Nevertheless the King and HIS COVNSELL do not intend by reason of this estatute to diminish the Kings Right, for the ancient Prises due and accustomed And ch. 20. Notwithstanding all these things, &c. both the King and HIS COUNSELL, and all they that were present at the making of this Ordinance, will and intend, that the right and prerogative of his Crown, shall be saved to him in all things. The Statute for Escheators. Anno 29. E. 1. At the Parliament of our sovereign Lord the King, By his Counsel it was agreed, and also commanded by the King himself, &c. according to advice of &c. Treasurer to the King, Chancellor, and other of the Counsel there present before the King, &c. By the New Statute of Quo Warranto, 30 E. 1. Cum nuper in Parliamento nostro a u Westm. per Nos et Consilium nostrum provisum sic et Proclamatum, quod Praelati, Comites, Barones, & alii &c. By the Ordinance for Inquests, 33. E. 1. It is agreed and ordained by the King and all his Counsel, &c. By Ordinatio pro statu Hyberniae, An. 17. E. 1. made and agreed on at Nottingham, By the assent of our Counsel there being. By the Preface to Articuli Cleri, 9. E. 2. In our Parliament holden at Lincoln the 9th. of our reign, We caused the Articles underwritten, with certain Answers made to some of them, to be rehearsed before Our Counsel, and made certain Answers to be corrected; and to the residue of the Articles underwritten, answers were made By us and our Counsel, of which Articles and Answers the tenours here ensue. By the Statute of Gavelet, An. 10. E. 2. It is provided by our Lord the King, and His Justices, &c. By the Statute De Terris Templariorum, 17. E. 2. It was moved in Parliament in the presence of the Prelates, Barons, Nobles, and Great men of the Realm, and others there present; Whether the Order of the Templars being dissolved, the King and other Lord's of the fees might retain them by the Law of the Realm, and with safe conscience? Whereupon the Greater part of the Kings Counsel, as well the Justices as other Lay-Persons being assembled together, the said Justices affirmed precisely; That our Lord the King, and other Lord's of the fees aforesaid, might well and lawfully by the laws of the Realm retain the foresaid Lands as their Escheats, in regard of the ceasing and dissolution of the Order aforesaid. But upon other grounds of Conscience, they settled them on the Hospital of S. John's of Jerusalem by this Statute. 1. E. 3. c. 3. But it is not the mind of the King nor of His COUNSELL, that they who have sold there Lands, &c. should have any benefit of this Statute. The Prologue of the printed Statute of 1. E. 3. Parl 2. At the request of the Commonally by their Petition made before the King and HIS CONSELL in Parliament, by assent of the Prelates, Earls and Barons, &c. 9. E. 3. c. 1. Our Sovereign Lord the King, desiring the profit of his people, by the assent of his Prelates, Earls, Barons, and other Nobles of his Realm, summoned at his present Parliament, and By the a vice of his Counsel, being there, &c. hath ordained and established the Stat •• te of Money 9. E. 3. c. 7. When and where it shall please us and OUR COVNSELL to make Exchanges. 11. E. 3. c. 1. Till by the King and his COVNSELL i he otherwise provided. 14. E. 3. c. 5. The Chancellor, Treasurer, the Justices of the one Bench, and of the other, and other OF THE KINGS COUNSELL. 14. E 3. Stat. 3. Of the Clergy. Prologue. Wherefore We their petition seen and regarded, and there upon deliberation with the Peers of the Realm, and other of OUR COVNSELL, and of the Realm, &c. have granted, &c. And ch. 5. Our Chancellor and Treasurer taking to them other of our Counsel, &c. 20. E. 3. Prologue. By the assent of the Great men, and other wise men of Our Counsel, We have ordained these things following. And c. 5. We have ordained to come before us at a certain day, or before them whom we shall depute of Our Counsel. 23. E. 3. c. 8. should be converted to a public and common profit, by advise of His Counsel. And always it is the intent of the King, and of His Counsel, that according to the first Ordinance, it should be lawful, and shall be lawful for every man, &c. 25. E. 3. of Laborers. Prologue. It was ordained by our Sovereign Lord the King, and by assent of the Prelates, Earls, Barons, and other of His Counsel. 25 E. 2. Stat. 2. Of those born beyond the Seas. Our Sovereign Lord the King. willing that all doubts and ambiguities should be put away, and the Law in this case declared, and put in a certainty, hath charged the said Prelates, Earls, Barons, and other wise men of his Counsel, assembled in this Parliament, to deliberate upon this point; which of one assent have said, That the Law of the Crown of England is, and always hath been such, &c. 25. E. 3. Parl. 5. c 2. of Treasons.

And if percase any men of this Realm endeavor covertly or secretly against any other, to slay him, or to rob him, or take him, or retain, till he hath made fine or ransom, or to have his deliverance, it is not the mind of the King, Nor His Counsel, that in such cases it shall be judged Treason; but shall be judged Felony or Trespass, according to the Laws of the Land of old time used, and according as the case requireth. And chap. 4. It is accorded, assented and stablished, that from henceforth none shall be taken by petition or suggestion made to our Sovereign Lord the King, or to his Counsel, unless it be by Inditement or presentment of his good and lawful neighbors. 25. E. 3. Parl. 6. Statute of Provisors. Whereas in the Parliament of Edward King of England, Grandfather of the King that now is, the 25. of his reign holden at Carlisle, the Petition heard, put before the said Grandfather and HIS COUNSELL by the Commonalty of his Realm &c. 27. E. 3. c. 1. Provisors shall have day containing the space of two months, by warning to be made to them, &c. to be before the King and HIS COUNSELL, or in his Chancery, or before the Kings Justices, in his places of the one Bench or the other, or before other the Kings Justices which shall be deputed to the same, to answer in their proper persons to the King of the contempt done in this behalf. ch. 2. It is assented by the King and all his Counsel. 27. E. 3. of the Staple. ch. 21. That the same Mayor and Constables do not ordain anything contrary to these Ordinances, nor make interpretation, nor exceptions to them, otherwise then the words purport, but if there be anything that is doubtful, it shall be shown unto Our Counsel, and there declared by good advise. ch. 23. And in case that debates arise betwixt them, upon the discussing of any plea or quarrel, the t nour of the said Plea or quarrel shall be sent before the Chancellor, and other of Our Counsel, to be by them determined without delay▪ ch. 25. And now late it is done Us and our Counsel, to understand by the complaint of the said Merchants. ch. 28. And in case anything be to be amended, added, changed, or withdrawn of any of the said points in time to come, by a true cause. we will that the same be done by deliberation, and advice of the Great men, and Other of our Counsel in Parliament. 31. E. 3. Stat. 2. c. 3. It is accorded by our Sovereign Lord the King, the Great men, and all the Commons in this present Parliament, that the Chancellor and Treasurer taking unto them the JUSTICES and OTHER THE KINGS COUNSEL, such as to them shall seem meet, shall have power to ordain remedy of the buying and selling of Stockfish of St. Botulfs, and Salmon of Barwick, and of Wines and Fish of Bristow, and elsewhere; and that the Ordinances by them made in this party be firmly holden. The offenders against the Ordinance of Fish, made in 31. E. 3. c. 2. are to be attached and detained in Prison as Rebels and Transgressors, till the King and HIS COUNSEL have ordained of them, that right requireth after the quality of their Trespass. 34. E. 3. c. 21. By assent of the King and of HIS COUNSEL, passage was granted of Wools and other Merchandises of the Staple to Denizens, contrary to the Ordinance of the Staple, that only Merchants Aliens, and no Merchants Denizens, should transport them; which passage was confirmed by Parliament, and this Act. 35 E. 3. Upon doing us and OUR COUNSELL TO UNDERSTAND, &c. It was adjudged by US AND OUR COUNSEL, that the Fishers of herrings at Great Yermouth should be free to sell their herrings to all people that will come to the fair of Yermouth, without disturbance of their host or any other, and accordingly enacted by this Parliament. The printed Pardon granted by the King in Parliament, An. 36. E. 3. was prayed by the Commons to be shown to the Ki g and to HIS COVNSELL, and to the other Lord's, ere passed, according to the tenor of the Commons Petition. 37 E. 3. c. 15. Clot makers and Drapers, shall be constrained by any manner, way that best shall seem to the King and his Counsel, that the Ordinance of new Apparel be in no point broken. 37 E. 3. c. 18. enacts, That those who make false suggestions to the King, be sent with the said suggestions before the Chancellor, Treasurer and His Council, and that they there find surety to pursue their suggestions and incur the same pein that the other should have had, if he were attainted, in case that his suggestion be found evil. 38 E. 3. c. 11. enacts, That all Merchants Denizens may pass into Gascoigne, and bring in Wines from thence without any disturbance, or impeachment. Always provided to the King, that it may be lawful to him, whensoever it is advised to him or to His Council, to ordain of this article in the manner as best shall seem to him for the profit of him and his Commons: 38 E. 3. c, 3. Provisors and Offendors against this Act, who do not present themselves before the King or His Council within two months after that they are thereunto warned, &c. shall be punished according to the Statute of 27 E. 3, and otherwise as to the King and His Council shall best seem to be done, without any grace, pardon, or remission. And Cap. 5. if any person maliciously or falsely make any pursuit against any person (as a Provisour) and be thereof duly attainted, he shall be duly punished at the Ordinance of the King and His Council, and nevertheless he shall make gree and amends to the party grieved. The Statute of 42 Edward 3. c. 3. made upon a Petition of the Commons in Parliament beginning thus. Plese a nostre Seigneur le Roy & son BON COVNSEL pur droyt government de son peuple Ordeigner: Which complains that diverse upon false and malicious suggestions have been taken and caused to come before the Kings Council by writ and other command of the King upon grievous pein against the Law.

To these I might superadd the Statutes of 1 R. 2. c. 4. 3 R. 2. c 3. 5 R. 2. c. 2. Stat: 2. 6 R. 2. Stat. 2. c. 1. 8 R. 2. c. 4, 10 R. 2. c. 11. 11 R. 2. c. 2, 6, 7, 12. 12 R. 2. c. 1, 2, 10. 13 R. 2. c. 2. 18. Parl. 2. c. 3. 16 R. 2. c. 5, 17 R. 2. c. 5, 6, 7. 1 H. 4. c. 6, 7, 9, 13. 4 H. 4. c. 4, 23, 30. 1 H. 5. c. 6. 2 H. 5. c. 8. Parl. 2. c. 2. 9 H. 5. c. 3, 5. 1 H. 6. c. 1, 5. 2 H. 6. c. 6. 4 H. 6. c. 5. 8 H. 6. c. 13, 27. 10 H. 6. c. 3, 4. 14 H. 6. c. 2. 27 H. 6. c. 11. 31 H. 6. c. 1. 3 H. 6. c 3. 14 E. 4. c. 1, 2. 17 E. 4. c. 1. 3 H. 7. c. 1. & 4. 4 H. 7. c. 4. 11 H. 7. c. 7. 25. 19 H. 7. c. 1. 13, 18. By all which and other Acts, as likewise by Mr. William Lambards Archaion, p. 118. to 216. compared with Cooks 4 Institutes, c. 5. and the records in My Plea for the Lord's, p. 273, 330, 331, 385, 390, 398, 399, 418, 419, 420, 505, 507. the Authority, Power, Jurisdiction, use, proceedings of the Kings Council and Justices both in and out of Parliaments, is fully explained, declared; to which I shall subjoin two memorable records for a Conclusion hereof.

Claus: 37 H. 3. dors. 7. Rex Ricardo Comiti Cornubiae, salutem: Alias allocuti sumus Episcopum Sarum, quod intenderet Consilio nostro, & praebuit se difficilem, propter quod ad praesens nolumus habere alios Consi •• arios quàm ordinavimus, sicut scitis; sed cum aliqua difficultas emerserit super Iudicium reddendum, vel aliis communibus negotiis ta •• gentibus legem terrae, been placet Nobis quod ad hoc intendat cum à Vobis interpellatus: & ad ipsum vocandum cum hujusmodi necessitas evenerit, plenam Vobis concedimus potestatem. Teste Rege apud Portsmouth 7 die Augusti.

By this record it is evident, That the Kings Council in those days usually gave judgment in cases of difficulty, and other common cases concerning the Law of the realm, calling those who were learned in the Laws for Assistants therein. Of which amongst many others we have a memorable president in the Pleas of Mich. 53 & 54 H. 3. rot: 37. in the case of Assise of Mortdauncester brought by Alexander King of Scots against John de Burgo, for the Manor of Westlye with its appurtenances before G. de Preston, and other Justices in Eyre, who determining nothing therein; thereupon King Hen: writ to the Justices to proceed to a speedy determination, or else to adjourn it coram Nobis et Consilio nostro in Quindena Michaelis; which they did. When the King of Scots appearing by his Attorney, and John de Burgo in person before S. de Litlebyr & Sociis suis Iusticiariis de Banco, Rich: de Middleton then the Kings Chancellor, Thomas Basset, Robert Augulon, and Mr. Richard Stane , they resolved, that the writ of Mortdancester would not lie in that case, claiming both as heirs to one Ancestor; but because the King of Scots title to it was as heir to Margaret wife of Hubert de Burgo, they said to John de Burgo, that he should show cause, Quare praedictus Rex Scotiae praedictū Manerium habere non debeat: And so much touching the Councils power and jurisdiction in former times. Whose excessive power in later ages encroaching upon the Ordinary Courts of Justice, Freeholds, Liberties, Properties of the Subjects to their great oppression and vexation: thereupon in the late Parliament of 16 Caroli, Cap. 10. there was an excellent Act made, For Regulating the Privy Counsill, and for taking away the Court commonly called the Starr-chamber, fit to be put in vigorous execution against the transcendent infringers of it. By all which it appears, that the Kings Justices, and Council in Parliaments (as well as out of them) had formerly a principal hand in making Laws, Ordinances; and resolving points, questions of Law, and other matters of moment.

I shall close up my Observations on this Section with these 4. memorable Records, relating to the Kings Counsel, and the Nobles, in Scotland and Ireland, as distinct from his Counsel and Parliamentary Assemblies in England.

Cl. 37. H. 3. d. 9. Rex mandat quod Abbas Westm. -moretur in Anglin de Consilio Reginae, propter recessum Regis ad partes Vasconiae. Et mandatum est eidem Reginae quod ipsum ad hoc admittat, accepto ab eo prius corporali Sacramento, quod officium illud fideliter intendat. T. ut supra.

Cl. 38. H. 3. dors. 13. Rex H. Cantuar. Archiepiscopo salutem. Cum quaedam ardua & urgentia negotia Statum nostrum & Regni nostri tangentia, habeamus Vobis communicanda, quae sine consilio Vestro & aliorum Magnatum nostrorum noluimus expediri, Vobis mandamus in fide quia Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes, quatinus sicut Nos & honorem nostrum diligitis, nullatenus omittatis, quin à die Sancti Hilary proximo futuri in quindecim dies, sitis apud Westm. coram Regina nostra & R. Com. Cornub. fratre nostro, & aliis de Consilio nostro, super dictis negotiis tractaturi, nec retardetis adventum vestrum quin sitis ad dictum diem tempestive. Teste A. Regina & R. Com. Cornub. apud Westm. The cause of this meeting is at large related in another Writ to this Archbishop, forecited. p. 3. 4.

Upon the same occasion the King issued this Writ to the King of Scots, entered in the same Roll and dorse.

Rex Regi Scotiae salutem. Quia ratio Vinculi & foederis inter nos contracti requirit, quod Vobis & fidelibus Vestris ardua & urgentia negotia Statum nostrum & terrae nostrae tangentia communicemus, & Vos Nobis vice versa; Serenitatem vestram ex toto cord requirimus, quatinus in Quindena Purificationis beatae Mariae prox. futur. apud Castrum puellarum de Edinburgh personaliter interesse velitis; convocantes & inducentes Praelatos & Magnates Regni Vestri, ut ad dictos diem & locum representent se coram Vobis modis omnibus. Nullo enim modo expediret honori & proficuo nostro & vestro, quin modo praedicto ad praedictos diem & locum compareatis; audituri per nuncios nostros qui de Vasconia Vobis ibidem occurrent, praedicta negotia arduissima & urgentissima, in quibus necesse est, quod vos & fideles vestri consilium vestrum pariter & auxilium apponatis. T. ut supra, per Reginam & Comitem.

It is observable, that the King by this Writ doth not summon the King of Scots and his Nobles to his Parliament, or Counsel of England, as members thereof, to advise and assist him in this necessity, notwithstanding the strict alliance and league between them, but to assemble together at Edinburgh in their own country, by themselves alone, as the Officers and Nobles of Ireland were then also required to meet in Ireland by themselves, by this ensuing Writ of the same date with the former.

Rex Mauricio filio Giraldi salutem. Quia Rex Castell cum multitudine Exercitus Christianorum & Saracenorum terram nostram Vasconiae in Quindena Pasche prox. futur. ingressurus est hostiliter, non solum ad eandem terram destruendam & occupandam, set & ad terras nostras Angliae & Hiberniae, per introitum dictae terrae, si eam optineret, quod absit, invadendas aspirat, & Nos in propria persona nostra cum eodem Rege bellum campestre aggredi proposuimus; de universa fidelitate vestra, quam in agendis nostris fructuosam semper invenimus, plenam gerentes fiduciam, vos requirimus, & in fide qua Nobis tenemini affectuose rogamus, quatinus sic t Nos & honorem nostrum & indempnitatem corporis nostri diligitis, in hac necessitate nostra non parcentes personae aut rebus vestris, nulla ration seu occasion differatis quin poteritis vos praeparare ad veniendum ad nos in Vasconiam, omnes amicos vestros ad hoc idem inducentes. Ita quod sitis apud Waterford in Octabis Pasche prox. futur. cum equis & armis & bona gente, prompti & parati statim naves ascendere ad transfretandum ad Nos in terram praedictam. Scitote indubitanter qui Nobis in hac parte subvenerint, eorum amici erimus & benevoli imperpetuum; & qui Nos in hac urgenti & inexuperabi i necessi ate relinquerint, de eis alias minus confidere poterimus, & eis minus grati erimus. Nunquam etiam futuris temporibus tanta Nobis imminebit necessitas consilii & auxilii sicut in presenti negotio. Et ad regerendum vobis plenius pericula nostrorum Inimicorum, Iohannem filium Galfridi, Justiciarium nostrum Hiberniae, ad partes illas (misimus) cui apud Dublinum ad in stantem mediam Quadragesimam; una cum aliis Magnatibus nostris Hiberniae quibus id mandavimus accedatis, audituri voluntatem nostram, & cum ip o super praemissis, plenius tractaturi. T. ut supra.

An Exact Alphabetical Table of all the Kings Council, whether Judges, Serjeants at Law, Officers of State, Deans, Archdeacons, 〈◊〉 other Clergy men or Laymen, from 22 E. 1. till 23 E. 4. with the Yeares, Rolls, Dorses of each King wherein they were summoned to Parliaments. By which you may find, who were Chief Justices, Judges, Officers, in each Kings reign.

    A
  • John Abel 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 14, (d. 23.) E. 2.
  • Magister Richard de Abyngdon 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 20.) 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 31. 16.) 7, (d. 2.) 8, (d. 29.) 9 (d. 22.) E. 2.
  • Magister Robert de Aileston, Archidiac: Berks, 6, (d. 9. 19.) Thesaurarius Regis, 7 E. 3.
  • Richard de Aldeburge 3, (d. 19.) 7, 8, E. 3.
  • Peter Arderne, 23, 25, 27, 29, 31, 33, (twice) 38 H. 6. 1, 2, 6 E. 4.
  • Magister Robert de Ashton, 1, 2, 3 (d. 13. 19.) R. 2.
  • Henry Asty, and Astee, 49, 50 E. 3. 1, , 3, (d. 13. 19.) 4, 5, 6 R. 2.
  • William de Ayremine 6, (d. 16.) 7, (d. 11. 27.) E. 2.
  • William Ayscogh 20, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31 H. 6.
  • William Ayshton 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38 H. 6. 1, 2 E. 4.
    B
  • WIlliam Babington 7 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13 H. 6.
  • John Bacun, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 14, (d. 23.) E. 2.
  • Thomas Bacoun, 7 (p. 2. d. 3.) 8, (d. 18.) E. 3.
  • Magister Robert de Baldock, 11, (d. 11. 19.) Archidiac:
  • Midd. 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, (d▪ 13.) 14 (d. 23.) E. 2.
  • John de Banquell 1, (d. 11.) E. 2.
  • Magister William de Bardelby 6 E. 2. (d. 16.)
  • Robert de Bardelby 7, (d. 27.) E. 2.
  • Magister John Barnet 29, 31, (d. 2. 21) 50 E. 3. (Clericus) 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 5 H. 4.
  • Robert de Bartermine 7, (d. 27.) E. 2.
  • Mr. Thomas de Barton Cleric, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12 R. 2.
  • William Basset 20, 21, 22, (d. 7. 12.) 23, 24, 25 E. 3.
  • William Batford 23 (d. 9.) E. 1.
  • John de Batesford 28, (d. 9. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11▪ 19.) 2, (d. 20.) 4, 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 14) E. 2.
  • Roger de Bukwell 20, 21, 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23 (p. 1. d. 18) E. 3.
  • Robert de Baynard 2, (d. 15. 29. 31.) 3, (d. 19.) E. 3.
  • Robert de Bealknap 49, 50 E. 3. 1. 2, 3, (d. 13. 29.) 4. 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10 R. 2.
  • Magister Robert de Bedeswell 23 (d. 9.) E. 1.
  • Magister Antony de Bek Dean of Lincoln 3 (d. 9.) E. 3.
  • Eli de Bekingham 27, 28, 30, (d. 9.) 32 E. 1.
  • Roger Beler 17, 19 E. 2.
  • Robert de Bellofago 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 20.) E. 2.
  • John de Benstede 2, 4, 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 31. 16.) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 29. 11.) 14, (d. 5.) E. 2.
  • William de Bereford 23, (d. 9.) 27, 28, (d. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 14. 20.) 4, 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 14, (d. 5. 23.) 15, 16, 17, 19 E. 2.
  • Richard de Bermingham 8, (d. 9.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 23.) E. 2.
  • John de Berwike 23, (d. 9.) 27, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11, 19.) 2, (d. 11. 14. 20.) F. 2.
  • Robert de Betford 28 (d. 3.) E. 1. See Retford.
  • Thomas Billing 38, 49 H. 6▪ 1, 2, 6, 9, 12 E. 4.
  • Nicholas de Bolingbroke 8, (d. 29.) 9 (d. 22.) E. 2.
  • John de Bosco 23 (d. 11.) E. 1.
  • John de Bowsser, Bousser 14, (d. 5.) 15, 16, 17, 19 E. 2. 1, (d. 3. 16.) E. 3.
  • Roger B abazon 23, (d. 9.) 27, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32, (d. 2.) 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 19.) 2, d. 11. 14. 20.) 4, 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 29.) 9 E. 2.
  • Magister Reginald de Brandon 23, (d. 9.) 27, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32 E. 2.
  • William Brenchesle 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 5, 7 H. 4.
  • John de Breton, Bretton, 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 20.) E. 2. Most likely the Author of Briton.
  • Adam de Brom 20 (d. 4.) E. 2.
  • Magistro Andrew de Bruges 14, (d. 5.) 15 E. 2.
  • Thomas Bryan 12 (Miles) 22 & 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • Magister Thomas de Buckton 34, (d. 4.) 36, 37, 38, 39 E. 3.
  • William de Burgh 8, 9, 10 R. 2.
  • Roger de Burton 23, (d. 9.) E. 1.
  • Richard de Burton 14, (d. 5.) 15 E. 2.
  • William de Burn 8 (d. 2, 9.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14) E. 2.
  • Richard Byngham 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38, (Miles) 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6, 9 E. 4.
    C
  • MAgister John de Cadamo 28, (d. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12) 32, 34 E. 1. 1. (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 20.) 11, 14 E. 2.
  • Thomas de Cantebrig. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 20.) E. 2.
  • John de Cantebrig. 3, (d. 19.) 5, (d. 7. 25,) 6, (d. 36,) 7, 8, E. 3.
  • William de Carleton, Charleton, 23 (d. 3.) 27, 28, (d. 37.) 30, (d. 9. 11.) 32 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 20.) E. 2.
  • Magister Thomas de Carleton, or Charleton, 14, (d. 5.) E. 2. 34, (d. 4.) 36 E. 3.
  • Magister John de Carleton, 29 (Dean of Wells ) 31, (d. 2. 21.) 37, 38, 39 . 3.
  • John de Carleton, or Cherleton, Capitalis Iusticiarius Regis de Com: Banco, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, (d. 23. 30.) 18 R. 2.
  • John Cassy, Capitalis Baro de Scaccario Regis, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, (d. 23. 30.) 18, 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1 H. 4.
  • John Catesby 49 H. 6. 9, 12, 22 & 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • Hugh de Cave 23 (d. 9.) E. 1.
  • John de Cavendish, Capitalis Justiciarius Regis, 46, (d. 11.) 47, 49, 50 . 3. 1, 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, 4 R. 2.
  • Magister Henry Chadesden, written also Chaddeston, 20, 21, 22, 24, 25, 28 E. 3.
  • Mag: Nicholas de Chadesdon, & Chaddeston, 42, 43, 44, 47, 49, 50 E. 3. (Clericus) 1, 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3. 4, 5 R. 2.
  • John de Chaynnel 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 16. 31.) 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12. (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 23.) E. 2.
  • William Cbeyne 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, H. 5. 1, 2. (Capitalis Justiciarius Regis) 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10▪ 11, 13 H. 6.
  • Richard Chikle, or Chicke, 33, 38, (Miles) 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 9, 12, 22 & 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • Richard de Clare Escheator beyond Trent: 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 23.) E. 2.
  • Robert de Cliderhow 5, (d. 17.) E. 2.
  • Walter Clopton 11, (Capitalis Justiciarius Regis,) 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18. 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2 H. 4.
  • John de Cobeham, Cobham 23, (d. 9.) 27, 28, (d. 3, 17.) E. 1.
  • Magister Thomas de Cobham 5, (d. 17,) 6, (d. 31.) 7, d. 27.) E, 2.
  • John de Cobham 14, (d. 23.) E. 2.
  • John de Cokeyn 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1, 2. 3, 4, 5, 7 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4. 5 (d. 4.) H. 6.
  • John Colepepper 5. 7, 8, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1 (d. 9. 37) H. 5.
  • William de Colneye 1, (d 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d, 20.) E. 2.
  • William de Cornish 28 (d. 17.) E. 1.
  • John Cottesmore (unus Servientium Regis ad legem,) 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13 H. 6.
  • Magister John de Crancombe, or Crancumbe, Archidiac: Estrid. 23, (d. 9.) 28, (d, 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 10.) 32 E. 1.
  • Hugh de Cressingham 23 (d. 9.) E. 1.
  • Adam de Crokedaykes 23, (d. 9.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32 E. 1.
  • Ralph de Crophill Escheator citra Trentam 12, (d. 11.) 13, 14, (d. 23.) E. 2.
    D
  • MAgister Peter Damory 31, (d. 12.) E. 1,
  • Robert Danby 28, 29, 31, 33, 38, 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6 (d. 1.) E. 4.
  • Robert Danver 29, 31, 33, 38 H. 6, 1, 2, 6, (d. 1.) E. 4.
  • Magister Peter de Dene, or Denny 23, (d. 9.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 10.) 32, 34 E. 1. 8, (d. 29.) 10, (d. 5.) 11, (d. 8. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 23. 33.) 15 E. 2.
  • William de Dennie 3 (d. 19.) E. 3.
  • John de Dennom, or Dennum 14, (d. 5.) 15, 16, 17, 19▪ 20 E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 16.) E. 3.
  • William de Dennum 7, 8 E. 3.
  • Magister John de Derby Decanus Litchf. 23, (d. 9.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32 E. 1.
  • Edmond Deyncourt 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 20.) E. 2.
  • John de Donecaster 1, (d. 8. 11.) 2, (d. 20.) 4, 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 16. 31.) 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29) 13, 14, (d. 23.) E. 2.
    E
  • GEofry de Edenham 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 36.) E. 3.
  • Henry de Enfeld 23 (d. 9.) E. 1.
  • Magister Rich: de Erymn 19 (d. 27.) E. 2. 3, (d. 19.) E. 3.
  • Geoffrey de Eton 17, 19, (d. 7.) 20 (d. 4) E. 2.
  • Magister John de Everdon, and Everden, 1, (d. 11.) 2, (d. 11.) 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) 8▪ (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 14, (d. 23.) 15, 20 (d. 4.) E. 2.
  • William de Everdon, 7, 8, 9, (Cancellarius Scaccar.) 15 E. 2.
  • John de Eure 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) . 2.
  • William Exon Episcopus; Thesaurarius Regis 17, (d. 27.) E. 2. summoned both as a Bishop, and as one of the Council besides, in this Roll.
    F
  • GVido Fairfax 49 H. 6. 6, 9, 12, (Miles) 22 & 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • Thomas de Fencotes, 22, (d. 7.) 23, 24, 25 E. 3.
  • Nicholas Fernibaud 1, (d. 19.) E. 2.
  • William de Finchenden, and Fincheden 39, 43, 44, 47, 49 E. 3.
  • William Fishride 31, (d. 2. 21.) E. 3.
  • John Fortescue 20, (Miles) 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38 H. 6.
  • John de Foxle, or Foxley 1, (d. 11.) 2, (d. 11.) 4, 5, (d. 17) 6, (d. 16. 31) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 15 E. 2.
  • Magister John Fraunceis 6, (d. 16.) 7, (d. 27.) E. 2.
  • John de Fresingfeld, Tresingfeld 6, (d. 16. 31.) 7, (d. 2. 27.) E. 2.
  • Walter de Freskemy 14, (d. 5.) 15, 16, 17, 19, 20 E. 2. 1, (d. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) E. 3.
  • William de Fulburne 17, 19 E. 2.
  • Roger de Fulthorpe 49, 50 E. 3. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10 R. 2.
  • Thomas Fulthorp 13, 18, 20, 23, (Miles) 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33 H. 6.
    G
  • WIlliam Goscoigne 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, (Capitalis Justiciarius Regis) 3, 5, 7, 8, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1 H. 5.
  • Walter de Gloucester 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 20.) 4 E. 2.
  • Richard de Gloucester 20 E. 2. 1, (d 2,) 2, (d. 3.) E. 3.
  • William Goderede 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 18, 20, 23 H. 6.
  • William de Goldington 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 16. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) E. 2.
  • Magister Peter de Granvill 2, (d. 14.) E. 2.
  • Henry de Green (the Kings Serjeant at Law, afterwards a Judge) 20, 21, 22, (d. 7. 22.) 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 31, (d. 2. 31.) 34, 37, 38, 39 E. 3.
  • Magister William de Grenfeld 23, (d. 1.) 27, (Dean of Chichester) 28, (d. 3.) 31, (d. 12.) E. 1.
  • Henry de Guldeford, Gildeford, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9.) 32 E. 1. 4, 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 3.) E. 2.
    H
  • DAvid de Hannemere 7, 8, 10 R. 2.
  • William Hankford 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1, (Capitalis Justiciarius Regis) 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1, 2 H. 6.
  • Magister Michael de Harcla, 14, (d. 5.) 15, 16 E. 2.
  • William Havely 23 (d. 3.) R. 2. 1, H. 4.
  • John de Havering, Justiciarius Northwalliae, 28, (d. 3. 17.) E. 1.
  • Magist: Rich. de Haverings 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) E. .
  • William Haward 23, (d. 7.) 27, 28, (d. 3. 13) 30, (d. 9.) 32 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19) E. 2.
  • Roger de Hegham 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9.) 32 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11.) 2, (d. 11. 20.) E. 2.
  • Ralph de Hengham 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9.) 32 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 20.) E. 2.
  • Adam de Herewinton 14, (d. 5.) 15, E. 2, 3, (d. 19. 23.) 10 E. 3.
  • William de Herle 6, (d. 16.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11, 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 15, 16, 17, 19, 20 E. 2. 1, (d. 3. 16.) 2, (d, 15. 23. 33) 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d. 19. 23. 43.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 9. 19. 36.) 7, 8, 9, 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 11. 15. 40) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) E 3.
  • William de Herleston 20 (d. 4.) E. 2.
  • Geoffrey de Hertelpole 1, (d. 8. 15.) 2, (d. 20.) 6, (d. 16.) 14, (d. 5.) 15, 16, 17, 19 E. 2.
  • Robert de Hertford 23, (d. 9.) E. 1.
  • Robert Hill 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1. 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1 H. 6.
  • Magister John de Hildersle, or Hildesle 14, (d. 5.) 15 E. 2. (Cancellarius Scaccarii) 9, 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 11. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) E. 3.
  • Roger Hillary 15, 18, 20, 21, 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 28, 29 E. 3.
  • John Hody 18, (Miles, & Capitalis Justiciarius Regis) 20 (d. 27.) H. 6.
  • John Holt 8, 9, 10 R. 2.
  • Roger Horton 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1 H. 6.
  • Robert Hoter 3 (d. 15.) H. 5.
  • John de Hotham, Hothnm 6, (d. 16.) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 29) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) E. 2.
  • William Huddessend 22 & 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • Hugh Hulls, Herle, Hales 18, 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 11, 12 H. 4. 1, 2, H. 5.
  • John Hulls 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, (one of the Kings Serjeants at Law) 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11 H. 6.
  • William Hussce 12, (Miles) 22 & 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • William Hynderston 33 (d. 36.) H. 6.
    I
  • MAgister Henry de Iddesworth 20 E. 2. 1, (d. 16.) 4, (d. 19. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 9. 19. 36.) 7, , 9, 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 11. 15. 41.) 15, 17 E. 3.
  • William Ienny 22 & 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • William Inge, or Iuge 27, 28, (d. 3.) 29, 30, (d. 3. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. . 11. 14. 20.) 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 29.) 9, 14, (d. 5.) 15, 16 E. 2.
  • John Inge, or Iuge 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 19. 30.) 7, 8, 9, 11 (d. 11.) 12, 13, (d. 11. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33) E. .
  • Thomas de Ingleby 34, (d. 4.) 35, 37, 38, 39, 42, 43, 44, 47, 49, 50 E. 3. 1. (Breve nou fuit signatum) 2 R. 2.
  • John de Insula 23 (d. 9.) 27, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 19.) 2, (d. 20.) 4, 5, ( . 17.) 6, (d. 16. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) E. 2.
  • Magister Simon de Islep 17, 20, 21, 22, (d. 32.) E. 3.
  • John Iuyn 3, 4, 5, 7, 9. 10, 11, 13, (Capitalis Justiciarius Regis) 18 (d. 3 .) H. 6.
    K
  • RIchard de Kelleshull 20, 21, 22. (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25 E. 3.
  • Magister William de Kilkeny, or Kilkenny 23, (d. 9.) 27, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32 E. 1.
  • John de Kirkeby 1, (d. 11.) E. 2.
  • Roger de Kirketon 47, (d. 13.) 49 (d. 6.) E. 3.
  • Magister William de Knapton 2, (d. 14.) E. 2.
  • Gilbert de Knouill 1,, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 20.) E. 2.
  • John Knyvet 31, (d. 2. 21.) 34, (d. 4.) 36, 37, 38, 39, 42, 43, 44 E. 3. (Chivaler) 1, 2, (d. 13. 29.) 3, 4 R. 2.
    L
  • MAgister John de Lacy 23, (d. 9.) 27, 28, (d. 3. 17.) E. 1.
  • John de Lancaster 8, (d. 29.) E. 2.
  • William Layton 49 (d. 6.) H. 6.
  • Magister John de Leech 22, (d. 7,) 23, 25, 28, 29, 31, (d. 2. 21.) E. 3.
  • Peter de Leicestr. 23, (d. 9.) 28, (d. 3.) 30, (d. 13.) . 1.
  • Hugh de Leminster, Thesaurarius de Carnarvan 28 (d. 3. 17.) E. 1.
  • John de Lichegreins 25, (d. 25.) E. 1.
  • Thomas Littleton 23, 38, 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6, 9, 12 (d. 41) E. 4.
  • Thomas de Lodelowe 39, 42, 43, 44 E. 3,
  • William Lodington 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7 H. 5.
  • John de Lockton 10 (d. 42.) R. 2.
  • William Lockton 6, 9, 12 R. 2.
  • Magister John Lovell, Luvel, de Snotescombe 23, (d. 9.) 27, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32 E. 1. 6, (d. 16.) E. 2.
  • Hugh de Louthre 2, (d. 19.) E. 2.
  • Thomas de Louthre 5, (d. 25.) E. 3.
  • Thomas de Louche 5, (d. 7.) E. 3.
  • Magister Thomas de Lugore, Lugorre 27, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 16. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) E. 2.
  • Adam de Lymberge 20 (d. 4.) E. 2.
    L
  • RObert de Madingle, Maddingle 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) E. 2.
  • Robert de Malberthorpe (Babthorp) 4, d. 5.) 15 16, 17, 19, 20 (d. 4.) E. 2. 1, (d, 3. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) 3, (d. 19.) E. 3.
  • Peter Malorre 23, (d. 9.) 27, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) E. 2.
  • Stephen de Malo-la u 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 16. 31.) 7, (d. 27) E. 2.
  • John Markham 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 5, 7, 8 H. 4.
  • John Markam 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31. 33, 38 H. 6, 1, 2, 6 E. 4.
  • Magister Philip Martell 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32 E. 1.
  • John Martyn 8, 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 4, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13 H. 6.
  • Roger de Meres, Merkes, 50 (d. 6.) E. 3. 1, 2, 3, 4 R. 2.
  • John de Merkingfeld 5, (d. 17) 6, (d. 16. 31.) 7, (d. 27) E. 2.
  • John de Metingham 23 (d. 9.) 27, 28, (d. 3. 17.) E. 1.
  • Adam de Middleton 1, (d. 19.) E. 2.
  • Magister Gilbert de Middleton 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 16. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) 14, (d. 5.) 15, 17, 19, 20 E. 2. 1, (d. 3. 16.) (Archidiaconus Northampton) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d. 19. 41.) E. 3.
  • Magister Thomas de Middleton 6, (d. 17.) E. 2.
  • Magister Adam de Mirymouth, Merymouth 8, 9. 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 11. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33) 15 E. 3.
  • John de Mitford, Mutford 1, (d. 8. 19.) 2, (d. 20.) 4, 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 16. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 20.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 14, (d. 5. 23.) 15, 16, 17, 19 E. 2. , (d. 3. 16.) 3 E. 3.
  • Magister Jordan Morant, Menaunt 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 23.) E. 2.
  • William de Mortuo-mari 23, (d. 9.) 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9.) 32 E. 1. 1, (d. 8, 11. 19 2, (d. 20.) 8 (d. 29.) 9 E. 2.
  • Henry de Motelowe 31, (d. 2. 21. E. 3.
  • John de Moubray (the Kings Serjeant at Law) 28, 29, 30, 31. (d. 2. 21.) 34, (d. 4.) 36, 37, 38, 39, 42, 44 E. 3.
  • Walter Moyle 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33, 38 ( Miles ) 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6 E. 4.
    N
  • MAgister John de Nassington 2, (d. 14.) Senior. 5, d. 17.) 6, (d. 16. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) Canonicus Ebor. 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) E. 2.
  • John Nedeham 38, (Miles) 49 H. 6. 1, 2, 6, 9, 12 E. 4.
  • Richard Neel 49 H. 6. 9, 12, 22 (d. 6.) & 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • Magister H. de Newarkes Decanus Ebor. 23, (d. 9.) . 1.
  • Richard Newton 9, 10, 11, 13, 18, (Miles) 20, 23, 25 H. 6.
  • Magister Robert de Norton 20 (d. 4.) E. 2.
  • Walter de Norwich 5, (d. 17) 6, (d. 16. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 15 16, 17, 20 E. 2. 1, (d. 3. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 33.) E. 3.
  • Robert de Nottingham 20 (d. 4.) E. 2.
  • William Nottingham 31, 33, 38 H. 6.
  • William de Notton (Serviens Regis ad legem) 21, 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 31, (d. 2. 21) E. 3.
  • Richard Notton, written oft Norton 8, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1, (Capitalis Justiciarius Regis de Com. Banco) 2, 3, 4, 5, 7 H. 5.
    O
  • John de Ockam (Cobeham) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 14, (d. 5. 23.) 15 E. 2.
  • Magister John de Offord, Vfford 4, (d. 19. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 7, 8, 9, 10, (d. 1. 5.) (Serviens Regis) 11, (d. 11. 40.) 15 E. 3.
  • William de Ormesby 23, (d. 9.) 28, (d. 3.) 30, (d. 9. 12) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 14. 20.) 4, 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 16. 31.) 8, (d. 27) 9, 10, (d. 14.) E. 2.
  • Adam de Osgoteby 6, (d. 16.) 7, (d. 27.) E. 2.
    P
  • MAgister Roger Page, Clericus 13, 14, 15 R. 2. Robert Parnings 7, 8, 9, 10, (d. 1. 5.) Serviens Regis 10, 11, 12, 14, (d. 23. 33.) Thesaurarius Regis 15 E. 3.
  • Edmund de Passeleiwe 14, (d. 5.) 15, 16, 17, 20, E. 2.
  • William Paston 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 18, 20 H. 6.
  • John de Sancto Paulo 20, 21, 22, (d. 32.) E. 3.
  • Henry Percehay 2, 3 R. 2.
  • Richard de Pere 13 E. 2. 6 E. 3.
  • Magister Robert de Pickering 28, (d. 3.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11, 19.) 2, (d. 11. 20.) 5, (d. 17.) 6, d. 16. 31.) (Decanus Ebor.) 12, (d. 11. 29) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 15, 16, 17, 19 E. 2.
  • Magister William Pickering 28, (d. 3.) Archidiaconus Nottingham, 0, (d. 9. 12.) 32, 34 E. 2.
  • Richard Pigot 49 H. 6. 9, 12, 22 & 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • Thomas Pinchebecke (Capitalis Baro Scac. Regis) 11, 12 R. 2.
  • Magister Richard de Plescy 29, 31, (d. 2. 21.) E. 3.
  • Robert de Plesington Capitalis Baro de Scaccar. Regis, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10 R. 2.
  • Magister Richard de Plumsted, writ Plumstoke. 28, (d. 3.) 30, (d. 9. 12. 22.) 34 E. 1. 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) E. 2.
  • Ralph Pole 33, 38 H. 6.
  • John Portington 20, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31 H. 6.
  • John Preston 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, H. 6.
  • John Prysot 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31, 33 (Miles) 38 H. 6.
    R.
  • MAgister R. Decanus Sancti Pauli London 28, (d. 9. 30, (d. 32.) E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19) E. 2.
  • Magister John de Radeswell 20 (d. 4.) E. 2.
  • Magister Richard de Radeswell Archidiac. Cestr. 27, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32 E. 1.
  • Magister Robert de Radeswell, Redeswell 23, (d. 9.) E. 1. 2, (d. 14.) E. 2.
  • John Randolfe 1, (d. 8. 9.) 2, (d. 20.) E. 2.
  • Robert de Ratford, or Retford 23, (d. 6.) 28, (d. 3.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32 E. 1. 1, (d. 4. 11. 19.) 2, (d. . 11. 14. 20.) 4, 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 16.) 8, d. 29.) 9, (d. 11, 12.) 11. d. 8. 14.) E. 2. See Batford.
  • Robert de Reinford 6, (d. 31.) E. 2.
  • Richard de Rodeway 6, (d. 16.) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 9.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) Eschaetor citra Trentam 14, (d. 5.) 15 E. 2.
  • Gilbert de Roubury, Rubery 23, (d. 9.) 27, 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) 32, 34 E. 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11, 14. 28.) 4, 5, (d. 17.) 6, (16. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 29 ) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 14, (d. 23.) E. 2.
  • William Rykill 10, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 5, 7 H. 4.
    S
  • RObert de Sadington, Capitalis Baro Scac. Regis, 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23, 33.) 15, 17, 21, 22 (d. 32.) 23 E. 3.
  • Gerard de Salvayne Eschaetor ultra Trentam 1, (d. 11.) 2, (d. 11.) E, 2.
  • Magister Boniface de Saluciis 1, (d. 11.) 2, (d. 11. 14) E. 2.
  • Magister Thomas Sampson 7, 8, 9, 10. (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 11. 15. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1, 28.) 17, 18 E. 3.
  • John de Sandale 1, (d. 8. 11.) 2, (11, 14, 20.) 5, (d. 17.) E. 2.
  • Robert de Sapy Eschaetor citra Trentam, 12, (d. 29,) E. 2,
  • Magister William de Sardene Offic: Cantuar. 28, (d. 3.) 30, (d. 9. 12.) E. 1,
  • Roger Savage, Sauvage 1, (d. 8. 19.) 2, (11.) E. 2.
  • William Scot 10, (d. 1, 5.) Serviens Regis 15, 18, 20 E. 3,
  • Roger le Scoter 4, (d. 2.) E. 2.
  • William Screne 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1, 2, 3 H. 5.
  • Geoffrey le Scroope 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 15, 16, 17, 19, 20 E. 2. 1, (d. 3. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) 3, (d. 9.) 4, (d. 19, 23. 41.) Capitalis Justiciarius 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 9. 19. 36.) 7, 8, 9, 10, (d. 1, 5.) 11, (d. 11. 15. 40.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) E. 3.
  • Henry le Scroope 1, (d. 11.) 2, (d. 11. 14.) 4, 5, (d. 17,) 6, (d. 16.) 7, (d. 27) 8, (d. 7. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 15, 16, 17, 19 E. 2. 3, (d. 19. 23. 41.) 4, (d. 19. 23. 31) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 36.) 8, 9 E. 3.
  • John de Seton Serviens Regis 21, 22, (d. 7. 22,) 23, 24, 25, 28, 29, 31, (d. 2. 21.) E. 3.
  • Magister John de Silveston, Selveston 27, 28, (d. 17.) E. 1.
  • Thomas de Sinterton 1, (d. 19.) E. 2.
  • John de Shardelowe 7, 8, 9 E. 3.
  • William de Shareshull 6; (d. 9. 19.) 7, 8, 9, 10, (d. 19.) 11, (d. 11. 15. 40) 13, (d. 4. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 18, 20, 21, 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 31, (d. 2, 21.) 34, (d. 4.) E. 3.
  • John de Shoredike, Shordich 8, 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 11. 15. 40) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) E. 3.
  • William de Skipwith Serviens Regis 28, 29, 31, (d. 2. 21) 34, (d. 4.) 36, 37, 38, 50 E. 3. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10 R. 2.
  • Osbert de Spaldington 23 (d. 9.) E. 1.
  • Henry Spigurnell 28 (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 12.) 32, 34 E, 1. 1, (d. 8. 11. 19.) 2, (d. 11. 42. 26.) 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 11. 16.) 8, (d. 27.) 9, 11. (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 15, 16, 17, 19 E. 2.
  • Richard de Stanford 13 (d. 13.) E. 2.
  • Henry de Stanton 1, (d. 8. 11.) 2, (d. 11. 20.) 4, 5, (d. 17.) 6, (d. 16. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 15, 16, 17, 20 (d. 4.) E. 2, (d. 16.) E. 3.
  • Gilbert de Stapleton Escheator citra Trent 14, (d. 4.) E. 2
  • John de Stoner, Stonore, Stonnore, 6, (d. 16.) 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 1. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23.) 15, 16, 17, 19 E. 2. 3, (d. 15. 23. 31.) 4, (d. 19. 23. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 9. 19. 36) 7, 8, 9, 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 11. 15. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 16, 17, 18, 20, 21, 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 26 E. 3.
  • John de Stonford Sonford 13, (d. 1. 28) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 15, (d. 26.) 21, 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 31, (d. 2. 21.) E. 3.
  • Henry Stotehill 49 (d. 6.) H. 6. 1, 2, 6, Miles 9 E. 4.
  • James Strangeways 4, 5, 7, 8, (Unus Servientium Regis ad legem) 9 H. 5▪ 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 9, 11 H. 6.
  • Mr John de Stratford 12, (d. 11.) 13, 14, (d. 5. 23) 15 E. 2.
  • Magister Robert de Stratford Archidiaconus Cantuar. Cancellarius de Scaccario 7, 8, 9, 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 11. 15. 40.) E. 3.
  • Magister John Strecche Decanus Lincoln 39, (d 2.) E. 3.
  • Herincus de Sutton 1, (d. 8. 19.) 2, (d. 20.) E. 2.
  • Robert de Swillington 23, (d. 9.) E. 1.
  • Richard de Sydenham 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 8 R. 2.
    T
  • GIlbert de Thornton 23, (d. 9.) E. 1.
  • William de Thorpe 15, 20, 21, 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23. 31, (d. 2. 21.) E. 3.
  • Magister Walter de Thorpe 2, (d. 14.) 5 (d. .) 11, (d. 8. 14) E. 2.
  • Robert de Thorpe Serviens Regis 20. 21, 22, (d. 7. 22.) 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29, 31, (d. 2. 21.) 33, 34, (d. 4.) 36, 37, 38, 39, 42, 43, 44 E. 3.
  • William Thurning 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, Capita •• lis Justiciarius de Com. Banco 21, 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 7, 8, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1 H. 5.
  • William de Toudeby, Tontheby 12, (d. 11. 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5, 23.) 15, 16, 17. 19, 20 E. 2. 1, (d. 3. 16.) 2, (d. 15. 23. 31.) E. 3.
  • Roger Townsend 22 & 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • John Traverse 3, (d. 19.) 5, (d. 25.) E. 3.
  • Thomas Tremoyle 22 & 23 (d. 10.) E. 4.
  • Robert Tresylian 2, 3, 4, Capit: Justiciarius Regis 5, 6, 8, 9, 10 R. 2.
  • John de Trevaignon 7 (p. 2. d. 3.) E. 3.
  • John de Trewosa 8, 10, (d. 1. 5.) E. 3.
  • Simon de Trewechosa 11, (d. 11. 40.) 12 E. 3.
  • Lambert de Trikenham 1, (d. 8. 11.) 2, (d. 11, 20.) 4, 5. (d. 17.) 6, (d. 16. 31.) 7, (d. 27.) 8, (d. 29.) 9, 11, (d. 8. 19.) 12, (d. 11, 29.) 13, 14, (d. 5, 21.) 15, 16 E. 2.
  • Thomas Tyldeslye 5, 7, 8, 11 H. 4.
  • Magister William Tingewykes 39 (d. 2.) E. 3.
  • Robert Tyrwhite 23 R. 2. 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 11, 12, 14 H. 4. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9 H. 5. 1, 2, 3, 5 H. 6.
    V
  • John Vampage 23, 25, 27, 28, 29 H. 6.
  • William la Vavassor 1, (d. 8. 19.) 2, (d. 20.) E. 2.
  • Magister Gerard de Vippeins Archidiac. Richmond. 28, (d. 17.) E. 3.
    W
  • John Wadham 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 20, 21 R. 2.
  • Humphrey de Waledon 20 E. 2. 1, (p. 2. d. 16.) E. 3.
  • Magister John Walewayne 11, (d. 8. 14.) 12, (d. 11.) Thesaurarius Regis (d. 29.) 13, 24, (d. 5,) E. 2.
  • Magister John de Waltham 39 E. 3. 7, 8, R. 2.
  • Ingelard de Warle 11, (d. 8. 14.) E. 2.
  • Nicholas de War 1, (d. 8. 19.) 2. (d. 20.) E. 2.
  • Magister Henry la War 12, 14 H. 4. 1 H. 5.
  • William Westbury 5, 7, 9, 10, 13. 18, 20, 23 H. 6.
  • John de Westcote 6, (d. 17.) E. 2.
  • William de Weston 17, 19, E. 2. 2, (d. 23. 31.) E. 3.
  • Philip de Willoughby Decan. Lincoln. 23, (d. 9.) Cancell. Scac. Regis 28, (d. 3. 17.) 30, (d. 9, 10.) 32 E. 1.
  • Richard de Willoughby, Willughby 3, (d. 19.) 4, (d. 19. 41.) 5. (d. 7. 25.) 6, (d. 9, 10, 30.) 7, 8, 9, 10, (d. 1. 5.) 11, (d. 11. 40.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 20, 22, (d. 7. 32.) 23, 24, 25, 26, 31, (d. 2. 21) E. 3.
  • Robert de Wodehouse 14, (d. 5. 23.) 15, 16, E. 2. (Archidiac, Richmond) 3, (d. 19.) (Thesaurarius Regis) 4, (d. 19. 41.) 5, (d. 7. 25.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) 16, 17 E. 3.
  • William de Wychyngham 42, 43, 44, 47, 49, 50 E. 3. 1, 2 R. 2.
  • Magister Gerrard de Wyspanes Archidiac, Richmond 2 , (d. 9.) 28 E. 1.
    X
  • WIlliam Yelverton 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 31. 33, 38 (Miles) 49 H. 6, 1, 2, 6, 9 E. 4.
  • Magister Thomas Younge 34, (d. 4.) 36, 37. Offic. Cur. Cancellar. 39, 42, 43, 44, 47, 49 E. 3.
  • Thomas Younge 49 (d. 6.) . 6. 6, 9 E. 4.
    Z
  • MAgister William de la Zousche Decanus Ecclesiae beatae Mariae Ebor. Thesaurarius Regis 11, (d. 11.) 12, 13, (d. 1. 28.) 14, (d. 23. 33.) E. 3.

Where the Dorses are for brevity omitted in any years of this or any the precedent Tables after a particular name you may readily find them in the precedent Sections, in the writs to the Prelates, Temporal Lord's and Council, which are all entered together in the self-same Rolls, and Dorses, when they all occur.

General useful Observations on and from the precedent Writs of Summons, mentioned in the premised Sections; and the 7. Sections next ensuing in the second part following them.

HAving thus presented you with 3▪ distinct Sections or Squadrons of Writs of Summons, to our Parliaments, Great Councils and Convocations, issued to Arch-bishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, and other Ecclesiastical Lord's; the P. of Wales, Dukes, Earls, Barons Temporal Lord's, and great men of the Realm, the Kings Council, Justices, with some useful particular Observations on them in each Section, I shall for a close of this first part of my brief Register, Calendar, and Survey of them, superadd some general necessary Observations on, and Conclusions from them, and the 7. next following Sections (which I intended to have annexed to this first part of my Register, but now shall reserve for the second,) for the further information of the Readers, the benefit of Posterity, and rectifying some Oversights in sundry printed trivial Discourses of our English Parliaments.

First, From the manifold rare, delightful Varieties, Forms, Diversities, and distinct kinds of Writs of Sommons, transcribed out of the Clause Rolls, in a Chronological method; Va ied from time to time by our Kings, their Chancellors, Counselors, and Officers, who formed them, as there was occasion, without the privity or direction of their Parliaments, before the Statutes of 7. H. 4. c. 15. 6. H. 6. c. 4. 8. H. 6. c. 7. 23. H. 6. c. 11. 15. which ordered some new clauses to be inserted only into the Writs for Election of Knights of Shires, (and none else) for preventing and rectifying abuses in such elections, but prescribed no set unalterable future form , for those or any other Writs of Sommons, leaving the King and his Council at Free Liberty as before, to vary and alter them as they saw just cause; The Judicious Readers may clearly discern, what little credit is to be given to Reverend Sir Edward Cooks ob ervation, in his slight discourse, Touching the Writs of Sommons of Parliament, which are to be found in the close Rolls from time to time; Which begins thus. A d it is to be Observed, that the substance of the Writs, ought to continue in their Original Essence, without any Alteration or Addition, unless it be by Act of Parliament. For if Original Writs at the Common Law can receive no Alteration or Addition, but by Act of Parliament, A multo Fortiori, The Writs of the Sommons of the Highest Court of Parliament, can receive no Alteration or Addition but by Act of Parliament, &c. But had this great Oracle of the Law, diligently considered the manifold varieties of the Writs of Sommons to Parliaments, With their several Alteraions and Additions, made from time to time upon emergent occasions, without any Act or Order of Parliament; Or, had he remembered old Bractons, and his own distinction of these two different sorts of Original Writs, in the places he refers us to in his margin, viz. Brevia Originalia, quaedam sunt formata sub suis casibus, & de cursu, & De communi Concilio totius Regni concessa et Approbata; quae quadem Nullatenus mutari poterint, absque consensu et voluntate orum: & quaedam Magistralia, et saepe variantur secundum varietatem casuum, factorum et quaerelarum, and that by the Masters and Clerks of the Chancery themselves, according to the variety of every Mans case; as himself, and the Statute of Westm. 2. c. 23. resolve us, without any Act, or common consent in Parliament, And then judiciously pondered, that Writs of Sommons to Parliaments, are all of this latter kind, only Migistrali , and frequently varied according to the several varieties of the causes, Public grievances Dangers, Emergences, Businesses, Complaints, occasioning their Sommoning, expressed usually in these Writs different Prologues; he would certainly never have made such a strange erroneous Observation as this upon these Writs, contradicted by so many Presidents on record in all former ages; nor alleged such a pitiful mistaken Argument a multo Fortiori, and such Authorities to justify it; Which diametrically contradict both his reason and observation, the Writs of Sommons being all of them Magistralia, not Formata sub suis Casibus, (as the miserably mistook them to be.) Therefore if such Magistral Writs are of imes varied, according to the variety of cases, facts and complaints in particular men's cases, by the Clerks of Chancery, and Cursitors themselves, without Act of Parliament, a multo fortiori, may Writs of Sommons to Parliaments of the self same kind, which concern the great weighty affairs of the King, Kingdom and Church of England, be varied, altered by the King himself, with the Advise of his Great Officers, Judges, Council, according to the variety of emergent occasions, requiring Parliaments to be called, without any Act or consent of Parliament authorizing it, notwithstanding Sir Edwards groundless Assertion to the contrary, though prefaced with and it is to be observed; as I conceive it will henceforth be for a great mistake, although formerly believed as an undoubted Truth, upon his Ipse dixit; whose venerable reputation hath canonized many of his Apocryphal conceits, which have dangerously seduced most Students and Professors of the Law, with others who peruse his Institutes; for whose better Information, and Vindication of the truth alone, I have upon all just occasions both detected and corrected his formerly undiscerned Errors; and this here insisted on, I hope without just offense to any of his surviving Friends or Progeny; if they consider the duty and protestation of every ingenuous Christian, and Chronographer thus briefly expressed by St. Paul, 2 Cor. 13. 8. We can do nothing against the truth, but for the truth.

Secondly, It is observable, that the word Parliamentum, is but once used or mentioned in any Writ of Sommons, Act, Statute, Charter, Patent, or other Record that I have yet seen, either before or during the Reigns of King John or Henry the 3d. but only the word Concilium, Commune Concilium, Colloquium, Tractatum; placitum magnum, &c. which frequently occur, and are always used in them to express that Assembly of the States by, which in after times, and now is usually called Parliamentum. The very first mention, and use of this word, in any Writ or Record I have perused, is in the Writ of Sommons to the Cinqueports, Cl. 49. H. 3. d. 11. sonmoning thē ad instans Parliamentum nostrum, The next is in the Writ of Prorogation of the Parliament. Cl. 3. E. 1. 20. in dor. where it is twice thus mentioned in the Writ; Generale Parliamentum nostrum, eodem Parliamento, and once in the Margin, Do veniendo ad Parliamentum; And this Writ assures us that it was used in the Original Writs of Sommons to this Parliament, though not extant, compared with the printed Prologue to the Acts therein established. The Writs of Sommons from 3. to 23. E. 1. being not extant in the Rolls; the next use of this word I find, is in the Writ of Sommons & Prorogation, in Clau . 23. E. 1. dorse 9. Cl. 28. E. 1. d. 3. 17. Cl. 30. E. 1d. 7. 9. Cl. 32. E. 1. d. 1. Cl. 33. E. 1. d. 9. 10. 21. Claus. 34. E. 1. d. 2. and Claus. 35. E. 1. d. 13. In all which Writs under King Edward the first, not only. Colloquium & Tractatum, but also the word Parliamentum is mentioned, and also thus expressed in the Margin of the Rolls. De Parliamento tenendo, Deveniendo ad Parliamentum, De Parliamento Prorogando. And so is it likewise in the Writs de expensis Militum qui venerunt ad Parliamentum Regis, clau. 28. E. 1. dors. 12. cl. 29. E. 1. d. 17. cl. 33. E. 1. d. 15. cl. 34. E. E. 1. d. 11. and cl. 35. E. 1. d. 14. In the Writs and Rolls of Sommons, and De expensis Militum & Burgensium, under Edward the 2d. it is commonly used and mentioned, as the premises evidence; Yet I find Parliamentum totally omitted again in sundry other Writs of Sommons and Prorogations, and the words Colloquium, Tractatum, & Commune Consilium, only made use of in them; as in cl. 23. E. 1. d. 2. 4. cl. 24. E. 1. d. 7. cl. 25. E. 1. d. 25. cl. 27. E. 1. d. 9. 16. 28. cl. 28. E. 1. d. 3. cl. 1. E. 2. d. 11. 19. cl. 2. E. 2. d. 11. 13. 14. 20. cl. 9. E. 2. d. 17. and in some other succeeding Rolls; yet in the Margin over against these Writs, I find in divers of these Rolls, De Parliamento tenendo; De veniendo ad Parliamentum, Summonitio & Prorogatio Parliamenti, written, though the words Parliamentum, be not extant in the Writs themselves.

The first use of the word Parliamentum, in any Act or Statute in my Observation, is in the Prologu to the Statutes of Westminster, 1. An. 3. E. 1. which it stiles, Son Primer Parliament general apres Son coronement. The next usage of it is in 7. E. 1. Rastal Armor 1. Wherein it is twice mentioned: After which I find it used in the Prologue of Westminster, 2. 13. E. 1. and c. 24. In the Statute of Merchants, 13. E. 1. The Statutes De Quo warranto; De terris vendendis & emendis, 18. E. 1. The Statute of Waste for Heirs, end of Defending Rights, 20. E. 1. The Statutes De non ponendis in Assisis, and De Malefactoribus i parcis, 21. E. 1. The Statute of Persons appealed, 28. E. 1. And the Prologue to Articuli super cartas the same year: The Statutes De Escheatoribus, 29. E. 1. The New Statutes of Quo warranto, 30. E. 1. Ordinatio Forestae, 33. E. 1. De asportatis Religiosorum, c. 1. In most succeeding Prologues to all Statutes and divers Acts, ever since King Edward the 1. it is commonly and frequently used; (as also in our Historians in that age) In the Prologue to Articuli Cleri, An. 9. E. 2. there is this observable Recital. Sciatis quod cum Dubum temporibus Progenitorum nostrorum Regum Angliae, in diver sis Parliamentis suis, & similiter postquam Regni gubernacula suscipimus, In Parliamentis nostris, &c. Ac nuper in Parliamento nostro apud Lincoln, &c. Attributing this title of Parliamentum, not only to the Parliament held under Edward the 2d. and first, but to General Councils of State, and Conferences held by our Kings, Lord's, & great Men, in the Reigns of their Progenitors, who were totally unacquainted with this Word, and never used it for ought I can yet discover. It is agreed by all who have written of the Antiquity, or use of our English Parliaments, that the word Parliamentum, is no proper Latin word, for that we call a Parliament, but Colloquium, Tractatus, & commune Concilium Regni nostri, still retained in the Writs of Sommon , as well since the use of the word Parliamentum grew common, as before in was inserted into such Writs: That it is originally a mere French Word, first introduced amongst us by the Norman Monks, or being taken from the French, who styled the public conventions of their Kings and Princes a Parliament, in their own Language, and coined this new Latin word Parliament m out of it. But when, and by whom it was first introduced and used in England, is a great dispute amongst truly judicious Antiquaries. Many there are who conceive it to be used in the S xons time, and long before the reign of King Henry the 3d, because many Latin and English Historians and Chronologers, who (have written since the Reign of King Henry the 3d.) do sometimes give the title of Parliamentum, & Parliament, to our great Councils and Assemblies of the King, and of the spiritual and temporal Lord's in those ancient times, in their relations of them: But this questionless is a gross mistake; since not one of all their great Councils in any of their Titles, Prologues, Laws, Cannons, Edicts, Acts, recorded by Brompton, Lambard, Sir Henry Spelman, Whe lock, Fox, and others; nor any of our Historians living and writing in those times, before the later end of King Henry the 3d. (as Gildas, Beda, A helwerdus, Asser Menevensis, Ingulphus, Wilhelmus, Malmes buriensis, Eadmerus, Florentius Wigorniensis, Simeon Dun lmensis, Aelredus Abbas, Henry de Huntindon, Sylvester Gyraldhes, Gulielmus Neubrigeusis, Simeon & Richardus Hagustaldensis, Radulphus de Diceto, Roger Wendover, Thomas Spotte, Gervasius Doroberniensis, & Tilburiensis, Wilhelmus Stephanides, Gualterus Mapes, Gualterus Coventriensis, Richardus Heliensis, Thomas Stubs, & Petrus Hen am ) nor yet Glanvill, Bracton, Andrew Horn, and other Lawyers flourishing under H. the 2. and 3. do once use, or apply this word Parliamentum, to any one Grand parliamentary Council, which they always call by other Names, for ought I can yet discover upon my best search and inquiry.

The very first of all our Writers or Historians in my Observation, who made use of this word, and applied it to the Common Councils of our Realm, is Matthew Paris flourishing about the midsts, and dying before the end of King Henry the 3d. Anno. 1259. the 43. of his Reign. He in his Historia Angliae, from the beginning of the Conquerors Reign, till the year 1246. (the 30th. of Henry the 3d.) always made use of the words Concilium, Concilium magnum, Colloquium Tractatus, and the like, to express all Parliamentary Great Councils, and State Assemblies held in England; near the space of 200. years before he Writ, and never of Parliamentum. But in Anno gratiae, 1246. and 1247. and in no other years before or after, he useth this word five or six times only, in these ensuing passages Anno 1246. Convenit ad Parliamentum Generalissimum totius Regni Angliae totalis Nobilitas Londini. &c, Over against which the Publisher, not he, adds in the Margin Parliamentum habitum Londini, After which he subjoins Convenientibus igitur ad Parliamentum m moratum totius Regni Magnatibus: Then follows, Et postea in Anglia in Parliamento Regis ubi congregata fuerat totius Regni tam Cleri quam Militiae Generalis Vniversitas, deliberatum, &c. Yet in the very next page, he returns to his old term again. Die vero translationis Thomae Martyris habitum est magnum Concilium, inter Regem & Regni Magnates, apud Wintoniam. Over against which, his continuer or publisher hath placed this marginal Note. Parliamentum habitum apud Winton. The like he doth in p. 560. 561, 687, 714. and elsewere, inserting in the Margin, Parliamentum Generale, &c. When as Matthew Paris useth it not, but Concilium only, or the like in his Text. In his History of the next year 1 47. He proceeds thus. Dominus Rex Francorum Regni sui Nobiles tam Cleri quam Populi generaliter Edicto Regio fecit convocari, ut Ad Parliamentum communiter convenientes, ardu negocia Regni sui statum contingentia, diligenter, deliberando, contrectarent. And Five pages after, Dominus Rex (H. 3.) jussit omnem totius Regni Nobilitatem convocari, &c. Oxoniis: Praelatosautem maxim Ad hoc Parliamentum vocavit arctius. Applying the word Parliamentum, to these Assemblies of the King, Lord's and Nobles, both in France and England, held this year, about the weighty affairs of their respective Kingdoms. In his Additamenta to the last Addition of his History printed at London, p. 170. he useth the word Parliamentum only once, and that in another sense; For the conference and discourse of Monks with one another after their repasts, then prohibited the black Monks by special Order, as an impediment to their contemplations and prayers. In no places else of his History or other printed pieces, do I find he made use of this word. Indeed, the continuer of his History from the year 1258. to the end of King Henries Reign 1273. (whom John Bale inform us to be William Rishanger) flourishing under King Edward the 1. & 2. (when this word Parliamentum grew common both in Writs of Sommons, Statutes, & vulgar Speech) makes frequent use thereof in his History, applying it to great Councils of the Realm, in the latter end of Henry the 3d. both in the Text and Margin; as in Page 788, 933. 935. 938. 940. 948. 960. 967. 974. of his continuation, Editione Tiguri, 1589, and so doth Matthew Westminster (who continued the History of Matthew Paris ) flourishing under the Reign of King Edward the third, when this word Parliamentum was commonly used in all Writs of Summons, Statutes, Writers and Vulgar speech) makes frequent use thereof, applying it to the Great Councils of State towards the latter end of King Henry the third, in his Flores Historiarum, Londini 1570. pars 2. p. 206, 207, 223, 254. 261. 280, 296, 300, 317, 345. and in subsequent Pages to the Parliaments held under King Edward the first. Henry de Knyghton a Canon of Leicester flourishing under King Richard the 2. de Eventibus Angliae, l. 1. c. 3. l. 2. c. 10, 12, 15. Col. 2318, 2387, 3446, 2455. applies this word to the Great Councils held under the Danish and other Kings, before the Reign of Edward the 1. Canutus vixit per 20. annos, & postea celebravit Parliamentum apud Oxoniam, &c. Ranulfus Consul Cestriae cum Rege (Stephano) concordatus est, Set tito post, in Parliamento apud Northamptoniam delose captus est, &c. Anno 1261. Rex (Hen. 3.) convocato Parliamento suo Oxoniae, questionem movit Magnatibus suis. Tenuit Rex (H. 3.) Parliamentum suum apud Merleberg. Anno Regni sui 52. & ad exhibitionem communis justitiae multa fecit statuta, quae dicuntur statuta de Marleberg. The Author of the Chronicle of Brompton (who writ after the beginning of King Edward the 3.) doth the like in these passages, according to the language of the age wherein he writ. Edgarvis Rex Parliamentum suum apud Salisbiriam convocavit. Post haec (Canutus) apud Oxoniam Parliamentum t nuit, &c. cito post in Parliamento suo apud Wintoniam. Rex (Edwardus Confessor) & omnes Magnates ad Parliamentum tunc fuerunt, Anno 1164. Rex (Henricus 2.) Parliamentum apud West inst tenuit. Rex Angliae (Richardus 1.) congregatus Episcopis, Comitibus & Baronibus Regni sui Parliamentum Londoniae super hoc habuit & Tractatum. Rex (Johannes) Parliamentum suum usque Lincolniam convocaverat. So doth Radulphus Cicestrensis, Thomas of Wal •• ngham (who writ under K. Henry the 6.) and after them Fabian, Caxton, Polydor Virgil, Grafton, Speed, Stow, Holinshed, Daniel, Baker, and other of our late Historians; Whereupon their injudicious credulous Readers of all sorts, conceit not only the words Parliamentum & Parliament, but even the thing itself (as since constituted of Knights, Citizens and Burgesses, as well as of the King, spiritual and temporal Lord's, Nobles, Barons, and Great Men) to have been in common use both under our Saxon, Danish, Norman, and English Kings, long before the Reign or 49. year of King Henry the 3. when as neither the name nor thing itself (as now compacted) was either known to, or used by any Aniquaries, Councils, Records, Historians, or English Writers before Mat. Paris, that I have yet seen or heard of. From whence (to omit other Arguments, with the Writs de Expensis Militum & Burgensium levandis, mentioned in the Modus tenendi Parlamentum, though in no Records before, Claus. 28. E. 1.) it indeniably appears, that this absurd ridiculous Modus, so much magnified, followed, relied upon by Sir Edward Cook, in sundry of his Books, as a most ancient authentic Record, both known, and used in Edward the Confessors time; For Certain rehearsed before William the Conqueror, by the discreet men of the Realm, and by him approved, and used, who kept a Parliament according to its Prescription, (which the Book of 21. E. 3. f. 60. he cites to prove it, directly contradicts) After which King H. the 2. fitted and transcribed this Modus into Ireland in a Parchment Roll for the holding of Parliaments there. Which no doubt he did by the advice of his Judges, &c. That this Modus was seen by the makers of Magna Charta, Anno 9. H. 3. c. 2. concerning the reducing of ancient Reliefs of entire Earldemos, Baronies & Knights fees, according to such proportions as is contained in the Modus, which they could not have done so punctually if they had not seen the same: (all which he asserts with so much confidence, as if he had been an eye-witness thereof himself, though most gross untruths) is in verity a late spurious Imposture: written long after the Reign of King Henry the 3. and Edward the 1. himself confessing that some part thereof is cited in (he should have said taken out of) the Parliament Roll of Anno 11. R. 2. and other Records of Parliament, and not compiled before the latter end of King R. the 2. The word Parliamentum being not only used many hundred times, almost in every line throughout this Modus, and not the words Concilium or Collequium, but likewise intituling and denominating the very Treatise itself, which grew not into such Vulgar use, till after the Reign of King Henry the 3. under King Edward the 3. and succeeding Kings, as appears by Thomas Walsingham, Hist, Angliae. p. 5, 8, 12, 13, 17, 25, 28, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 40, 41, 42, 44, 45, 46, 70, 71, 76, 77, 78, 81, 82, 83, 88, 96, 105, 110. Ypodigma Neustriae. p. 68, 69, 71, 72, 73, 82, 83, 87, 88, 98. & Henry de Knyghton, and was totally unknown to, and not used by any Lawyers, States-men, Clerks, Writers of our English Annals before the Reign of King Henry the 3. Which I much wonder Sir Edward Cook (who writes, that after diligent search he could find nothing against this Modus, and demands, Quis vitupera it?) and some others of ou Antiquaries observed not, being so palpable an Imposture, as Mr. Selden, Archbishop usher, and others, have discovered it to be. Indeed I found one Roll in the Tower, Anno 9. E. 2. styled Modus Parliamenti, which upon its first view I conceited might have some affinity with, or at least give some color to this forged Modus; but upon perusal it proved only a Roll of the Proceedings in the Parliament of 9. E. 2. far different from this Modus, and having no affinity with it, yet peradventure the Author of this Imposture, borrowed his Title from it.

Besides the late introduction of the word Parliamentum into England, doth likewise discover Sir Edward Cooks other pretended ancient Manuscript of the Monastery. of St. Edmond's (which he much cried up, yet never would send judicious Sr. Henry Spelman to peruse, perchance lest he should detect its Novelty and Imposture) to be of no such Antiquity (as he conceited it to be, written, in King Cnutes Reign, or not long after it) but after Henry the 3. his Reign; since the words Parliamentum, in suo public Parliamento, tunc in eodem Parliamento personaliter existentibus were not grown in use till Edward the 1, 2, & 3. and the whole clause he prints out of it in his Preface to his 9. Reports, prove it to be written under one of these three Kings Reigns, if not after them, as the Modus was: By both which you may easily discern, how little insight this great Lawyer had in Histories, Antiquities, or Records, as to be cheated, besotted with such Impostures, and bottom his Discourses of our Parliaments upon such spurious rotten Foundations as these.

3. That no Oath nor Engagement whatsoever was anciently imposed on the Members of the Lord's or Commons House, to debar or seclude any of them from sitting or voting, much less were any of them suspended or forcibly kept out of either House till they had taken any new-invented Oath, prescribed them only by a prevailing party, without a Legal Act of Parliament ratified both by the Kings, Lord's, and Commons in an orderly manner; such enforced seclusive Oaths, being inconsistent both with the Freedom, Privileges, Rights of old English Parliaments. The Parliament of 1. Eliz. c. 1. upon the abolishing of Popery, and restitution of the Protestant Religion, having by unanimous consent of the three States, made and prescribed an Oath of supremacy (for the preservation of the ancient Rights and Royalties of the Crown of England, and of the persons of the Queen, her heirs and successors, against the usurpations, claims, practices of the Bishop, of Rome, and his confederates) on all Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Arch-Deacons, Clergy-men, and temporal officers: By reason of the manifold Plots and Treasons of the Pope and Papists against the Queens person, Crown, and Realm, the Parliament of 5. Eliz. c. 1. thought fit to prescribe this Oath, for the better detection of persons popishly affected, not only to all Readers, Barresters, Graduates in the Universities, Schoolmasters, Sheriffs, and other inferior Officers, but likewise to all future Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses of Parliament; enacting, That every person who shall be hereafter elected or appointed a Knight, Citizen, Burgess, or Baron of the five Ports, for any Parliament or Parliaments hereafter to be holden, shall from henceforth, before he shall enter into the Parliament House, or have any voice there, openly receive and pronounce the said Oath before the Lord Steward for the time being, or his Deputy or Deputies for that time to be appointed. And that he which shall enter into the Parliament, House, without taking the said Oath, shall be deemed no Knight, Citizen, Burgess, nor Baron for that Parliament, nor shall have any voice, but shall be to all intents, constructions, and purposes, as if he had never been returned or elected Knight, Citizen, Burgess or Baron for the Parliament, and shall suffer such pains and penalties, as if he had presumed to sit in the same without Election, return, or authority. Provided, that this Act, nor anything therein shall not extend to compel any temporal person of or above the degree of A Baron of the Realm, to take or pronounce the Oath abovesaid, nor to incur any penalty limited by this Act for not taking or refusing the same. This is the first Act ever imposing an Oath upon any Members before their sitting and voting in the Parliament House: wherein five things are observable.

1. That this Oath was made by unanimous consent of the Queen, Lord's and Commons in Parliament.

2. That it was five years a probationer, and approved, ratified by two successive Parliaments, before it was imposed upon any Members, and not actually administered to any till the Parliament of 8. Elizabeth.

3. That it was imposed only upon the Members of the Commons House, not upon any temporal Lord's or Barons of the Realm.

4. That the principal end of prescribing it was, to abolish the Popes usurped supremacy, and prevent his and his instruments Traiterous attempts against the Queens person, Crown, Kingdom, discover persons popishly affected, and seclude them from sitting or voting in the Commons House if elected, returned, unless they should first take this Oath: Not to debar or exclude any real Protestants, when duly elected, from entering into the Parliament house to discharge their trusts and duties.

5. That it appoints no Officers or armed Guards forcibly to seclude any Knight, Citizen, Burgess, or Baron of the Ports till he hath openly taken and pronounced this Oath, but only lays 2 particular inhibition upon every such Member himself, not to enter the House without taking it, under the disabilities and penalties therein mentioned: leaving every Member a liberty to seclude himself in case he were unsatisfied, or could not in conscience or prudence take this Oath, but authorizing none else to keep him perforce out of the House, if he had a mind to rush into it without taking it. After this the Par iament of 3. Iacobi. c. 4. upon the detection and prevention of the in ernal Gunpowder Treason of the Pope, Jesuits and Papists, to blow up the King, Queen, Prince, Lord's, Commons, and Parliament, when all assembled together in the Lord's House, November 5 Anno 1605. by unanimous consent of the three Estates, made and prescribed a New Oath of Allegianoe to all persons, except Peers of the Realm, who actually were, or should be suspected to be Papists, for their better discovery and conviction, without imposing it upon any Members of either House. Which Oath many Papists oppugning with false and unsound Arguments, though tending only to the declaration of such duty, as every true, well-affected subject, not only by his bond of Allegiance, but also by the commandment of Almighty God ought to bear to the Kings Majesty, his Heirs and Successors; Thereupon the Lord's and Commons in the Parliament of 7. Jacob's: (when this Oath had been approved four years space) not only enacted, ch. 2. that every person who should henceforth be naturalized or restored in blood, should first take this oath; but to show their great approbation thereof, humbly prostrating themselves at his Majesty's feet, did earnestly beseech him, that the same Oath might be administered to all his Subjects whatsoever; And thereupon it was enacted, ch. 6. That all and every Knights, Citizens, Burge •• es, and Barons of the Five-Ports of the Commons House of Parliament, before he or they shall be permitted to e ter the said House, shall make, take, and renew the said corporal Oath upon the Evangelists before the Lord Steward for the time being, or his Deputy or Deputies, without imposing any disability or penalty, or appointing any Officers forcibly to seclude those from entering who refused it. Since these recited Acts, all Members of the Commons House have constantly taken these two Oaths voluntarily, without coercion or forcible seclusion, before they entered or sat as Members in the House. The last Parliament of 16. Caroli in their first Act, for preventing the inconveniences happening by the long intermission of Parliaments, enacted: That all and every the Members that shall be elected to serve in any Parliament hereafter to be assembled by virtue of this Act, shall assemble and enter into the Commons House of Parliament, and shall enter into the same, and shall have voices in Parliament, before and without the taking of the several Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance, or either of them, any Law or Statute to the contrary thereof in any wise notwithstanding. Provided always, that if the Kings Majesty, his Heirs or Successors, shall at any time during any Parliament hereafter to be assembled by virtue of this Act, award or direct any Commission to any person or persons whatsoever to take or receive the said Oaths, of all or any Members of the Commons House of Parliament, and any Members of the House being duly required thereunto, shall refuse or neglect to take and pronounce the same, that from thenceforth such person so refusing or neglecting shall be deemed no Member of that House, nor shall have any voice therein, and shall suffer such pains and penalties, as if he had presumed to sit in the same House without Election, return or authority. These Statutes being all in their full force, never legally repealed, & authorizing no Officers nor Soldiers whatsoever forcibly to seclude or punish any Member of the Commons House, for not taking both or either of these two Legal Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance ratified by so many indubitable Parliaments one after another, and backed by the solemn League, Covenant, and Protestation; it is neither in the power of the King himself, or his Council, nor of the House of Lord's, or any other persons whatsoever (much less of the Commons House alone, or any prevailing party in it, who never in any age had the least Legal right or authority to administer an Oath in any case to any witness or person whatsoever, much less to impose any New Oaths upon their fellow-Members sitting with them, or secluded by them, and on all succeeding Members of that House in future Parliaments) to enforce any New Oath or Engagement whatsoever, inconsistent with, or repugnant to these two Legal Parliamentary Oaths, or to suspend, exclude, or eject any Knight, Citizen, Burgess, or Baron of the Ports duly elected and returned, from sitting or voting with them in the Commons House, for refusing such new Ingagement or Oath; it being directly contrary not only to the Freedom, Privilege of our English Parliaments, Laws, Liberties, but to the very letter of the Petition of Right ratified by K. Charles himself, which complained of, and provides against the administering of any Oath not warranted by the Laws and Statutes of this Realm, and enacts, That no Man hereafter shall be called to take such Oath (as being repugnant to their Rights, Liberties, the Laws and Statutes of the Land (much less then no Members of Parliament enforced by their fellow-Members to take such an Oath, or else be suspended, secluded the House of Commons) & that former proceedings of this kind (in the case of Loanes, wherein such an oath was prescribed, exacted) should not be drawn hereafter into consequence or example; Yea contrary to the House of Commons Remonstrants of the State of the Kingdom, 15. Decemb. 1641. who therein charge the Kings evil Counselors, That New Oaths have been enforced upon the Subjects against Law, and new Iudicatures erected without Law (which some who thus remonstrated have since that actually done, to the secluding of sundry Members of their own new-modeled Parliaments, for refusing to take new illegal Oaths, and Engagements, repugnant to their old ones of Supremacy and Allegiance) if not the very third Article of the late Petition and Advice, viz. That the ancient and undoubted Liberties and Privileges of Parliament (which are the Birth-right and Inheritance of the people, and wherein every man it interested) be preserved and maintained, and that you will not break nor interrupt the same, nor suffer them to be broken or interrupted. And particularly, that those persons who are legally chosen by a free Election of the people to serve in Parliament, may not be secluded from sitting in Parliament to do their duties, but by judgment and assent of that House whereof they are Members. Therefore not by any armed Guards without any hearing or judgment whatsoever: Which had some of those Army-Officers and Swordmen well considered, who assented to this Article and Petition; they would never have forcibly secluded, secured, imprisoned myself, and sundry other Members of the late Parliament, only for the faithful discharge of our Oaths, Duties, without, yea against the judgment of the House whereof they were Members, which God in judgment hath repaid on some of them since that, with a suitable Retaliation, Seclusion, Restraint, by some of their own confederates in that unrighteous Anti-parliamentary action.

4 That there is no one President exstant in our Histories or Records in former Ages, nor from 49. Henry 3. till the end of King Charles his Reign, of any Writs issued to Sheriffs or other Officers in Ireland, or Scotland (though subordinate and subject to our English Kings and Parliaments) for electing Knights, Citizens, Burgesses, or Commissioners to sit or vote as Members of the Commonshouse in any Parliaments or great Councils of England; nor yet for any Knights, Citizens, Burgesses out of Gersy, Gernsey, Alderny, Serke, Man, Silly, or other Islands belonging to England. Yea the Principality of Wales it self (though ever subjected and united to England as part thereof) never sent any Knights, Citizens, or Burgesses to the Parliaments of England, as Members thereof, till enabled by special Acts of Parliament, Anno 27. H. 8. c. 26. & 35. H. 8. c. 11. Nor yet the County Palatine of Chester, though a part and member of England, till specially enabled by the Statute of 34. H. 8. c. 13. neither did, much less then can or ought any Counties, Cities, Burroughs in Scotland, or Ireland, to claim or pretend the least color of Right, Law, or Reason, to send any Knights, Citizens, Burgesses, (or Peers) to sit or vote in the Parliaments of England, neither ought any such if elected, returned to be of right admitted into our English Parliaments.

1. Because they never enjoyed this privilege heretofore in any Age, nor pretended to it.

2. Because they are very remote from the places where our English Parliaments are held, and it will not be only extraordinarily troublesome, expensive, vexatious, inconvenient for them, when elected, to resort so far to our English Parliaments, but dangerous, (especially to cross the Seas out of Ireland in the Winter season) and mischievous.

Thirdly, Because if any of them be unduly elected, returned (as is most probable the most of them will be so) it must necessarily put them to intolerable expenses, trouble, vexation, and almost an impossibility to examine, determine the legality or illegality of such Elections, and returns from Scotland and Ireland. The Parliaments being likely to be determined, or adjourned before the Sheriffs and other Officers, who unduly returned them, can be summoned, and witnesses produced thence to prove the abuses or injustice of such Elections: so that any persons thence returned by those in power, though never elected, or very unduly through favor, power, or corruption of Officers, shall sit and vote as Members, whilst those who were duly chosen and entrusted by the people, shall be secluded and left without relief.

4 Because Scotland and Ireland, though united to England, always were, and yet are distinct Realms and Republics, never incorporated into England, or its Parliament, as natural proper Members thereof: they all having by their own Fundamental Laws, Statutes, Customs, Rights, Privileges, their peculiar proper Parliaments, Peers, Knights, Citizens, Burgesses, Courts, Iudicatures, Councils, and Judges distinct, divided from, and not intercommoning with one another. The Peers, Lord's, Knights, Citizens, Burgesses of England having no place, voice, nor right of Session in the Parliaments of Scotland or Ireland, though in many things subordinate to the Parliaments of England, and subject to Acts of Parliament made in them, and the Lord's, Peers, Citizens, Burgesses of the Parliaments of Scotland, and Ireland, being no Lord's, Peers, Knights, Citizens or Burgesses at all in England or its Parliaments, being distinct from theirs, and summoned unto their own Parliament only, as I shall hereafter manifest in its due place. This is evident not only by the distinct printed Laws and Statutes of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and those Historians, who have written of them (especially Holinshed, Bucana , and Mr. Cambden) but likewise by Mr. Seldens Titles of Honor, p. 2. c. 5, 6, 7, Cooks 4 Institutes, ch. 1. 75, 76. Cooks 7 Reports, Calvin's case. The Statute of 1 Iacobi, ch. 1, 2, 3. Iacobi, c. 3, 4. Iacobi, ch. 1. 7. Iacobi, ch. 1. which fully confirm and establish the distinct Parliaments, Rights, Laws, Liberties, Customs, Jurisdictions, Iudicatures of the Realm of England, and Scotland.

5. Because the calling and admission of Scottish Knights, Citizens, Burgesses, or Peers unto the Parliaments of England, and giving them a voice and Legislative power therein, both in Relation to England, Scotland and Ireland, though united under one King and Sovereign Lord, is diametrically contrary, First, to all these recited Acts, and the Propositions, proceedings mentioned in them, referred to the consideration and determination of the Parliaments of both Realms, as separate and distinct from each other, and not incorporated into one body, Realm, or Parliament; whose peculiar distinct Rights, Jurisdictions, Powers, Parliaments, are since that in precise terms confirmed and perpetuated, without any union or incorporation into one undivided body politique. Secondly, Because it is expressly contradictory to the late Act of 17. Caroli, passed, ratified in and by the Parliaments of both Kingdom, for the confirmation of the Treaty of Pacification between the two Kingdoms of England and Scotland. Wherein the Commissioners deputed by the Parliament of Scotland, to treat with the Commissioners appointed by the King and Parliament of England, for the saving of the Rights of Scotland, that the English might not claim any joint right or interest with the Scots, in the things that concerned their Parliaments, or Kingdom, in their papers of the 7. of August 1641. did declare and make known, that although they were fully assured that the Kingdom and Parliament of England, was for the present far from any thought of usurpation over the Kingdom and Parliament of Scotland, or their Laws and Liberties, yet for preventing the misunderstanding of posterity, and of strangers, and for satisfying the scruples of others not acquainted with the nature of this Treaty, and the manner of their proceedings, which may arise upon their coming into England, and their treating in time of Parliament: That neither by our treaties with the English,, nor by seeking our Peace to be established in Parliament, nor any other action of ours, do we acknowledge any dependence upon them, or make them Judges to us or our Laws, or any things that may import the smallest prejudice to our Liberties. But that we come in a free and brotherly way, by our Informations to remove all doubts that may arise concerning the proceedings of our Parliament, and to join our endeavors in what may conduce for the peace and good of both Kingdoms, no otherwise than if by occasion of the Kings Residence in Scotland, Commissioners in the like Exigence, should be sent thither from England. Thirdly, It is pointblank against the solemn League and Covenant, ratified and confirmed in the most sacred and public manner, The 3 Article whereof, taken with hands lifted up to heaven, and subscribed by the Parliaments of both Kingdoms, and all others well-affected in both Realms, doth thus preserve the distinct Privileges of the Parliaments of both Realms, in these words. We shall with the same sincerity, reality, and constancy in our several vocations, endeavor with our estates and lives, mutually to preserve the Rights and Privileges of the Parliaments, and the Liberties of the Kingdoms of England and Scotland; which are likewise distinguished from each other in every other Article, the Prologue and Conclusion of the League and Covena t, and all Ordinances that confirm it. 4. As if this were not sufficient; it is directly contrary to the Declaration of the Commons of England assembled in Parliament, 17, April, 1646. of their true intention inviolably to maintain the Ancient and Fundamental Government of the Kingdom, by King, Lord's and Commons, the Government of the Church, securing the people against all arbitrary Government, and maintaining a right understanding between the two Kingdoms of England, and Scotland, according to the Covenant and Treaties; To the Commons printed Answers to the Scots Commissioners Papers 28 of November 1646. Yea to the Lord's and Commons Houses joint Declaration, the 29. of June 1646. In all which they do professedly declare, assert, argue, resolve, the absolute Independency, distinct Rights, Jurisdictions of the Kingdoms and Parliaments of England and Scotland, from the very Articles of the solemn League and Covenant, and Treaties between both Kingdoms, and other Evidences, grounds, reasons, positively asserting, That the Parliament and Kingdom of England is, and ought to be the sole and proper Judge of what may be for the good of this Kingdom; and that the Kingdom and Parliament of Scotland, neither have, nor ought to have any joint-concurrent share or interest with them therein, nor right of joint-exercise of interest in disposing the person of the King in the Kingdom of England. And that the self-same liberty and privilege always had been admitted, and ever shall be carefully and duly observed by them and the Parliament and Kingdom of England, to the Kingdom and Parliament of Scotland in all things that concern that Kingdom; And that it was not the intention of the Lord's and Commons in the Parliament of England, nor of the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland, in sending Propositions to the King, in the name, and in the behalf of both Kingdoms, by joint-consent, that any construction should be made therefrom, as if either Kingdom had any interest in each others Propositions, or in the Legislative Power of each other concerning any of the said Propositions; but that it remaineth distinct in each Kingdom and Parliament respectively. And that notwithstanding any joint-proceedings upon the said Propositions, either Kingdom hath power of themselves to continue, repeal, or alter any Law that shall be made upon the said Propositions for the good and government of either Kingdom respectively. And both Houses did therein declare, that they are fully resolved to maintain, and preserve inviolable the solemn League and Covenant, and the Treaties between the Kingdoms of England and Scotland. Now the calling and incorporating of Scottish and Irish Peers, Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses into the Parliaments of England, as Members, Voters, Legislators, together with the English, to oblige both England, Scotland, and Ireland, against the ancient, unquestionable, distinct, fundamental Rights, Privileges of the Kingdoms, Parliaments, people, both of England, Scotland, and Ireland (all whose Parliaments, Rights, Privileges, Liberties, will be totally subverted by it as well as our English ) is so contradictory, so repugnant to, and inconsistent with all and every of these recited Acts, Ordinances, Declarations, clauses of the solemn League and Covenant, to the Great Charter of King John, all ancient Writs of Summons to English, Irish or Scottish Parliaments, all Acts for Electing Kn ghts, Burgesses, and concerning Parliaments formerly established in all these three Kingdoms, as distinct, that no conscientious Heroic Englishman, Scot, or Inhabitant of Ireland, who cordially affects the honor, maintenance, preservation of his own native Countries, Kingdoms, or Parliaments fundamental Rights, Privileges, Liberties, or makes conscience of violating the Articles of this solemn League and Covenant he hath formerly taken, and subscribed in the presence of Almighty God, Angels and Men, with this protestation; we shall not suffer ourselves directly or indirectly by whatsoever combinatien, persuasion or terror to be divided or withdrawn from it, either by making defection to the contrary part, or by giving ourselves to a detestable indifferency or neutrality; but shall all the days of our lives constantly continue therein against all opposition, and promote the same according to our Power against all Lets and Impediments whatsoever; and this we shall do in the sight and presence of Almighty God, the searcher of all hearts, with a true intention to perform the same, as we shall answer the contrary at the great day, when the secrets of all hearts shall be disclosed; can ever in conscience, justice, reason, policy or prudence submit thereto, but is bound to oppose and resist with all his power, for the premised Reasons.

6. Because the proportioning and distribution of the thirty persons to be elected for Scotland, and the thirty others for Ireland, and incorporating of these sixty Scottish and Irish Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses into the Parliaments of England, was not projected, effected, approved, ratified by the free, full, and joint-consents of the respective Parliaments of England, Scotland, and Ireland, but only by about twenty or thirty Army-Officers, in a private Cabinet Conventicle, at Whitehall, without yea against their privities, and consents, by their Instrument of Government, which they then published, 16 Decemb. 1653. Artic. 9, 10, 11. having not the least shadow of any Legal Power or Authority, to oblige our 3 distinct Kingdoms, Nations, Parliaments, much less to subvert and abolish them, by new melting them into one body, contrary to their very fundamental Laws, Constitutions, Rights, Privileges, to their grand prejudice and dishonor. Therefore there is no reason for either of them to submit and conform thereto. The rather, because this Instrument was never ratified by any, but opposed by every public Convention, since its publication, yea totally set aside (if ever valid) by the last of them, in and by this clause of their humble Petition and Advice, Artic. 3, 4. That the number of persons to be elected and chosen to sit and serve in Parliament for England, Scotland, and Ireland, and distribution of the persons so chosen, within the Counties, Cities, and Burroughs of them respectively, may be according to such proportions as shall be agreed in this present Parliament: which agreed nothing concerning the same: And both the Instrument and Advice being now set aside by those in present power, by issuing Writs for electing Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses throughout England, according to the ancient Laws, Usage, Custom, and not according to the Instrument or Advice, by which the English and Commons House are now remitted to their old Parliamentary Rights & Privileges. They are obliged upon all these Reasons, Authorities, and Considerations, henceforth to seclude all Scottish and Irish Knights, Citizens, Burgesses, or Peers, from sitting or voting amongst them as Members, and ought to treat with them only as Delegates or Commissioners sent from both Nations touching such affairs as particularly relate to Scotland and Ireland, according to ancient and late Presidents, but not to permit them any place or vote at all in the Commons or Lord's House, as joint-Members, Legislators with the English, in the Parliaments of England.

7. Because the thrity persons to be chosen for Scotland, and the other thirty for Ireland, and the several Counties, Cities, and Borroughs within the same, to represent and oblige both these Kingdoms and Nations, as their Representativees and Attorneys, are not to be elected by the generality of both Kingdoms, as in justice, reason, equity they ought to be, but by such as the Major part of the Council at Whitehall shall prescribe, as the 9th. Article in the Instrument declares, some whole Counties, and eminent Cities in both Kingdoms, having no voices at all in the Elections of these Members, and therefore not to be obliged by them, as 44. E. 3. f. 19. 11. H. 7. 14. 21. H. 7. 40. 23, H. 8. Br. Lert. 27. 7. H. 6. 35. 6. Dyer 373. b. resolve. This being a general Rule in Law, Justice, Reason, inserted into the very Writs of Summons to Parliament, Claus. 24. E. 1. m. 7. dorso (here) p. 6. Ut quod omnes tangit ab omnibus approb tur. And the sole reason why Acts of Parliament oblige all those who send Knights and Burgesses to them, and not tenants in Ancient Demesn, is only this, because they assent unto them, in and by their representatives, as the Statute of 1 Iac. c. 1. 4. H. 7. 10. Brooke Parliament, 25. 27. 41. Ash Parliament, 10. and Proclamation, 39. and the Law-books Authorities there collected to this purpose determine.

8. In the Parliament of a Caroli, the Lord's Spiritual and Temporal then in Parliament assembled, exhibited this Petition to the King: That whereas they heretofore in civility as to strangers yielded precedency according to their several degrees unto such Nobles of Scotland and Ireland, as being in Titles above them, have resorted hither; Now divers of the natural born Subjects of these Kingdoms resident here with their families, and having their estates among us, do by reason of some late created dignities in those Kingdoms of Scotland and Ireland, claim precedency of the Peers of this Realm, which tends both to the disservice of your Majesty, a d to the di paragement of the English No ility, as by these Reasons may appear.

1. It is a nobelty without President, that men should inherit honors where they possess nothing else.

2. It is injurious to those Countries from whence their Titles are derived, that they should have a vo e in Parliament where they have not a foot of Land, &c. Upon the consideration of which inconveniencies they humbly beseeched his Majesty, that an order might be timely settled therein to prevent the inconvenience to his Majesty, and redress the prejudice and disparagement to the Peers and Nobility of this Kingdom occasioned thereby, which the King promised to do. And is it not a far greater inconvenience, prejudice and disparagement to the Nobility, Gentry, and Parliaments of England, yea a greater Novelty and Injury than this they then petitioned against, not only for the Nobility, but for the very Knights, Citizens, Burgesses, of Scotland, and Ireland, to sit with, and take place of the ancient Peers, Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses of England, according to their several Titles, and to enjoy an equal vote, judicature, privilege with them in every particular, in the very Parliaments of England, which they never formerly did, though they have not one foot of Land in England, nor the English any vote of place in their Parliaments? No doubt it is. Therefore as fit to be timely redressed, as that grievance, upon the self-same grounds, being more universal, prejudicial and dishonorable to the whole English Peerage, Parliament and Nation, than this which concerned the English Peers alone, and that only out of Parliament.

9. This number of Members sent from Scotland and Ireland to the Parliaments of England, holds no just not equal proportion or distribution with the numbers of Members, which they formerly elected and sent to their own respective Parliaments, in Scotland and Ireland, as is evident by the Irish Statutes of 18, E. 4. c. 2. 10. H. 7. c. 16, 38. H. 8. c. 12. 33. H. 8. c. 1. Cooks 4. Iustit. c. 75, 76. and Regiam Majestatem, nor yet in reference to the number of the Members and Parliament-men in England, being near ten to one to the Members of both these Nations conjoined, which inequality upon all occasions may prove very prejudicial to them both.

10. It will be an extraordinary grievance, oppression, expense, vexation, mischief, delay and obstruction of Justice to all the Inhabitants of Scotland and Ireland, not only to bear the Expences of all the Members they send to the Parliaments of England, but to be enforced to resort unto them in person, together with their Witnesses, Evidences, and Council, for all grievances, oppressions, injuries, errors, complains and misdemeans in Officers or Courts of Justice formerly redressed, and remediable only in their own proper Parliaments, much nearer home, and now only to be heard, examined, redressed, determined in the Parliaments of England, as the Claus. Roll. of 39. E. 3. M. 12. De erroribus corrigendis in Parliament is tenend is in Hibernia (printed in my Epistle to my Argument of the case of the Lord Mag •• re) most fully and excellently resolves: And the multitudes of complaints, out of all three Kingdoms will prove so great in every Parliament, that it will be impossible to hear and determine the moity of them at any one Session or Parliament, and the attendance will prove so tedious to all or most, that it will become a greater grievance to them than any they complain of, and if they gain any relief, it will be in effect, a Remedy as bad or worse, as the diseas it cures: Yea an express violation of Magna Charta. ch. 29. Nulli negabimus, nulli differemus justitiam aut rectum: Finally, This patching of New Scottish and Irish Members into our old English Parliament, will be so far from uniting and contenting the three Nations and Parliaments in one, that it will discontent and disunite them more than before, and make the rent the greater upon every occasion, as Christ himself resolves, with whose words I shall close up this observation: No man seweth or putteth a piece of new Cloth upon an old Garment, else the new piece that filleth it up, taketh away from the old, and agreeth not with the old, and the rent is made worse.

5. That as the Writs of the Common Law, are the foundations whereon the whole Law, and subsequent proceedings do depend, as Glanvil, Bracton, Briton, Fleta heretofore, Fitzherbert, Thelwell, Sir Edward Cook, and others of later times resolve; upon which account if the Writs be vicious, erroneous, invalid, illegal, or null in Law, they abate, vitiate, and annihilate the whole Process, Declarations, and Struotures grounded on them, as all our Law-Books assert; So the Writs of Summons to Parliaments and Great Councils are the very foundations, and corner-stones whereon our Parliaments, Great Councils, and all their Votes, Judgments, Proceedings, Acts, Ordinances do depend. Therefore if they be defective, erroneous, invalid, illegal, insufficient, or null in themselves, the Parliaments and Great Councils convened by, founded on them, with all their Judgments, Proceedings, Acts, Ordinances, must of necessity be so likewise, as the Statutes of 1. Hen. 4. c. 3. 21. R. 2. c. 1. 39. 8. H. 6. c. 1. H. 8. c. 1. 17. E. 4. 5. 7. 1. H. 4. rot. Parl. n. 1. 66. 1. E. 4. rot. Parl. n. 8: to 17. 1. H. 7. c. 9. 27. H. 8. c. 24. in England, largely evidence, and the Statute of 10. H. 7. c. 27. in Ireland, determines; repealing a Parliament holden at Drogheda before Sir Robert Preston, decreed and deemed void to all Intents, by the Kings Council in Ireland.

1. Because the Duke of Bedford, Lieutenant of Ireland, (by whose Deputy it was summoned and held) surrendered his Patent of Lieutenancy before the said Parliament summoned.

2. Because there was no general summons of the said Parliament, to all the Shires, but only to four Shires.

3. Because the said Deputy had no m nner of Power by his Commission to summon or keep a Parliament: For the which causes it was ordained and enacted, that the Parliament to holden be deemed void, and of none effect, by the whole Parliament of Ireland, Anno 10. H. 7. And the Parliament of 18. E. 4. ch. 2. in Ireland, touching the Election of Knights and B rgesses, further manifests it.

6. That the summoning (as likewise pro •• guing, adjourning, dissolving) of all Parliaments and Great Councils in England and Ireland, is a peculiar inseparable royal Prerogative, belonging only to the Kings of England, and incommunicable to any other person or persons, yea to Parliaments themselves, which cannot appoint a succeeding Parliament to be called but by the Kings consent, and that (though appointed to be held at a prefixed day and place) to be summoned only by the Kings Writ. That all Writs of Summons and Prorogation always issued, and of right ought to be iss ed only in the Kings name, style, authority, whether absent out of, or present within the Realm, whether within age, or of ripe years, and that by his special Commands alone, or his and his Councils joint precept, as the style, name, contents of all precedent and subsequent Writs; the subscriptions under them, Per ipsum Regem, per ipsum Regem & Consilium, per ipsum Regem, Custodem & Consilium (in the Kings absence) per breve de privato sigi •• o, &c. the style, tenor of all Writs, De expensis Militum & Burgen sium, the Statutes of 5. R. 2. Parl. 2. c. 4. 7. H. 4. c. 14. 6. H. 6. c. 4. 23. H. 6. c. 11. 27. H. 8. c. 24. 31. H▪ 8. c. 10. most Acts of late times for the subsidies of the Clergy and Temporalty, Tonage, Foundage; the Prologues to our ancient and modern printed Statutes, the Kings Chancellors and others speeches upon the convention of most Parliaments, in Parliament Rolls, together with the Act of 16. Caroli, for preventing of inconveniences happening by the long intermission of Parliaments, Cooks 4. Institutes, ch. 1. and all who have written of our English Parliaments, abundantly evidence and resolve beyond contradiction. Hence our late King Charles, in his Declaration of the causes of assembling and diss lving the two last Parliaments, June 13. 2. Caroli, affirms, That the calling, adjourning, proroguing, and dissolving of Parliaments, do peculiarly belong unto himself by an undoubted Prerogative inseparably uniied to his impertal Crown, and the Statute of 16. Caroli. c. 1. made by the unanimous consent of both Houses declares, That by the Laws and Statutes of this Realm, the appointment of the time and place for the holding of Parliaments, and the summoning of them (by Writ in the Kings Name) hath always belonged, as it ought, to his Majesty, and his royal Progenitors, and none else.

7. That the Kings of England, have as true, full, real and legal an haereditary right, Title, Interest, Propriety in and to the Parliament, as they have in and to the Kingdom and Crown of England, as these Clauses in all their Writs of Summons, Prorogations of Parliaments, issued to the spiritual and temporal Lord's, Kings Council, Sheriffs, and Warden of the Cinqueports resolve; Ordinavimus quoddam Parliamentum nostrum, &c. tenere: In ultimo Parliamento nostro; post ultimum Parliamentum nostrum, sitis ad nos ad Parliamentum nostrum, and the like; compared with Statum Regni nostri Angliae: Et cum Praelatis & Proceribus Regni nostris sicut commodum Regni nostri Diligitis: Iura Coronae nostrae, &c. in the same Writs: The Writs de expensi: Militum & Burgensium; The Titles and Prologues of most printed Acts of Parliament: The Statutes of 8. H. 6. c. 7. 23. H. 6. c. 11. 23. H. 8. c. 3. 27. H. 8. c. 24. 31. H. 8. c. 10. 1. Iac. c. 1. and sundry Writs in the Register, styling the Parliament, the Kings Parliament, his Parliament, our Parliament in relation to the King, and his Patents for creating Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, Peers and Barons of the Realm, granting them and their Heirs males, Sedem & locum in Parliamentis nostris, Haeredum & successorum nostrorum in ra Regnum nostrum Angliae. Therefore the Parliaments of England can no more exist or subsist without the King, than the Kingdom or Crown of England, the King being both Caput, Principium & finis Parliamenti, as Modus tenendi Parliamentum, Sir Edward Cook and others resolve, our Parliaments living and dying with our Kings, and determining when summoned and sitting by the Kings decease (since they can neither treat nor confer with him of any businesses concerning him or his Kingdom, nor be his Parliament after his death) as the Parliaments of 1. H. 4. rot. Parl. n. 1. 2. 3. 1. H. 5. rot. Parl. n. 16. 4. E. 4. f. 44. Cooks 4. Instit. p. 46. adjudge: the Parliament of 23. R. 2. dissolving by this resignation of the Crown, and the Parliaments of 14 H. 4. and 24. Iacobi being dissolved by their respective deaths, as their Judges and Parliaments resolved, and the Parliament of 18. Caroli by the self same reason, as I have elsewhere evidenced, seeing he could neither vobiscum & cum caeteris Magnatibus & Proceribius Regni nostri colloqaium habere & Tractatum, super diversis & arduis negoc is Nos & Regnum nostrum co tingentibus, nor the Commons do and assent hiis quae tunc ibidem per N s, &c. ordinari contigerit super negotiis antedictis, as the Writs of Summons and Prorogation prescribe.

8. That when ever there was a Custos Regni, during the Kings absence in foreign parts, or a Protector during his Minority, the Writs of Summons and Prorogation issued always in the Kings style, name, and by his authority and direction, and the Teste only in the Custos, or Protectors name, with a per ipsum Regens, per ipsum Regem & Consilium, or, per ipsum Regem, Custodem & consilium subjoined.

9. That when our Kings could not be personally present at any Parliament by reason of their wars, sickness, extraordinary occasions, absence in foreign Parts, or minority, they held them by a Custos Regni, or Commissioners authorized by special Commissions issued to them in the Kings name under his Great Seal, to hold these Parliaments in his Name and Stead, which were publicly read at the beginning of the Parliament, and entered in the Parliaments Rolls; for which I shall present you with these presidents only, omitting all others of this kind, agreeing with them, or varying little from them, in form or substance. The first is this.

Anno 13. E. 3. Rot. Parl. n. 4. Edward s Dei gratia Rex Angliae, Dominus Hiberniae, & Dux, Aquitaniae, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Comitibus, Baronibus & omnibus aliis ad instans Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. summonitum conventuris salut m. Cum dilectus & fidelis noster Edwardus Dux Cornubiae, Comes Cestr. filius noster carissimus Custos. Regni nostri, propter quaedam negocia sibi incumbentia sit ad praesens Parliamentum praepeditus, quo minus isto die Iovis in Octabis Sti. Hilary apud locum praedictum vale at personaliter interesse: de circumspectionis & industriae magnitudine venerabilis Patris Johannes Archiepiscopi Cantuar. totius Angliae Primatis, & discretorum virorum Magistri Williel i de le Zouche Decani Ecclesiae beati Petri Ebor, Thesaurarii nostri Ricardi de Willoughby, Johannes de Stonore, & Johannes Decani Sti. Pauli plenam fiduciam reportantes; ipsos quatuor, tres aut duos eorum ad inchoand. & continuand m Parliamentum praedictum, nostri, & dicti filii nostri nomine; & ad faciend. ea quae Pro Nobis per praedictum filium nostrum facienda fuerint, usque adventum filii nostri ibidem, Deputamus & Assignamus. Et ideo vobis mandamus, quod iisdem Archiepiscopo, The saurario, Rico. Iohi. & Iohi. quatuor, tribus & duobus eorum intendentes sit is in praemissis in forma praedicta. Teste Edwardo Duc Cornub. & Comite Cestr. filio nostro carissimo Custode Angliae, apud Langle XIX. die Ianuarii, Anno Regni nostri tertio decimo.

The second is thus registered, Ann 25. E. 3. Rot. Parl. n. 1. 2.

Edwardus Dei gratia Rex Angliae, & Franciae, & Dominus Hiberniae, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Militibus, & omnibus aliis ad instans Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm Summonitum conventuris, salutem; Cum Nos ex certis ca sis sumus ad partes transmari as profect ri, per quod ad primum diem dicti Parli menti forte non poterimus interesse, Nos in casu quod citra dictum diem non redeamus Leonello filio nostro carissimo ad inchoand: Nomine nostro Parliamentum praedictam, & ad faciend. ea quae pro Nobis & per Nos faci nd fuerint, usque adventum nostrum ibidem, plenam tenore praesentiu •• committimus potestatem. Et ideo Vobis mandamus quod eidem filio nostro intendentes sitis in praemissis, in forma praedicta: In cujus rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri ecimus patentes. Teste m ipso apud Turrim London. 20. die Januarii. Anno Regni nostri Angli •• , 24. Regni vero nostri Franciae undecimo. Per ipsum Regem.

The third is thus recorded in the Parliament Roll of 51. E. 3. n. 1. with this Prologue.

Enle 15a. s int Hilar, &c. que fuist le primer jour de ce present Parlement, tr z nobles & p issent Sir Richard Prince de Gales, Duc de Cornwelle, & Cou te de Cestr. & auxint les Prelets, Seigneurs, Justices, Comenes, & auters que fuerent venuz per Sommons de ce present Parlement, sesemblerent en le palayes de Westm. en le Chambre de peinte; & illoeques en lour presence le dit Prince alos seent in my lieu de uly, Cestassav ir en la place du Roy mes es, nostre le dit Seig ieur le Roy esteant meismes benemont, venier en sa proper person, envoy ast en dit Parlement returns ses Literes patents o z son grant Seal enseales, en la form que ensuant.

Edwardus Dei gratia, &c. Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Ducibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, militibus, & omnibus aliis in instanti Parliamento conventuris salutem. Cum ex certis cansu sum s ad pr •• s ns praep diti, ita quod ad primum diem Parliamenti praedicti ad locum praedictum personaliter non poterim s interesse; de circumspectionis & industriae magnitudine carissimi filii nostri Ricardi, Principis Wallia, Duci Cornubiae, & Comitis Cestr, plenam fidu iam reportantes, eidem filio nostro ad Parliamentum praedictum nostro nomine inchoand. & ad faciend. 〈◊〉 quae pro Nobis. & per os ibidem faciend. fu runt, plen •• m tenors praesentium committimus po estate m. Et ideo vobis mandamus, quod eidem Principi, intendentes fitis in praemissis in forma praedicta. In cujus Rei, &c. Teste meipso apud Havering. 26. die Jan. Anno Regni nostri A gliae, 51. & Franciae, 38.

The fourth is thus entered, Rot. Parl. An. 1. H. 6. n. 1.

Fait assavoir 〈◊〉 comm nc meant del Parlement tenuz le Lundy prochein de a t le feste de Seint Martyn, I'a del regne du Roy Henry Sisme, p is le conquest; primerement un Commission du Roy fait desoutz son grande Seal, & direct z all Honorable & puissent Prince, Humphry Duc de Glocestre, son-Uncle, per la quell le Roy av i done poiar a mesme son Uncle a tenit le dit Parlement en le nom du Roy, folon laffect & la contenuz de mesme la Commission; en la preseuc de'l dit Duc seant en la Chambre de peinte, deinz In Palayes de Westm. & anxy de les Seignieurs espuelz & temperelz, & les Chivalers des Countees, & des Citeins, & Burgeois del Roialme, Deingleterre pur toute lay Comme de mesme la Rolalm au dit Parlement tenuzilleoqes alors esteantz, uit overtement le e z, dont le tenure-cy ensuyt.

He ritus Dei gratia Rex Angliae, & Franciae, & Dominus Hiberniae, omnibus ad quos praesentes litetrae pervenerint, salutem, Sciatis, quod cum de avisamento Concilii nostri pro quibusdam arduis & urgentibus negociis nos, & statum & defensionem Regni nostri Angliae, ac Ecclesiae Anglicanae▪ contingentibus, quoddam Parliamentum nostrum, apud Westm. Die Lunae prox: ante sestum Sti. Martini prox. futur. teneri ordinavimus, Et quia vero propter certas causas ad Parliamentum Praedictum personaliter non poterimus interesse; Nos de circumspectione & industria carissimi Avuncu i nostri Humfredi Duc s Gloucestr. plenam fiduciam reportantes, eidem Avunculo nostro ad Parliamentum praedict. nomine nostro i choand & in eo procedend. & ad facienda omnia, & singula quae pro Nobis, & per Nos, pro bono regimi e & gubernatione R gni nostripraedicti, ac aliorum Uominiorum nostrorum eidens Regno nestro pertinent um; ib dem suerint faciend. Nec non ad Parliamentum illud ••• iendum & dissolvendum, de assensu Concilii nostri, plenam tenore praesentium, committimus potesta e s. Dantes ult r us, de assensu ejusdem Concilii nostri, tam universis & singulis Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Dusibus, Comitibus, Baronibus & Militibus; quam omnibus aliis quorum interest ad Parliamentum nostrum praedict conventuris, similiter tenore pr sentum in mundatis▪ quod eide •• Av •• culo nostr intendant ••• praemissi ••• forma supra dict . In cujus rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes. T. m ipsa apud Westm. 6 dis Novembris. Anno Regni nostri primo.

The like Commission I find made to the same, Duke in the Parliamant Roll of 2. H. 6. n. 1. word for word, except in those additional words and clauses in the Commission itself. Nos de circumspectione, fidelitate & industria, &c. Eidem Avunculo nostro ad Parliamentum praedict. nomine nostro inchoand. negociaque praedicta exponend. ac declarand. ac exponi & declarari faciend. necnon in negociis illis, & Parliamento praedicto, ac omnibus & singulis in eo emergentibus proceed d, &c. Ne non ad Parliamentum illud si necesse fuerit continuand. & prorogand▪ ac ad idem Parliamentum finiend, &c. plenam committimus potestatem; quam in eventu praedicto Parliamento nostro & tempore aliquo forsan in persona nostra adess contigerit revocare intendimus. Dantes, &c. Ut supra: with the like in other Parliaments, during this Kings Minority, and in 33 H. 6. rot. Parl. n. 30.

It is observable, that none of these Custodes Regni, or Protectors, had any power given them to summon or hold Parliaments in their own Names, or by their own inherent Authority as Protectors; nor to create new Peers or Barons of the Realm, by Writs or Patents, for ought I find, the very words of their Patents, and the Parliaments of 1. H. 4. rot. Parl. n. 24, 25, 26, 2 H. 6. rot. Parl. n. 15, 16. 6 H. 6, rot. Parl. n. 22, 23, 24. (a notable Record.) 8 H. 6. rot. Parl. . 13. 33 H. 6. rot. Parl. n. 30. to 42. resolving the contrary.

By all these forecited Commissions, Patents, and the Patent to the Protectors themselves during the Kings Minoritie, enrolled in the Parliament Roll of 1. H. 6. Num. 24, (which I have elsewhere published) it is most apparent; That as the Scripture and New Testament it self, in express terms resolve; The King alone, to be the Supreme Magistrate: So the Common and Statute Laws, Lawyers, Writs, Records, and Parliaments of England, have always hitherto, resolved, declared, proclaimed (as Bracton, l. 1. c. 8. l. 3. c. 16. f. 134. l. 3. c. 3. 9. Fleta. l. 1. c. 5. 17. The Parliament of Lincoln. 29 E. 1. 16 R. 2. . 5. 25. H. 8. c. 19, 21. 22. 26 H. 8. c. 1. 27. H. 8. c. 15. 28 H. 8. c. 7, 10. 31 H. 8. c. 10, 15. 32 H. 8. c. 22, 24, 26. 33 H. 8. c. 29. 35 H. 8. c. 1. 3, 27, 19, 37 H. 8. c. 15. 1. E. 6. c. 2. 1. Eliz. 5. 1. 3. 4. 5 Eliz. c. 1. 8 Eliz. c. 1. 1 Iac. c. 1. 2. 3. Iac. c. 4. 7 Iac. c. 6. The Prologues of all ancient Parliaments, and the very words of the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance, (prescribed to all Members of the Common House, Judges, Justices, Officers, Barristers, Attorneys, Sheriffs, Graduates, Ministers and SchoolMasters by our Parliaments) abundantly evidence;) The King of England alone (not the Custos Regni, Protector, nor any other person whatsoever, nor the Pope himself) to be the only Supreme Governor, Head, Magistrate of the Realm of England, and the Dominions thereunto annexed, and that in and over all spiritual and ecclesiastical persons, things, causes, as well as temporal, without recognizing any other Sovereign Lord, Governor, Magistrate, for ought I find in History or Record.

10. That the causes of summoning and proroging all Parliaments ought to be generally or particularly expressed in the Writs of Summons and Prorogation, together with the precise days whereon, and places wherein they are to meet upon the Summons or Prorogation; that so all may know ertainly at what time and place to meet. That the days and places of their meeting and prorogation, were absolutely in the power of our Kings, who varied them according to emergent occasions, and the places of their necessary residence. For instance; When the wars or affairs of Scotland drew our Kings and Nobles towards the Northern parts, they usually summoned or prorogued their Parliaments to York, Karlisle, Newcastle, Stanford, Lincoln, Leycester, Northampton, Cambridge, Stainford, Conventry, Nottingham. When the wars and businesses of France called them towards the South, they frequently summoned their Parliaments, to Winton, Salisbury, Southampton, Canterbury. When the wars or negotiations of Wales or Ireland occasioned their removal towards them, they convened their Parliaments at Gloucester, Worcester, Salop, Hereford, Bristol, Oxford, or Malborough. But most usually they were summoned and prorogued to Westminster or London, as the center and Metropolis of the Realm, and the most indifferent and convenient place of meeting, as the Writs of Summons and Prorogation attest.

11. That for the most part all Writs of Summons and Prorogation both to the spiritual and temporal Lord's, Kings Council, Sheriffs of Counties, and Wardens of the Cinque-ports, have the self-same Teste, date, Prologues; yet now and then some of them, are different in their dates, yet very rarely in their recitals. That there is frequently a different space of days and times between the dates of the Writs of Summons and Resummons upon Writs of Prorogation, and the days of the first meeting of the Parliaments, and Great Councils to which they are summoned and elected, as you may easily discern by comparing them; there being sometimes two months space or more, sometimes fifty days, but usually forty days, or more (according to the Charter of King John) between the date of the Writs and days of appearance in Parliaments, and Grand Councils. Yet in cases of extreme necessity, upon sudden unexpected dangers, I find two Parliaments summoned to meet within the space of forty days; as in Claus. 4 E. 3. d. 19. Where there was only two and thirty days between the date of the Writ and Parliament, which being unusual, there is an express clause in the Writs, that it should not be drawn into consequence for the future: So in 28 Eliz. the Writ bore date the 15th. of September, and the Parliament was to begin the 15th. of October following, but thirty days after. All other Writs (to my best remembrance) these two excepted, having at least forty days between the Teste, and days of appearance, that so the Members might have competent time to prepare themselves to repair to Parliaments and Great Councils after their Summons and Elections.

12. That in ancient times our Parliaments and Great Councils were more frequently summoned to meet and appear on the Lord's Day, than on any other day of the week; which abuse in succeeding times was reformed and quite discontinued even in times of Popery, as well as since the reformation of Religion.

13. That our Kings upon extraordinary public dangers, and other occasions, may summon Parliaments, Great Councils, Convocations as often as they think meet: That they were anciently summoned once or twice every year at least (and sometimes thrice, four or five times in one year) according to the ancient Constitution in the. Council at Hereford, Anno 673. Can. 7. The Law of King Alfred, Rotul. Ordinationum, 5 E. 2. n. 31. 4 E. 3. c. 14. Rot. Parl. n. 14. 36. E. 3. cap. 10. 50. E. 3. Rot. Parl. n. 181. 1 R. 2. rot. Parl. n. 95. 2. R. 2. rot. Parl. n. 4. 5. & 16 Carol. cap. 1.

14. That the more weighty, difficult, pressing, urgent the occasions and dangers were of summoning Parliaments the more importunate, vehement, urgent, mandatory, minatory, and compulsary, were the expressions, mandates, clauses in the Writs of Summens for the Lord's and Commons personal appearance and attendance, without admitting any excuses, or procurations, and not to depart from them without special license.

15. That when any public weighty businesses intended to be propounded, dispatched in one Parliament or Great Council, by reason of other businesses, or shortness of time, could not be propounded or concluded, therein; thereupon another Parliament or Council was soon after called to dispatch it, the day and place whereof was sometimes appointed in and by the Parliament next preceding before its dissolution.

16. That though anciently before the word Parliamentum came in use among our Ancestors, Great Councils were the same in substance with Parliaments; yet since the summoning of Knights, Citizens, Bu guesses and Barons of the Ports to Parliaments, and the insertion of Parliamentum, into the Writs of Summons and Statutes, you may ob erve some differences between Parliaments and Councils, and the Writs of Summons to them, which are frequently distinguished in the margin of the Clause Rolls; by this different entry; Summunitio Parliamenti, De veniendo ad Parliamentum, &c. & Summonitio Concllil, de veniendo ad Concilium, &c. The principal differences between them are these.

1. That many Bishops, Abbots and Nobles are usually omitted in the Summons to Councils, which were usually summoned to Parliaments, and seldom omitted in the summons to them, unless absent in foreign parts.

2. That many persons were summoned to Councils, which we never find summoned to Parliaments.

3. That there is no Clause of Praemunientes in the Writs of Summons to Councils issued to Archbishops, and Bishops, to summon their Chapters, Deans, Archdeacons, and Clergy of their Diocese; as there is usually in their Writs of Summons to Parliaments.

4. That Writs of Summons to Councils, issued to the Lord's & Great men are seldom accompanied with any Writs of Election for Knights, Citizens, Burgesses and Barons of Ports issued to Sheriffs, or the Warden of the Cinqueports; as Writs of Summons to Parliaments are; and if any Knights, Citizens or Burgesses be summoned to them, it is in a different manner and number, than when they were summoned to Parliaments.

5. Writs of Summons to Parliaments are usually accompanied with Writs of Summons to the Kings Councils, but those to Councils are never attended with such Writs, distinct from those issued to the spiritual and temporal Lord's, as Writs of Summons to Parliaments are. Which differences some injudicious Writers and Antiquaries not observing; have both confounded those Writs together as one, and mistaken one of them frequently for the other.

17. That the principal end, scope of summoning Parliaments ought to be the common benefit, ease, profit, welfare of the people, the execution, promotion of public Justice, the Peace and good Government of the Realm, the reformation of all public grievances, and oppressions, the enacting of wholesome Laws, the maintenance of the Great Charters and Liberties of the people, and freeing them from all unjust exactions, impositions, taxes, not granted by Parliament, nor warranted by Law; the necessary defense of the Realm by common consent against foreign enemies; and not to exact and impose unnecessary, insupportable, excessive, endless Aids and Taxes on the people.

18. That no public war ought to be undertaken, nor no Aids, Taxes, Imposts, Customs or Tallages imposed on, or exacted, levied on the people by our Kings, or any other, but only by common consent, and Grant of the Lord's and Commons in a full and free Parliament, though it be for the necessary defense of the Kingdom by Land or Sea, the defense or regaining of the Lands and Rights of the Crown in foreign parts; and that only in moderate and just proportions, granted only for a short season, and leavyed in a legal manner. Nor no men's Rights precluded or forejudged in Parliament by any general Act, before they be heard. Nor the Clergy taxed by the Lord's and Commons, but only by themselves in their convocations.

19. That the Writs of Summons to Parliaments enjoining all the temporal Earls, Peers, Lord's, and Barons of the Realm, and commanding them upon and in the Love, Faith, Homage, Allegiance they owe unto the King, to appear in proper person in their Parliaments, and that with a Quanunque excusation cessant ; 〈◊〉 & salvationem Regni nostri & Ecclesiae Anglicanae & expeditionem dictorum negotiorum diligitis, Nullatenus omittatis, &c. as the Writs enjoin them. And the Writs de Expensis Militum, & Burgensium levandis (issued only after each Parliament ended, not before) allowing every Knight, Citizen, Burgess, and Baron of the Ports his wages, In Ueniendo, Morando, et Redeundo; both in coming to, continuing at, and returning from the Parliament when dissolved; (forfeited by his departure thence without special license:) It must needs be the highest contempt against the Kings authority, the greatest injury, affront to the persons summoned, and those for whom they serve as Trustees or Attorneys, the most audacious, apparent violation of the Privileges and Freedom of Parliaments, for any person or persons whatsoever, by mere armed force, or other Machiavillian practices, to suspend or seclude any Lord, or other Member duly summoned, elected, retorned from sitting, voting, and discharging his trust in the Parliament House: Which the King and all his loyal subjects are bound in public Justice carefully to prevent; as is evident not only by the forecited passages and Records, (p. 27. 28 177. 219. to 222.) but by these two memorable Writs and Patents purposely issued for this purpose, in the case of the Archbishop of York.

There happening many differences between the Archbishops of Canterbury and York in former times, about carrying up their Crosses before them in one another's Provinces, when summoned to Councils and Parliaments, to the great disturbance of the public peace and proceedings in Parliament, oft interrupted, prorogued, adjourned by this means, and their absenting themselves from them, when summond out of their own Provinces, the Parliament at York (as some others before it) being adjourned upon this occasion. Anno. 6. E. 3. as the Writ of Prorogation to the Archbishop of Canterbury, Claus. 6. E. 3. m. 4. dorso recites; hereupon the King to prevent the like inconveniencies and Archbishops absence, issued this special writ to the Archbishop of Canterbury, not to prejudice or interrupt the Archbishop of York or his servants, for carrying his Cross before him within his Province, nor to enforce them to lay it down in coming to, continuing at, and returning from this Parliament at Westminster to which he was summoned.

Rex Venerabili in Christo Patri eadem gratia Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi, totius Angliae Primati, Salutem. Cum dudum tempore celebris memory Domini Edwardi nuper Regis Angliae patris nostri, inter tunc Archiepiscopum Cantuar. praedecessorem vestrum, & Venerabilem Patrem Willielmum Archiepiscopum Ebor-Angliae Primatem, pro malis & dissens onibus quae saepius ex bajulatione Crucis Praedecessorum vestrorum in Eboracensi Provincia, & Cruci Archiepiscoporum Eborum, in Provincia Cantuariensi oriebantur, sedandis & pacificandis, fuisset in praesentia ipsius Pa ris nostri & Praelatorum & aliorum Magnatum de Regno nostro plurimorum, ut pro certo dedicimus, ordinatum; Quod praefatus Praedecessor vester & successores sui ad Parliamenta & Tractatus dicti Patris nostri & Haeredum suorum quae infra dictam Ebor. Provinciam teneri contigerint, & praefatus Eboracensis Archiepiscopus & ipsius successores ad hujusmodi Parliamenta & Tractatus infra dictam Camuar. Provinciam tenenda, ad mandatum ipsius Patris nostri & haeredum suorum venientes Cruces suas ante se erectas portarent absque perturbatione inibi facienda, NE REGIA ET COMMUNIA REGNI N. GOTIA EA OCCASIONE IMPEDIENTUR: ac praefatus Archiepiscopus Eborum ad Parliamentum nostrum quod apud Westmon. in crastino Nativitatis Mariae Virginis prox. futur. tenere ordinavimus, ad tractandum Nobiscum, ac cum Praelatis & Magnatibus Regni nostri super diversis & arduis negotiis Nos & Statum Regni nostri contingentibus, jam de mandato nostro sit venturus: Nos nolentes nostra & Regni nostri negotia occasion dissensionum hujusmodi aliqualiter retardari, sed volentes concordiam praedictam quantum ad Nos attinet firmiter observari; Vobis injungendo mandamu , quod eidem Archiepiscopo Eborum seu hominibus suis super bajulatione Crucis ejusdem Archiepiscopi ante se infra vestram Provinciam in veniendo ad dictum Parliamentum, ibidem moran do & exinde ad propria redeundo, non inferatis, seuper alios inferri vel procurari aliqualiter faciatis dampnum, vituperium, impedimentum aliquod, seu gravamen, contra formam concordiae memoratae. Teste Rege apud Kyderminster. xviil, die Augusti, Anno Regni sui sexio.

And lest any others by the Archbishop of Canterburies instigation, and menaces of excommunication should instigate any Officers or others (as his Predecessors had done) to interrupt the Archbishop of York or his servants, and deny them meat, drink or lodging for their monies, for carrying his Cross erected before him within the Province of Canterbury, the King directed this special Inhibition and Mandate to them, of the same tenor and date with the Writ to the Archbishop by these Letters Patents.

Rex, Vicecomitibus, Majoribus, Ballivis, & omnibus aliis fidelibus suis tam infra libertates quam extra ad quos &c. salutem. Cum Venerabilis Pater Wilhelmus Archiepiscopus Ebor. Angliae Primas, ad Parliamentum nostrum quod apud Westm. in crastino Nativitatis beatae Mariae Virginis prox. futur. tenere ordinavimus de mandato nostro sit venturus, Vobis mandumus, quod eid m Archiepiscopo aut hominibus suis in personis aut rebus eorum super bajulatione Crucis ipsius Archiepiscopi ante se in veniendo ad dictum Parliamentum nostrum, ibidem morando, & exinde ad propria redeundo non inferatis, seu quantum in vobis est ab aliis inferri permittatis dampnum, impedimentum aliquod, seu gravamen, sed eis potius salvum & securum conductum cum per destrictum vestrorum local transitum fecerint, suis sumptibus habere faciatis, quotiens & quando per ipsos, seu eorum aliquo super hoc ex parte nostra fueritis requisiti. In cujus rei &c. (has literas fieri fecimus Patentes) usque ad festum Omnium Sanctorum prox. futur. duraturas. Teste Rege apud Kyderminster. 18. die Augusti, Anno Regni sui sexto. Per Breve de Privato Sigillo.

If our Kings had then so great a care, that neither of these two Prelates, nor their successors, nor any other of his officers or subjects by their instigation, should interrupt or disturb each other about this great controversy of Cross-bearing within each others Province, in coming to, residing at, or returning to any Parliaments to which our Kings and their heirs should legally summon them; nor seclude each other from sitting in them upon any pretence or difference between them; Then by the self same reason, all other lawful Members both of the Lord's and Commons House, ought to enjoy the self same Protection, Privilege, Freedom, immunity, and no ways to be interrupted, molested, disturbed by any other Officers, Subjects, Persons or Members whatsoever from freely repairing to, residing in, or returning from our Parliaments; much less to be forcibly secluded out of them by armed guards, new oaths, or popular tumults; Neither may, can, ought the House of Commons alone, nor any prevailing party in it, to exclude, eject any duly elected, returned Member, once admitted, without any Legal accusation, trial, cause at all; nor yet for betraying of his trust, or misdemeaning himself as a Member after his election, nor for any real offense as a Member, without and against the Kings and Lord's concurrent Judgments and assents, (in whom alone the power of Judicature resides in such as well as in all other causes, as I have elsewhere evidenced by unanswerable Presidents and the rules of right reason) he being summoned only by the Kings Writ and authority, empowered, trusted by his electors only, as their peculiar Trustee, Attorney (not his fellow Knights, Citizens, Burgesses) to do and assent to such things as shall be ordained by the King, Nobles and Common Counsel of the Realm, touching the weighty public affairs of the King and Kingdoms, and obliged anciently by Manucaptors, and since by their Indentures of retorn, and our Laws, not to depart from the Parliament, without the Kings special license, under pein of his indignation, and other penalties: Therefore no more to be suspended, secluded, ejected, imprisoned by his fellow-Commoners, without the Kings and Lord's concurrent Judgments and Assents, than one Judge or Justice on the Bench can unjustice, unjudge, uncommission another; one Trustee, Executor or Attorny discharge his fellow Trustees, Executors, Attorneys of their trusts; one Grand-Jury man thrust another out of the panell without the Judges consent; or one Common Counsel man of a City, or Livery man of a Company disfranchise and discommon another, without the consent or judgment of the Mayor and Aldermen of the City, or Master and Wardens of the Company whereof they are Members; Whatever exorbitant irregular practices have of late times been usurped by, or presidents made in the Commons House to the contrary, almost to the total, if not final subversion of all future Parliaments and their privileges; It being a Maxim in Law and Reason; Par in parem nonhabet Imperium, multo minus Superioritatem, especially in the Kings own Parliament, and Supreme Court of Justice, wherein himself and his- Nobles only sit as supreme Judges, not the Commons, as a distinct Court and independent Judicature of themselves, as some would fancy them in their Utopian brains and practices; much less can they e •• ude, vote down any Members of the House of Peers, or the whole ancient House of Lord's, or dishinherit them of their Birthrights, as some furious Bedlam Members of a dismembered, dissolved House of Commons have most insolently and injuriously, without hearing, trial, (against their own Acts, Declarations, Protestations, Vowes, Covenants, Commissions, Trusts,) attempted to intrude themselves into their places and Tribunals, and make themselves more than Lord's and Caesar's, not only over their Fellow-Commoners, but our Kings, Peers, Parliaments and Kingdoms, which they have trampled under their Papal feet, and metamorphosed at their pleasures, into sundry misshapen, mutable, unsettled new models, to our apparent approaching ruin, if God of his infinite mercy prevent it not by their reestablishment upon their ancient bases and foundations.

20. That if the forcible seclusion or disturbance of any Lord, or Member of the Lord's House duly summoned, who ought of right to sit, vote in the Lord's House, be so great a breach of Privilege, Injury, as I have evidenced, then the forcible suppression, seclusion of all the ancient Peers and House of Lord's, by any real or pretended Members of the late House of Commons, contrary to the express Clauses, Forms of all ancient Writs, and the very writs in 16. Caroli, without any legal jurisdiction, hearing, trial, must needs be a greater breach of trust, Privilege, Injustice in them, fit to be redressed for the future peace, Justice, settlement of our distracted Nations, and restoring our Parliaments to their pristine Splendour, Honor, ends, uses, for the redressing of all public Grievances.

If any Republicans, Army Officers, New Grandees, or others, here object, as some now do; That it will be both perilous and inconvenient to the Subjects, the House of Commons and its Members, to restore the ancient Lord's and House of Peers to their pristine Rights, Privileges, Jurisdiction, Judicature over them, in that latitude I have asserted, evidenced it by Histories and Records in my Plea for them, without prescribing some new just bounds and regulations unto them by the Commons House.

I answer. 1. That the Lord's being the only original ancient Members of our Great Councils, Parliaments, many hundreds of years before any Knights, Citizens, Burgesses, or House of Commons were called, admitted to them by the King and House of Lord's, and receiving no power, Judicature or Jurisdiction at all from the Commons, but what they have of right enjoyed, exercised in all precedent ages, without the least complaint, opposition or contradiction of the Commons in any former Parliaments before 17. Caroli; The Commons have no more authority, right, reason, urisdiction to limit, or restrain this their ancient right, Judicature, Privilege (much less to abrogate) then the Grand or Petty Jury have to limit, regulate the Judges or Justices Commissions, Authority on the Bench; or the Tenants the Jurisdiction of their Lord's Courts, or every Committee of the Commons House, the Excesses of the House itself; or the Unparliamentary Iuncto, which voted them down and engaged against them, without the least color of Jurisdiction, Law, reason, hearing, impeachment, trial, had to usurp such a transcendent power over them, not to be paralelld in any age, nor now approved by assenting to it.

2ly. That the old Lord's and House of Peers in no cases ever exercised such an exorbitant, arbitrary, tyrannical Jurisdiction, Illegall power in all kinds, as the Commons House, and every of their Committees and Sub-Committees of Examinations, Sequestrations, Compositions, Sale of Delinquents estates, Crown Lands, Obstructions, Appeales, Scandalous Ministers, and High Courts of Justice have done, without the least Report to the House itself of their proceedings, both over the King and his Posterity; the Peers of the Realm, their fellow Members, (secluded, secured, imprisoned, close imprisoned, ejected, exiled by them without any cause or hearing at all) and their fellow Commoners of all sorts deprived of their Inheritances, Estates, Offices, Liberties, Callings, Lives, and the benefit of the Laws themselves, for not taking their new Oaths and Engagements, contrary to Law, and their former legal Oaths, Leagues and Solemn Covenant and Protestation, w •• hout a legal Indictment, or trial by a Jury of their equals, or witnesses viva voice upon Oath, since their slighting, suppressing of the old House of Lord's; who should have restrained, reformed these their unparallelld extravagancies, which I could prove by hundreds of sad Instances, and have briefly hinted in my lea for the old Lord's, page 413. to 419. For which very reason they ought now to be restored; being an excellent Bank and Screen between the Prince and People, to assist each against any encroachments on the other, and by just judgments to preserve that Law, which ought to be the Rule between everyone of the three, and trusted with a Judicatory power to this very end.

3ly. Some of those very Members of the late Commons House, Army, and Whitehall, who would disseise them of their House, Privileges, Birthrights, and ancient Jurisdiction, before they took upon them the Title of Lord's, or of the House of Lord's, as pretended Members of the Commons House, a little before and since their votes against the old House of Lord's; as Committees of that House; or Commissioners in their new rected High Courts of Justice, Members of the Council of State at White-Hall, or Council of Army-Officers; or Major Generals, and Deputy Major Generals, have acted a thousand, times more exorbitantly, arbitrarily, tyrannically to the subversion of the Fundamental Laws, Liberties, properties, Government, Justice of the Nation, oppressing, improverishing, vexing, dishinheriting, destroying, enslaving of the Freemen of England, than ever any old Lord's, or House of Lord's, or Kings of England in Parliament heretofore did in any age whatsoever; Witness their usurpations of a more than absolute Parliamentary power to themselves, by their own Votes, Or ers, Declarations alone, to alter, new model (over and over) the whole frame of our Parliaments, Laws, and public Government; their electing Knights, Citizens, Burgesses for what they styled a Parliament, without the least privity or election of the people; their dissolving, & declaring the long Parliament to be dissolved, against an express Act of Parliament; their repealing many old Laws, Acts, Oaths, enacting new Laws contrary to them; creating New Treasons and misprision of Treasons; yea imposing heavy, excessive New Taxes, Customs, Excises of all sorts, on the three Nations, not only in their private Westminster conventions, but by their Army and Whitehall Ordinances (amounting to a large Folio Volume ) without any Parliament or legal Act of Parliament; ordering them to be levied, by fines, forfeitures, sales of the refusers real and personal es ates, imprisonments, soldiers quartering, and the like; Injoysing All Courts of Justice, Judges, Justices, Sheriffs, Officers of this Commonwealth, Counselors, Attorneys, and other Persons, to conform themselves accordingly without any opposition or dispute whatsoever; and committing their very Counsel to the Tower as Traitors or Grand Delinquents, only for arguing their Cases upon an Habeas Corpus in Westminster Hall, according to Law and their Duties; Their taking away the lives, liberties or estates, freeholds of thousands, without any legal Trial, or Indictment of their Peers; their banishing, confining, imprisoning, close imprisoning hundreds, yea thousands at a time, upon mere fears and jealousies; and binding them and all their servants in excessive bonds with sureties; their disfranchising Mayors, Bailiffs, Aldermen, others in corporations; enforcing divers to release their legal actions, Judgments, Executions, and committing them at their pleasures till they did it, against the express tenor not only of the Grand Charter, Petition of Right, and other. Acts, but the very letter of the late Act; For preventing of Inconveniences, happening by the long intermission of Parliaments, The Acts for the 3. first subsidies of Tonnage and Poundage; The Act for regulating the Privy Counsel, For declaring unlawful and void the late proceedings touching Ship-money, and other Acts passed by some of their own Votes, in the Parliament of 16. and 17. Caroli, of which, or the like exorbitances, no ancient Peers, or House of Lord's, were ever yet guilty. And if some of those persons who would usurp, or abridg the old Lord's power have been so arbitrary & tyrannical in all kinds, before they claimed the Title of Lord's, or House of Lord's, how exorbitant, in all probability, are they likely to grow in a short time, (having Command in the Army, and other Courts) if they should be established in their new Lordly Power, and the old House of Lord's put by, who should correct, restrain these their unparalelld Excesses for the whole Nations ease and benefit.

4. If these new Peers, be in truth, Law, Herauldry, no true or real Lord's, Barons, Peers of the Realm by their Writs of Summons, for the premised reasons (but merely imaginary, Titular and false ones, like those created by the usurper King Stephen;) then the House of Commons can neither in Law nor verity agree or assent to anything that shall be ordained by them, according to the tenor of the Writs of Summons; nor establish any settlement that can be reputed legal or obligatory to Posterity, in a Parliamentary Way, if the ancient real Peers and legal House of Lord's be set aside and disowned. And therefore they must of necessity own, close with them alone, and remit them to their old hereditary right, else they can never make nor expect any real lasting settlement of our distracted State and Government; and all they vote will quickly prove abortive, illegitimate; as the late New-models, Instruments, and Advices have done.

5ly. The setting aside the ancient Lord's and House of Peers, and establishing their very Disseisors in their places, as the only future Lord's and House of Peers: will both justify all their recited Exorbitances, Excesses, Violences, & Tyrannical proceedings against the old Lord's, their Fellow Commons, & others, (transcending Straffords, Caterburies and the worst old Counsel-Table Lord's excesses by many degrees) & ratify, yea reward, crown them with the highest public Honor, Trust, Power they are capable of, even in Parliaments themselves. Which will not only probably excite, encourage others in succeeding times, to the like dangerous extravagancies, excesses, to the public prejudice and desolation; but animate them, when settled in their new Lordly Authority, to pursue their former practices, and turn greater Tyrants, Oppressors in all kinds then formerly they have been, to the utter enslaving of our Nations, and embroyling them in new Tumults. Yea, how far it may tend to the Total and Final suppression of the Commons House itself in succeeding times, is worthy sad and serious consideration. For if the Commons House shall not only silently connive at, but openly approve and assent to the dissolving, suppressing of the old Lord's and their House, by pretext of former illegal, unrighteous Votes ( mere nullities by all Laws) made by a Fragment of a dissolved House of Commons, sitting under a force, not having the least Jurisdiction or power of Judicature over them, against all rules of Justice, the very fundamental Laws of the Land, the undoubted Rights and Privileges of Parliament, Prescription time out of mind, all old & late Acts, Records of Parl. their very Solemn League, Covenant, Protestation, and hundreds of late Declarations and Remonstrances to the contrary: They may justly fear, and well expect by way of divine and human retaliation, that their very New erected House of Lord's when once established, having the power of Judicature (if not of the Army) in them, to preserve themselves from the like Usurpations of the Commons over them in after ages, will upon the first opportunity, Vote down (by this their president) the whole House of Commons, and quite suppress it for the future, as Vselesse, dangerous, factious, Tumul uous, seditious, arbitrary, Tyrannicall, oppressive to the people, degenerated from its ancient duty, bounds moderation; as not only some of our late Kings, but of those new intended Lord's have publicly branded, proclaimed it to be, in late printed Declarations; and constitute all future Parliaments only of a House of Lord's and Great men of the Realm, (assisted with the Counsel and Justices) without any Knights, Citizens, Burgesses, Barons of Ports, or House of Commons, according to all ancient long continued Presidents in former ages, before 49. H. 3. when (for ought appears) the Commons were first admitted, and called unto Parliaments out of mere grace by the Kings Writs: Or at least the disinherited ancient Nobility (in case they regain their pristine Rights of Session, Judicature in Parliament, without the Commons assistance, of which there is no absolute future improbability) may by way of Justice and retaliation, set the Commons House quite aside, for their late transcendent breaches, abuses of their Trusts towards them, in secluding, and voting them quite down, against their Writs, Indentures, Duties, Oaths; by which they have legally forfeited all their Privileges and right of Parliamentary session, according to this received Maxim in all Laws, Privilegium amittat qui improbabili temeritate quod non accepit usurpat; & sua authoritate non legitime utitur, sed abutitur potestate. Which weighty consideration (though seconded with none else) should engage all Commoners to pursue the golden rule, precept of Christ himself, as well in point of prudence, conscience, Justice, as morality towards the old Lord's: Matth. 7. 12. Therefore all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them; for this is the Law and the Prophets: For with the same measure that ye meat withal, it shall be measured to you again, as Luk. 6. 38. Judge. 1. 6. 7. Psal. 137. 8. Rev. 13. 10. c. 16. 5. 6. Ezek. 35, 10. 11. 14. 15. Obad. 15. 16. Joel. 3. 6. 7. 8. Gen. 9. 6. Mat. 26. 52. I am. 2. 13. do all infallibly resolve us, as well as late experiments.

21. That the first and principle things specified in the Writs of summons, as the prime ends for which Parliaments are summoned, is to debate and consult of quaedam specialia & ardua negotia Nos, et Statum regni nostri, et etiam Iura, Salvationem, et Defensionem Coronae nostrae Regiae (as well as Regni nostri et Ecclesie Anglicanae) specialiter & intime contingentib s. And all Knights, Citizens, Burgesses, Barons of Ports elected, returned to serve in Parliament in the Commons House, receive plenam & sufficientem potestatem pro se, et Communitate Comitatuum, Civitatum, Burgorum et Portuum, from those Commonalties who elect them, only ad faciendum & consentiendum his quae tunc ibidem de communi Consilio Comitum, Baronum, or dicti Regni nostri contigerit ordinari super Negotiis antedictis, quod hoc breve, or, prout breve illud in se exigit & requirit; as the express words of the Sheriffs returns and their Indentures evidence: Therefore their enacting anything by themselves alone, without the Earls, Barons and Lord's House; or Majoritie of their Fellow Commoners; or against their Counsel, Votes, advice, to the prejudice, destruction, subversion of the Kings Person, State, Kingdom, and the Prerogative, Rights of his Royal Crown and Dignity.▪ which they were purposely summoned by the King, and authorized, entrusted only by their Electors, Commonalties, people, to preserve, support, and defend; and to do and consent to nothing else inconsistent with, or repugnant to these ends; is the highest prevarication, treachery, violation of their Trusts, Duties, that can possibly be imagined, deserving the most exemplary punishments: And those Republicans who lately acted in this kind, to the destruction of the King, kingdom, the prerogatives, Rights of the Crown, Parliament, Lord's and Monarchy of England, upon this pretext, that they were entrusted, empowered thus to do by the people, and those who did elect them; are the most notorious Impostors, Prevaricators, Infringers, Peruerters, Falsifiers of their trusts and power in this kind that ever England yet produced; as all the forecited Writs, compared with their 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 their retorns, unanimously resolve, against their false absurd pretences to the contrary, wherewith they have endeavored to blind and cheat the people; in whom they verbally voted, placed the Sovereign power, only by this forged, hypocritical pretext, actually to usurp, appropriate it to themselves, as their Trustees, and Representatives; presently thereupon in all their new published Knacks, Papers, intitling themselves alone, (not the people) the SUPREAM AUTHORITY OF THE NATION, making the people greater Slaves and Uassalls to them in respect of their Laws, Lives, Members, Liberties, Freeholds, Franchises, Properties, Estates, than ever they were in any age, under Beheaded King Charles, or the worst of all our Kings and Lord's; who never acted half so arbitrarily, tyrannically in every kind, as they, their Committees, High Courts of Justice, Councils of State, Major Generals, Excise-men, and other Officers have done; since their late Exorbitant Anti-parliamentary Usurpations, Innovations, Proceedings, under the disguise and Notion of the Parliament of England, without A KING, & HOUSE OF LORD'S, or the secluded MAIORITY OF THE COMMONS HOUSE itself; the forced absence, seclusion of all and every of which 3. made them no real Parliament at all, but an Anti-Parliamentary Conventicle, and all their mi intitled Acts, Ordinances, mere Nullities both in Law and Conscience, fit to be enternally exploded by the whole English Nation, and all future new Parliaments, to prevent the like pernicious Extravagances in after ages, which have involved us in so many various Miseries, Warrs, Perplexities, Fears, Dangers, Oppressions, Factions, Troubles, Changes, Unsettlements, and Confusions, which, without God's infinite mercy, presage naught else but total and final Desolation both to our Church, State, and Nations.

Our Law-books resolve the Parliament to be a Corporation, consisting of the King as thief head, the Lord's as the Superior, and the Commons as inferior Members, who ought mutually to preserve each others interests, and unite their counsels for the public good, without any seisure or encroachment upon one another. For as there is nothing but giddiness, torture, distemper, consumption, restlessness, sickness, inactivity, maimedness, & confusion in the body natural, whiles the head, or chief joints, bones, parts of it are inverted, dislocated, fractured, severed, and kept out of joint; and no other means left when thus distorted, to restore it to rest, health, soundness, activity, and prevent its dissolution by death, but with all speed and cate to restore every Member, bone, joint to its proper place, posture, office, and preserve them from subsequent dislocations and fractures. So it hath been and will be with this body Politick: It will never be reduced to its pristine health, soundness, vigor, use, ends; or become medicinal, to settle or advance the public weal of the Nation, till all its dislocated broken Members be restored to their due places and power in it, without which it will soon come to utter desolation, as 1. Cor. 12. 12, to 31. Gal. 5. 15. Mat. 12. 25. Isa 19. 2. 14, 15. Prov. 30. 21. 22, will assure all carnal Politicians who think the contrary,

22. That as it was the prudence, policy, justice of our Parliaments, Nobles, Great men in former ages, not to vote, conclude, or enact anything in Parliament, when any of their chief Members were absent, or not summoned, or restrained from them, and to determine all Great Affairs in FULL PARLIAMENT: So it was also their special care to preserve the Jurisdiction of the Kings Courts of Common Law, as a chief right and flower of the Crown, and the ancient Laws and Customs of the Realm, against all encroachments upon them by Popes, Bishops, or any others, as is evident by sundry instances elsewhere cited; and by this memorable Writ of Prohibition, isiued in King. H. 3 his name, on the behalf of the Nobles of England to the Bishop of Durbam; Proving the interpretation of the Laws and Customs of the Realm, (in any doubtful cases of public concernment) to belong only to the King and his Nobles, ( assisted with the Judges and Council ) not to the Clergy, Commons, or any other person or persons.

R x Waltero Episcopo Dunolm: salutem. Cum secundum Leges et Consuetudines regni nostri, quae tio de Jure Patronatus Ecclesiarum Regni ejusdem, adjus & dignitatem Coronae nostrae pertineat, et de soro nostro, vel eorum qui Regalia jura de nostravel Praedecessorum nostrorum largitione susceperunt, de plano existunt. Ac de COMMUNI CONSILIO PROCERUM NOSTRORUM DUXIMUS PROVIDENDUM ET FIRMITER STATUENDUM, ut leges t consuetudines Regni nostri super hiis et aliis, ab omnibus observentur qui concessis fibi regalibus, et aliis Libertatibus gaudent, vel de unitate ac pace nostra et regni nostri censeri voluerint. Cumque interpraetationes Legum et Consuetudinum praedictarum AD NOS ET PROCERES NOSTROS PERTINEANT, NEC AD ALIVM VEL ALIOS ipsas leges vel consuetudines declarare vel interpretari possit aut debeat pertinere: Vobis DE CONSILIO PROCERVM NOSTRORVM PROHIBEMVS, ne icut usum Regalium libertatum quas vos habere praetenditis gaudere volueritis, alicui interpraetationi per quemcunque alium factae vel faciendae innitamini, vel aliquid per eam fieri procuretis, vel fieri pronunciatis, contra leges et consuetudines in regno nostro usitatas, et hactenus observatas. Maxim cum secundum leges et consu tudines supradictas judicari debeat ad quos vel quem, et per cujusmodi assignationes seu concessiones debeat jus Patronatus cum Maneriis vel Feodalibus in Regno nostro, ad alios transire. Quod si super re praedicta aliter fieri seu judicari contigerit, ipsas libertates regales praenotatas ad Nos per vestrum abusum censemus devolvendas. Teste Rege apud Westin. 11. die Septembris. Per Comitem Gloucestriae, & Hug. le Bigod Justic. Angliae, EX PARTE MAGNATUM.

What else is worthy Observation, from or concerning these, or other Parliamentary Writs, I shall adjourn to the succeeding Parts of this Register, Kalendar and Survey; till whose publications,

Dimidium facti qui been caepit, habet.
FINIS.