Baxters Narrative of His Life and Times

had made his own Adherents: Many more were carried part of the way, to Independency, and Liberty of Religions; and many that minded not any side in Religion, did think that it was no Policy ever to trust a conquered King, and therefore were wholly for a Parliamentary Government: Of these some would have Lord's and Commons as a mixture of Aristocracy and Democracy, and others would have Commons and Democracy alone; and some thought that they ought to judge the King for all the Blood that had been shed. And thus when the two Parts of the House were ejected and imprisoned, this third part composed of the Vanists, the Independents, and other Sects, with the Democratical Party, was left by Cromwell to do his Business under the Name of the Parliament of England; but by the People in Scorn commonly called, The Rump of the Parliament. The secluded and imprisoned Members published a Writing called, their Vindication; and some of them would afterwards have thrust into the House, but the Guard of Soldiers kept them out, and the Rump were called the Honest Men. And these are the Men that henceforward we have to do with in the Progress of our History, as called, The Parliament.

§ 96. As the Lord's were disaffected to these Proceedings, so were the Rump and Soldiers to the Lord's: So that they passed a Vote (supposing that the Army would stand by them) to establish the Government without a King and House of Lord's; and so the Lord's dissolved, and these Commons sat and did all alone. And being deluded by Cromwell, and verily thinking that he would be for Democracy, which they called a Commonwealth, they gratified him in his Designs, and themselves in their disloyal Distrusts and Fears; and they caused a High Court of Justice to be erected, and sent for the King from the Isle of Wight: Colonel Hammond delivered him, and to Westminster-Hall he came, and refusing to own the Court and their Power to try him, Cook as Attorney having pleaded against him, Bradshaw as President and Judge recited the Charge and condemned him: And before his own Gate at Whitehall they erected a Scaffold, and before a full Assembly of People beheaded him: Wherein appeared the Severity of God, the Mutability and Uncertainty of Worldly Things, and the Fruits of a sinful Nation's Provocations, and the infamous Effects of Error, Pride and Selfishness, prepared by Satan to be charged hereafter upon Reformation and Godliness, to the unspeakable Injury of the Christian Name and Protestant Cause, the Rejoicing and Advantage of the Papists, the Hardning of Thousands against the Means of their own Salvation, and the Confusion of the Actors when their Day is come.

§ 97. The Lord General Fairfax all this while stood by, and, with high Resentment, saw his Lieutenant do all this by tumultuous Soldiers, tricked and over-powered by him; neither being sufficiently upon his Guard to defeat the Intreagues of such an Actor; nor having Resolution enough (as yet) to lay down the Glory of all his Conquests and for sake him: But at the King's Death he was in wonderful Perplexities, and when Mr. Colomy and some Ministers were sent for to resolve him, and would have farther persuaded him to rescue the King, his Troubles so confounded him, that they durst let no Man speak to him: And Cromwell kept him (as it was said) in praying and consulting till the Stroke was given, and it was too late to make Resistance. But not long after, when War was determined against Scotland, he laid down his Commission, and never had to do with the Army more, and Cromwell was General in his stead.

§ 98. If you ask what did the Ministers all this while; I answer, they Preach'd and Pray'd against Disloyalty: They drew up a Writing to the Lord General, declaring their Abhorrence of all Violence against the Person of the King, and urging him and his Army to take heed of such an unlawful Act: They present it to the General when they saw the King in Danger: But Pride prevailed against their Counsels.

§ 99. The King being thus taken out of the way, Cromwell takes on him to be for a Commonwealth (but all in order to the Security of the good People) till he had removed the other Impediments which were yet to be removed: so that the Rump presently drew up a Form of Engagement, to be put upon all Men, viz. [ I do promise to be True and Faithful to the Commonwealth as it is now established without a King or House of Lord's. ] So we must take the Rump for an established Commonwealth, and promise Fidelity to them. This the Sectarian Party swallowed easily, and so did the King's old Cavaliers, so far as I was acquainted with them, or could hear of them (not heartily, no doubt, but they were very few of them sick of the Disease called tenderness of Conscience, or Scrupulosity: But the Presbyterians, and the moderate Episcopal Men refused it, (and I believe so did the Prelatical Divines of the King's Party for the most part; though the Gentlemen had greater Necessities.) Without this Engagement no Man must have the Benefit of suing another at Law (which kept Men a little from Contention, and would have mar'd the Lawyers trade); nor must they have any Masterships in the Universities, nor travel above so many Miles from their Houses, and more such Penalties, which I remember not (so short Lived a Commonwealth deserved no long Remembrance): Mr. Vines and Dr. Rainbow, and many more were hereupon put out of their Headships in the Universities, and Mr. Sidrach Simpson, and Mr. Io. Sadler, and such others put in; yea, such a Man as Mr. Dell, the Chaplain of the Army, who, I think, neither understood himself, nor was understood by others any farther than to be one, who took Reason, Sound Doctrine, Order and Concord to be the intolerable Maladies of Church and State, because they were the greatest Strangers to his Mind. But poor Dr. Edward Reynolds had the hardest Measure; for when he refused to take the Engagement, his Place was forfeited; and afterwards they drew him to take it, in hopes to keep his Place, (which was no less than the Deanarie of Christ's-Church ) and then turned him out of all, and offered his Place to Mr. Ios. Caryll; but he refusing it, it was conferred on Dr. Owen, to whom it was continued from year to year.

And because the Presbyterians still urged the Covenant against killing the King, and pulling down the Parliament, and setting up a Commonwealth, and taking the Engagement, some of the Independent Brethren maintained, that its Obligation ceased, because it was a League, and the Occasion of it ceased: And some of the Rump said it was like an Almanac out of date; and some of the Soldiers said they never took it; and others of them railed at it as a Scottish Snare: So that when their Interest would not suffer them to keep so solemn a Vow, their Wills would not suffer their Judgments to confess it to be Obligatory, at least, as to the part which they must violate.

§ 100. For my own part, though I kept the Town and Parish of Kidderminster from taking the Covenant (and seeing how it might become a Snare to their Consciences) yea, and most of Worcestershire besides, by keeping the Ministers from offering it in any of the Congregations to the People (except in Worcester City, where I had no great Interest, and know not what they did); yet I could not judge it seemly for him that believed there is a God, to play fast and loose with a dreadful Oath, as if the Bonds of National and Personal Vows were as easily shak'd off as Sampson 's Cords.

Therefore I spake and preached against the Engagement, and dissuaded Men from taking it: The first hour that I heard of it, being in Company with some Gentlemen of Worcestershire, I presently wrote down above twenty Queries against it, intending as many more almost against the Obligation, as those were about the Sense and Circumstances: And one that was present got the Copy of them, and shortly after, I met with them verbatim in a Book of Mr. Henry Hall 's as his own: (one that was long imprisoned for writing against Cromwell. )

Some Episcopal Divines that were not so scrupulous it seems as we, did write for it (private Manuscripts which I have seen) and plead the irresistability of the Imposers, and they found starting holes in the Terms, viz. That by the Commonwealth they will mean the present Commonwealth in genere, and by [ Established ] they will mean only de facto, and not de jure, and by [ without a King, &c.] they mean not quatenus but Etsi; and that only de facto pro tempore; q. d. I will be true to the Government of England, though at the present the King and House of Lord's are put out of the Exercise of their power]. These were the Expositions of many Episcopal Men, and others that took it: But I endeavored to evince, that this is mere juggling and jesting with Matters too great to be jested with: And that as they might easily know that the Imposers had another sense, so as easily might they know that the words in their own obvious usual sense among men, must be taken as the Promise or Engagement of a Subject as such to a Form of Government now pretended to be established: And that the Subjects Allegiance or Fidelity to his Rulers can be acknowledged and given in no plainer words: And that by such Interpretations and Stretchings of Conscience, any Treasonable Oath or Promise may be taken, and no Bonds of Society can signify much with such Interpreters.

§ 101. England and Ireland being thus Conquered by Cromwell, (by deluding well-meaning Men into his Service, and covering his Ambition with the Lord Fairfax 's Generalship); the Parliament being imprisoned and cast out, the King cut off, and the Rump established as a new Commonwealth, (those great and solid Men, Pim, Hampden, &c. being long before dead and rid out of his way, who else had been like to have prevailed against the Plots of Vane in the Parliament) you would think there were nothing now standing in his way, to hinder him from laying hands upon the Crown. But four Impediments yet stood before him: 1. The numerous Cavaliers (or Royalists) ready for new Enterprizes against him. 2. The Scots, who resolved to stick to the Covenant and the King. 3. The Army, which must be untaught all the Principles which he is now permitting them to learn: (For those Principles which must bring him to the Crown, are the worst in the World for him when once he is there). 4. The Ministers of England and Scotland, and all the sober People who regarded them.

The first of these he most easily (though not without struggling) overcame, making his advantage by all their Enterprizes. The second put him harder to it, but he overcame them at last. The third proved yet a greater difficulty, but he seemed absolutely to overcome it, yet leaving still some Life in the root. The fourth strove against him more calmly and prudently, with invincible Weapons, and though they were quiet, were never overcome; but at last revived the spark of Life which was left in the third, and thereby gave a Resurrection to the first and second, and so recovered all at last; not to the state of their own Interest, or to that Condition of Church Affairs which they desired, but to that Civil State of Royal Government to which they were engaged, and from which the Nation seemed to have fallen.

These are the true Contents of the following parts that were acted in these Lands: The Rump I might mention as another of his Impediments, but as they now were doing his work, so I conjoin the Relicts of them which then disturbed him, with the Army who were the strength by which they did it.

§ 102. The King being dead, his Son was by right immediately King, (and from that time he dateth his Reign.) The Scots send Messengers to him to come over to them and take the Crown: But they treat with him first for his taking of the Covenant; and renouncing the Wars, and the Blood that was shed in them by his Fathers Party. By which I perceive that the Scots understood the Clause in the Covenant of [ Defending the King's Person and Authority in the Defense of the true Religion and the Liberties of the Kingdom ] otherwise than we did: For as they extended the word [ true Religion ] further than we did (including the Form of Church Government in Scotland ) so they seem to understand it Conjunctione inseparabili; and to prefer the Defense of Religion before the Defense of the King: whereas we understood it Conjunctione seperabili; and though in mere estimation we preferred Religion before King or Kingdom, yet in regard of the Duty of Defense, we thought the King must be restored and defended, though (legally) he would have brought in worse than Prelacy: Though we did not think that he might do it illegally; and therefore that he could not govern Arbitrarily, nor take away the Peoples fore-prized Propriety or Liberty, nor change the Form of the Government of the Commonwealth.

But those that thought otherwise, said, That there is no power but from God, and therefore none against him or above him; and therefore none against or above his Laws]: which how true soever, seemeth not at all to decide our Case: For though it follow never so much that such Acts against God are not Acts of Authority, yet the same Person that hath not Authority to do this, may have Authority in other matters, and may be our rightful Governor, and therefore must be obeyed in all things lawful, (though not in this;) and his Person defended. And therefore how they could refuse to receive the King, till he consented to take the Covenant, I know not: unless the taking of the Covenant had been a Condition on which he was to receive his Crown by the Laws or Fundamental Constitution of the Kingdom (which none pretendeth). Nor know I by what power they can add anything to the Coronation Oath or Covenant, which by his Ancestors was to be taken, without his own Consent. But in their Zeal for the Church, the Scots did cause the King, when he was come over to them, not only ( mutat is mutandis ) to take the Covenant, but also to publish a Declaration to the World, that he did it voluntarily and heartily, and that he lamented the Sins of his Father's House, acknowledging the Guilt of the Blood of the late Wars, &c. ] In all which it seemed to me and many others that they miscarried divers ways: 1. In imposing Laws upon their King, for which they had no Authority. 2. In forcing him to dishonor the Memory of his Father, by such Consessions. 3. In tempting him to speak and publish that which they might easily know was contrary to his heart, and so to take God's Name in vain. 4. And in giving Cromwell occasion to charge them all with dissimulation.

§ 103. What Transactions there were between the King and the Scots for the Expediting of his Coronation, and what Preparations were made for an Army to defend him, and what Differences among the Parties hereabouts, I shall not describe, there being enow of them that were upon the place who can do it better: But to return to England, as soon as they understood what the Scots had done, the Sectaries in England reproached them as Fools and Hypocrites, that by such a Pageantry mocked themselves, and would make the People believe that the King was turned Presbyterian, and was a Cordial Covenanter, when they had forced him to say and do that which they might well know he did abhor. And they presently resolve to invade the Scots, to keep them from invading England, and not to stay till they came in upon this Land, as heretofore. So that Cromwell is in Scotland with his Army before they were well settled in their Affairs. This much increased the alienation of the Peoples hearts from the Cromwellians: for though they might suppose that the Scots intended to bring the King into England, yet few believed that he might begin with them by an Invasion, it being too much to have resisted them at home.

§ 104. When the Soldiers were going against the King and Scots, I wrote Letters to some of them to tell them of their Sin, and desired them at last to begin to know themselves: it being those same men that have so much boasted of Love to all the Godly, and pleaded for tender dealing with them, and condemned those that persecuted them or restrained their Liberty, who are now ready to imbrue their Swords in the Blood of such as they acknowledge to be Godly, and all because they dare not be perjured or disloyal as they are. Some of them were startled at these Letters, and (O blindness!) thought me an uncharitable Censurer that would say that they could kill the Godly, even when they were on their march to do it: For how bad soever they spake of the Cavaliers, (and not without too much desert as to their Morals) they confessed that abundance of the Scots were godly Men. And afterward those that I wrote to better understood me.

§ 105. At the same time the Rump (or Commonwealth) who so much abhorred Persecution, and were for Liberty of Conscience, made an Order that all Ministers should keep their days of Humiliation, to fast and pray for their Success in Scotland: and that we should keep their Days of Thanksgiving for their Victories; and this upon pain of Sequestration: so that we all expected to be turned out: but they did not execute it upon any save one in our parts.

For my part, instead of praying and preaching for them, when any of the Committee or Soldiers were my hearers, I labored to help them to understand, what a Crime it was to force men to pray for the Success of those that were violating their Covenant and Loyalty, and going in such a Cause to kill their Brethren: And what it was to force Men to give God thanks for all their Bloodshed, and to make God's Ministers and Ordinances vile, and serviceable to such Crimes, by forcing Men to run to God on such Errands of Blood and Ruin: And what it is to be such Hypocrites as to persecute and cast out those that preach the Gospel, while they pretend the advancement of the Gospel, and the liberty of tender Consciences: And what a means it was to debauch all Consciences, and leave neither tenderness nor honesty in the World, when the Guides of the Flocks, and Preachers of the Gospel shall be noted to swallow down such heinous Sins.

My own Hearers were all satisfied with my Doctrine, but the Committee Men look sour, but let me alone. And the Soldiers said I was so like to Love, that I would not be right till I was shorter by the Head. Yet none of them ever meddled with me farther than by the Tongue, nor was I ever by any of them in those times, forbidden or hindered to preach one Sermon, except only one Assize-Sermon which the High Sheriff had desired me to preach, and afterward sent me word to • orbear, as from the Committee, saying, That by Mr. Moor 's means (the Independent Preacher at the College) the Committee told him that they desired me to forbear, and not to preach before the Judges, because I preached against the State: But afterward they excused it, as done merely in kindness to me, to keep me from running myself into danger and trouble.

§ 106. Not far from this time the London Ministers were called Traitors by the Rump and Soldiers for plotting for the King (a strange kind of Treason), because they had some Meetings to contrive how to raise some small Sum of Money for Massey 's relief, who was then in Scotland: And some false Brother discovered them, and eight of them were sent to the Tower, Mr. Arthur Jackson, Dr. Drake, Mr. Watson, Mr. Love, Mr. Ienkins, &c. and Mr. Nalson and Mr. Caughton fled into Holland, where one died, but the other returned and lived to suffer more by them he suffered for.

Mr. Love was tried at a Court of Justice, where Edm. Prideaux a Member and Solicitor for the Commonwealth, did think his Place allowed him to plead against the Life and Blood of the Innocent. Mr. Love was condemned and beheaded, dying neither timorously nor proudly in any desperate Bravado, but with as great alacrity and fearless quietness and freedom of Speech, as if he had but gone to Bed, and had been as little concerned as the standers by. An honest Gentleman was beheaded with him for the same Cause. And at the time of their Execution, or very near it on that day, there was the dreadfullest Thunder and Lightning and Tempest, that was heard or seen of a long time before.

This Blow sunk deeper towards the Root of the New Commonwealth, than will easily be believed; and made them grow odious to almost the Religious Party in the Land, except the Sectaries: (Though some malicious Cavaliers said it was good enough for him, and laughed at it as good News): for now the People would not believe that they sought the promoting of the Gospel, who killed the Ministers for the Interest of their Faction. And there is, as Sir Walter Rawleigh noteth of Learned Men, such as Demosthenes, Cicero, &c. so much more in Divines of famous Learning and Piety, enough to put an everlasting odium upon those whom they suffer by, though the Cause of the Sufferers were not justifiable. Men count him a vile and detestable Creature, who in his passion, or for his interest, or any such low account, shall deprive the World of such Lights and Ornaments, and cut off so much excellency at a blow, and be the Persecutors of such worthy and renowned Men. Though the rest of the Ministers were released, upon Mr. Ienkins 's Recantation, and Confession that God had now convinced him, that he ought to submit to the present Government. Yet after this, the most of the Ministers and good People of the Land, did look upon the New Commonwealth as Tyranny, and were more alienated from them than before.

§ 107. The Lord Fairfax now laid down his Commission, and would have no more of the Honor of being Cromwell 's Instrument or Mask, when he saw that he must buy it at so dear a rate. And so Cromwell with applause received a Commission, and entered upon his place.

And into Scotland he hasteneth, and there he maketh his way near Edinburgh, where the Scots Army lay: But after long skirmishing and expectations, when he could neither draw the Scots out of their Trenches to a fight, nor yet pass forward, his Soldiers contracted Sicknesses, and were impatient of the Poverty of the Country, and so with a weakened ragged Army he drew off to return to England, and had the Scots but let him go, or cautelously followed him, they had kept their Peace and broken his Honor: But they drew out and followed him, and overtaking him near Dunbarr, did force him to a Fight, by engaging his Rear; in which Fight being not of equal Fortitude they were totally rowted, their Foot taken, and their Horse pursued to Edinburgh.

§ 108. Ten thousand Prisoners of the Foot were brought to Newcastle, where the greatness of the Number, and the baseness of the Country (with their Poverty) and the cruel Negligence of the Army, caused them to be almost all famished: For being shut up in a Cabbage-Garden, and having no Food, they cast themselves into a Flux and other Diseases with eating the raw Cabbages; so that few of them survived, and those few were little better used. The Colours that were taken were hanged up as Trophies in Westminster-Hall, and never taken down till the King's Restoration.

§ 109. Cromwell being thus called back to Edinburgh, driveth the Scots to Sterling beyond the River, where they fortify themselves: He besiegeth the impregnable Castle of Edinburgh and winneth it; the Governor, Coll. William Dunglasse, laying the blame on his Soldiers that else would have delivered It and him; but his Superiors condemned him for the Cowardly Surrender.

After this, Cromwell passeth some of his Men over the River, and after them most of the rest: The King with the Scots Army being unable to give him Battle after such Discouragements, takes the Opportunity to haste away with what Force they had towards England, thinking that Cromwell being cast now some Days March behind them, by Reason of his passing the River, they might be before him in England, and there be abundantly increased, by the coming in both of the Cavaliers and the rest of the People to him. And doubtless all the Land would Suddenly have flocked in to him but for these two Causes:

1. The Success of Cromwell at Dumbarre and afterwards, had put a Fear upon all Men, and the manner of the Scots coming away, persuaded all Men that Necessity forced them, and they were looked upon rather as flying than as marching into England; and few Men will put themselves into a flying Army which is pursued by the conquering Enemy.

2. The implacable Cavaliers had made no Preparation of the Peoples Mind, by any Significations of Reconciliation, or of probable future Peace: And the Prelatical Divines, instead of drawing nearer those they differed from for Peace, had gone farther from them by Dr. Hammond 's new way, than their Predecessors were before them; and the very Cause which they contended for, being not Concord and Neighbourhood, but Domination, they had given the dissenting Clergy and People no hopes of finding favorable Lord's, or any Abatement of their former Burdens, so little did their Task-Masters relent: But contrariwise, they saw Reason enough to expect that their little Fingers would be heavier than their Predecessors Loins. And it is hard to bring Men readily to venture their Lives to bring themselves into a Prison, or Beggary, or Banishment.

These were the true Causes that no more came in to the King: The first kept off the Royalists and the rest, the second kept off the rest alone. Yet the Earl of Darby, the Lord Talbott and many Gentlemen did come in to him; and some that had been Soldiers for the Parliament, (as Capt. Benbow from Shrewsbury, with Cornet Kinnersly and a Party of Horse, and some few more.)

The King's Army of Scots was excellently well governed (in comparison of what his Father's was wont to be): Not a Soldier durst wrong any Man of the worth of a Penny; which much drew the Affections of the People towards them.

The Presence of Colonel Rich. Graves, and Colonel Massy with them, was the great Inducement to the Parliamentarians to come in: But another great Impediment kept them off, which was, Cromwell 's exceeding speedy Pursuit of them; so that People had not time to resolve themselves considerately; and most were willing to see what Cromwell 's Assault would do, before they cast themselves into the Danger; Soldiers may most easily be had when there is least need of them.

The King came by the way of Lancoshire, and summoned Shrewsbury in vain as he passed by through Shropshire: And when all the Country thought that he was hastening to London (where all Men supposed he would have attained his Ends, increased his Strength, and had no Resistance,) he turned to Worcester, and there stayed to refresh his Army, Cromwell 's Forces being within a few days March of him.

§ 110. The Army passed most by Kidderminster (a Fields Breadth off) and the rest through it: Colonel Graves sent two or three Messages to me, as from the King, to come to him; and after, when he was at Worcester, some others were sent: But I was at that time under so great an Affliction of sore Eyes, that I was not scarce able to see the Light, nor fit to stir out of Doors: And being not much doubtful of the Issue which followed, I thought if I had been able, it would have been no Service at all to the King; it being so little on such a sudden, that I could add to his Assistance.

When the King had stayed a few Days at Worcester, Cromwell came with his Army to the East side of the City, and after that, made a Bridge of Boats over Severn, to hinder them from Forage on the other side; but because so great an Army could not long endure to be pent up, the King resolved to charge Cromwell 's Men; and a while the Scots Foot did charge very gallantly, and some chief Persons among the Horse, The Marquis Hamilton (late Earl of Lanerick ) being slain: But at last the hope of Security so near their Backs, encouraged the King's Army to retreat into the City, and Cromwell 's Soldiers followed them so close at the Heels, that Major Swallow of Whalley 's Regiment first, and others after him entered Sidbury-Gate with them; and so the whole Army fled through the City quite away, many being trodden down and slain in the Streets; so that the King was fain to fly with them Northward, the Lord Will •• ot, the Earl of Lauderdaile, and many others of his Lord's and Commanders with him: Kidderminster being but eleven Miles from Worcester, the flying Army past some of them through the Town, and some by it: I was newly gone to Bed when the Noise of the flying Horse acquainted us of the Overthrow: and a piece of one of Cromwell 's Troops that Guarded Bewdley-Bridge having tidings of it, came into our Streets, and stood in the open Marketplace before my Door, to surprise those that past by: And so when many hundreds of the flying Army came together, when the 30 Troopers cried stand, and fired at them, they either hasted away, or cried Quarter, not knowing in the Dark what Number it was that charged them: And so as many were taken there, as so few Men could lay hold on: And till Midnight the Bullets flying towards my Door and Windows, and the sorrowful Fugitives hasting by for their Lives, did tell me the Calamitousness of War.

The King parted at last from most of his Lord's, and went to Boscobell by the white Ladies, where he was hid in an Oak, in manner sufficiently declared to the World; and thence to Mosely, and so with Mrs. Lane away as a Traveler, and escaped all the Searchers Hands, till he came safe beyond Sea, as is published at large by divers.

The City of Worcester was much plundered by Cromwell 's Soldiers, and a Party only sent out after the King's Fugitives (for an Army I will call them no more): the Earl of Derby was taken, and Capt. Benbow of Shrewsbury, and were both put to Death; the Sentence of Coll. Mackworth dispatched Benbow, because he had been a Soldier under him. The Earl of Lauderdaile, and the Earl of Craford were sent Prisoners to Windsor-Castle, where they were detained till the Restoration of the King: Coll. Graves at last being released by Cromwell, lived quietly at his House, which made him ill thought of, and kept from Preferment afterwards when the King came in.

And thus Cromwell 's next Impediment was over.

§ 111. The Scots Army being utterly dispatched in England (and many of the Prisoners of Foot sent to the Barbado 's, &c. ) part of Cromwell 's Army was sent to prosecute the Victory in Scotland, where (briefly) all their Garrisons at last were taken, and the Earl of Glencarne, and that learned, religious, excellent Person, the Earl of Balcarres, who kept up the last Forces there for the King, were fain to fly to the King beyond Sea: And Major General Monk was there left with some Forces to keep the Country in Subjection.

§ 112. Cromwell having thus far seemed to be a Servant to the Parliament, and work for his Masters the Rump or Commonwealth, doth next begin to show whom he served, and take that Impediment also out of the way: To which End he first doth by them as he did by the Presbyterians, make them odious by hard Speeches of them throughout his Army; as if they intended to perpetuate themselves, and would not be accountable for the Money of the Commonwealth, &c. and he treateth privately with many of them, to appoint a time when they would dissolve themselves, that another free Parliament might be chosen: But they perceived the Danger, and were rather for the filling up of their Number by New Elections, which he was utterly against.

His greatest Advantage to strengthen himself against them by the Sectaries, was their owning the public Ministry and their Maintenance; for though Vane and his party set themselves to make the Ministers odious by reproachful Titles, and to take them down, yet still the greater part of the House did carry it for a sober Ministry, and competent Maintenance. And when the Quakers and others did openly reproach the Ministry, and the Soldiers favor them, I drew up a Petition for the Ministry, and got many thousand Hands to it in Worcestershire, and Mr. Tho. F • ley, and Coll. John Bridgis presented it; and the House gave a kind and promising Answer to it, which increased the Sectaries Dipleasure against them: And when a certain Quaker wrote a reviling Censure of this Petition, I wrote a Defense of it, and caused one of them to be given each parliament Man at the Door; and within one day after they were dissolved: For Cromwell impatient of anymore delay, suddenly took Harrison and some Soldiers with him (as if God had impelled him) and as in a Rapture went into the House, and reproveth the Members for their Faults, and pointing to Vane, calls him a Juglar, and to Henry Martin, and calls him Whoremaster, and having two such to instance in, taketh it for granted that they were all unfit to continue in the Government of the Commonwealth; and out he turneth them: And so ended the Government of the Rump, and no sort of People expressed any great Offence that they were cast out, though all, save the Sectaries and the Army almost, did take him to be a Traitor that did it.

§ 113. The young Commonwealth being already Headless, you might think that nothing was left to stand between Cromwell and the Crown: For a Governor there must be, and who should be thought fitter? But yet there was another Pageant to be played, which had a double end: 1. To make the Necessity of his Governing undeniable. And 2. To make his own Soldiers at last out of love with Democracy; or at least to make them hateful that adhered to it. A Parliament must be called, but the ungodly People are not to be trusted with the choice; therefore the Soldiers, as more religious, must be the Choosers: And two out of a County are chosen by the Officers upon the Advice of their Sectarian Friends in the Country. This was called in Contempt, The Little Parliament.

This Conventicle made an Act (as I remember) that Magistrates should marry People instead of Ministers, (yet not prohibiting the Ministers to do their part): And then they came to the Business of Tythes and Ministers; and before this, Harrison, being authorized thereto, had at once put down all the Parish-Ministers of Wales, because that most of them were ignorant and scandalous, and had set up a few i • nerant Preachers in their stead, who were for Number incompetent for so great a Charge, there being but one to many of those wide Parishes; so that the People having but a Sermon once in many Weeks, and nothing else in the mean time, were ready to turn Papists or anything: And this Plight would the Anabaptists, and other Sectaries have brought England to: And all was, 1. That the People might not be tempted to think the Parish-Churches to be true Churches: 2. Nor Insant Baptism to be true Baptism, and so themselves to be true Christians; but must be made Christians and Churches in the Anabaptists and Separatists way. Hereupon Harrison became the Head of the Sectaries, and Cromwell now began to design the heading of a soberer Party, that were for Learning and Ministry; but yet to be the equal Protector of all: Hereupon in the Little Sectarian Parliament, it was put to the Vote, whether all the Parish Ministers of England should at once be put down or no? And it was but accidentally carried in the negative by two Voices: And it was taken for granted, that the Tythes and Universities would at the next Opportunity be voted down; and now Cromwell must be their Savior, or they must perish; when he had purposely cast them into the Pit, that they might be beholden to him to pull them out. (But his Game was so grossly played, as made him the more loathed by Men of Understanding and Sincerity) So Sir C. W. and some others of them take their time, and put it to the vote whether the House as uncapable of serving the Commonwealth, should go and deliver up their Power to Cromwell from whom they had received it; and they carried it in the Affirmative, and away they go, and solemnly resign their Power to him; and now who but Cromwell and his Army.

§ 114. The intelligent Sort by this time did fully see that Cromwell 's design was, by causing and permitting destruction to hang over us, to necessitate the Nation whether they would or not, to take him for their Governor, that he might be their Protector: Being resolved that we should be saved by him, or perish: He made more use of the wild headed Sectaries than barely to fight for him: They now serve him as much by their Heresies, their Enmity to Learning and Ministry, their pernicious Demands which tended to Confusion, as they had done before by their Valour in the Field. He can now conjure up at pleasure some terrible apparition, of Agitators, Levellers, or such like, who as they affrighted the King from Hampton-Court, shall affright the People to fly to him for refuge; that the hand that wounded them may heal them. For now he exclaimeth against the giddiness of these unruly Men, and earnestly pleadeth for Order and Government, and will needs become the Patron of the Ministry, yet so as to secure all others of their Liberty.

Some that saw his Design, said, We will rather all perish, and see both Tythes and Universities overthrown, than we will any way submit to such deceitful Usurpations.

Others said, It is the Providence of God, whoever be the Instruments, which hath brought us into this Necessity, which we were unable to prevent; and being in it, we are not bound to choose our own destruction: Therefore Necessity requireth us to accept of any One to rule us that is like to deliver us.

But the generality of the Ministers went the middle way; and our Consciences thus apprehended the state of our present Duty: [We acknowledge that God Almighty hath over-ruled in all these great Mutations, and hath permitted the perfidiousness of Men, and their Success. And the Common Good being the end of all just Government, we may not do anything against the Common Good, much less to the Destruction of it, under pretence of resisting an Usurper, or of Restoring him who is our rightful Governor. If the Universities be overthrown, the Fabrics demolished, the Lands alienated, the Ministry put down, the Tithes sold, or given to the People, to engage them all to be against any means which tend to a Recovery, whatever we contribute to this, we do against the King and Kingdom, and do but cut his Throat in kindness: For we pull down the House that he may be Master of it, and destroy the Commonwealth that he may be the Head of it: We strengthen his Enemies by our imprudent Passions: But yet we must neither do nor approve of Evil, for any Good End, nor forbear in our Places seasonably to reprehend it: Therefore it is unlawful for us to Consent to any Governor but the King; or take any Engagement or Oath of Allegiance to any: But it is not unlawful for us to submit to them, by living quietly in our Places, and to make use of the Courts of Justice established by Law, yea, and to demand protection from the Usurper. For his stepping into the Ruler's place, and Usurping the Government, obligeth him to do all the parts of a Governor's Office, while he is there; and warranteth us to demand it, and accept it of him; but it doth not at all oblige us to obey him or consent to his Usurpation: Even as we may demand Justice of a General of Rebels, or a Captain of Thieves; or of Pirates that shall surprise the Ship which we are in: but we are not bound to consent to his Government, or formally obey him; but contrarily to disown his Villany, and to do all that we can against his Tyranny, which tendeth not to the hurt of the Society: So here, it is our Duty to keep the state of things as entire as we can, till God be pleased to restore the King, that he may find it a whole and not a ruined irrepairable State.]

And thus for my part was my Practice: I did seasonably and moderately by Preaching and Printing condemn the Usurpation, and the Deceit which was the means to bring it to pass. I did in open Conference declare Cromwell and his Adherents to be Guilty of Treason and Rebellion, aggravated with Perfidiousness and Hypocrisy; to be abhorred of all good and sober Men: But yet I did not think it my Duty to rave against him in the Pulpit, nor to do this so unseasonably and imprudently as might irritate him to mischief. And the rather because, as he kept up his approbation of a godly Life in the general, and of all that was good, except that which the Interest of his Sinful Cause engaged him to be against; so I perceived that it was his design to do good in the main, and to promote the Gospel and the Interest of Godliness, more than any had done before him; except in those particulars which his own interest was against: And it was the principal means that hence-forward he trusted to for his own Establishment, even by doing good: That the People might love him, or at least be willing to have his Government for that Good, who were against it, as it was Usurpation. And I made no question at all, but that when the Rightful Governor was restored, the People that had adhered to him (being so extremely irritated) would cast out multitudes of the Ministers, and undo the Good which the Usurper had done, because he did it; and would bring abundance of Calamity upon the Land. And some Men thought it a very hard Question, Whether they should rather wish the continuance of an Usurper that will do good, or the restitution of a Rightful Governor whose Followers will do hurt. But for my part I thought my Duty was clear, to disown the Usurper's Sin, what Good soever he would do; and to perform all my Engagements to a Rightful Governor, leaving the Issue of all to God: but yet to commend the Good which a Usurper doth, and to do any lawful thing which may provoke him to do more; and to approve of no Evil which is done by any, either Usurper or a lawful Governor.

And thus stood the Affections of the Intelligent sort to Cromwell: but the Simpler sort believed that he designed nothing of all that came to pass; but that God's Providence brought about all, without his Contrivance or Expectation.

§ 115. The little Parliament having resigned their Commission to Cromwell, that we might not be ungoverned, a Iuncto of Officers, and I know not who (nor ever could learn, but that Lambert and Berry were two Chief Men in it) did draw up a Writing, called, The Instrument of the Government of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland]. This Instrument made Oliver Cromwell Lord Protector of the Commonwealth: The Lord Mayor and Aldermen, the Judges, and the Officers of the Army, were suddenly drawn together to Westminster-Hall, and upon the reading of this Instrument, installed Cromwell in the Office of Protector, and swore him accordingly; and thus the Commonwealth seemed once more to have a Head.

§ 116. I shall for brevity over-pass the particular mention of the Parliaments summoned by Cromwell; of their displeasing him by ravelling his Instrument, and other means, and of his rough and resolute dissolving them.

One of the chief Works which he did was the purging of the Ministry; of which I shall say somewhat more. And here I suppose the Reader to understand that the Synod of Westminster was dissolved with the Parliament; and therefore a Society of Ministers with some others, were chosen by Cromwell to sit at Whitehall, under the Name of Triers, who were mostly Independents, but some sober Presbyterians with them, and had power to try all that came for Institution or Induction, and without their Approbation none were admitted: This assembly of Triers examined themselves all that were able to come up to London: but if any were unable, or were of doubtful Qualifications between Worthy and Unworthy, they used to refer them to some Ministers in the County where they lived, and to approve them if they approved them.

And because this Assembly of Triers is most heavily accused and reproached by some Men, I shall speak the truth of them, and suppose my word will be the rather taken, because most of them took me for one of their boldest Adversaries, as to their Opinions, and because I was known to disown their Power, insomuch that I refused to try any under them upon their reference, except a very few, whose Importunity and necessity moved me (they being such as for their Episcopal Judgment, or some such Cause, the Triers were like to have rejected.) The truth is, that though their Authority was null, and though some few over-busy and over-rigid Independents among them, were too severe against all that were Arminians, and too particular in enquiring after Evidences of Sanctification in those whom they Examined, and somewhat too lax in their Admission of Unlearned and Erroneous Men, that favored Antinomianism or Anabaptism; yet to give them their due, they did abundance of good to the Church: They saved many a Congregation from ignorant, ungodly, drunken Teachers: that sort of Men that intended no more in the Ministry, than to say a Sermon, as Readers say their Common Prayers, and so patch up a few good words together to talk the People asleep with on Sunday; and all the rest of the Week go with them to the Ale-house, and harden them in their Sin: And that sort of Ministers that either preached against a holy Life, or preached as Men that never were acquinted with it; all those that used the Ministry but as a Common Trade to live by, and were never likely to convert a Soul; all these they usually rejected; and in their stead admitted of any that were able serious Preachers, and lived a godly Life, of what tolerable Opinion soever they were. So that though they were many of them somewhat partial for the Independents, Separatists, Fifth-Monarchy-men and Anabaptists, and against the Prelatists and Arminians, yet so great was the benefit above the hurt, which they brought to the Church, that many thousands of Souls blest God for the faithful Ministers whom they let in, and grieved when the Prelatists afterward cast them out again.

§ 117. And because I am fallen upon this Subject, I will look back to the Alterations that were made upon the Ministry by the Long Parliament before, both by the Country Committees and the Synod at Westminster: I know that there are Men in the World that defame both the Actors and the Work, and would make the World believe that almost none but worthy Learned Men were turned out, and that for their Fidelity to the King and Bishops, and that almost none but Unlearned and Factious Fellows were introduced. But this Age hath taught the World how little the Report of such Men is to be believed of any others, who speak what their Interest and Malice do command them; and by these are made strangers to the Men they speak of, though they dwell among them: For they Converse not with them at all, unless in some wrangling Dispute, when Malice and Passion seek a Whetstone; but they talk only with those that talk against them, and easily believe any false Reports, when once they are so like the Common Enemy that they desire them to be true. But I shall in this Case also speak impartially, neither justifying what they did amiss, nor condemning them without cause.

And because I have past it by before, I shall say something of the Westminster Assembly here. This Synod was not a Convocation according to the Diocesan way of Government, nor was it called by the Votes of the Ministers according to the Presbyterian way: But the Parliament not intending to call an Assembly which should pretend a Divine Right to make obliging Laws or Canons to bind their Brethren, but an Ecclesiastical Council to be Advisers to themselves, did think that they best knew who were the fittest to give them Advice, and therefore chose them all themselves. Two were to be chosen out of each County; but some few Counties (I know not upon what reason) had but one: I suppose it was long of the Parliament Men of those Counties. And because they would seem Impartial, and have each Party to have liberty to speak, they over and above the number chose many Episcopal Divines, even the Learnedest of them in the Land, as Archbishop Usher Primate of Ireland, Dr. Holdsworth, Dr. Hammond, Dr. Wincop, Bishop Westford, Bishop Prideaux, and many more. But they would not come, because it was not a Legal Convocation, and because the King declared himself against it: Dr. Dan. Featley and very few more of that Party came: (But at last he was charged with sending Intelligence to the King's Quarters at Oxford, of what was done in the Synod and Parliament, and was imprisoned; which much reflected on the Parliament, because whatever his Fact were, he was so Learned a Man, as was sufficient to dishonor those he suffered by). The Prolocutor or Moderator was Dr. William Twisse (a Man very famous for his Scholastical Wit and Writings in a very smooth triumphant Style): The Divines there Congregate were Men of Eminent Learning and Godliness, and Ministerial Abilities and Fidelity: And being not worthy to be one of them myself, I may the more freely speak that Truth which I know even in the Face of Malice and Envy, that, as far as I am able to judge by the Information of all History of that kind, and by any other Evidences left us, the Christian World, since the days of the Apostles, had never a Synod of more Excellent Divines (taking one thing with another) than this Synod and the Synod of Dort were.

This Assembly was confined by the Parliament to debate only such things as they proposed to them: And many Lord's and Commons were joined in Commission with them, to see that they did not go beyond their Commission: Six or seven Independents were joined with them, that all sides may be heard; of whom five were called the Dissenting Brethren, (Philip Nye, Thomas Goodwin, Jeremiah Burroughs, Sydrach Simpson, and William Bridge ) who joined with the rest till they had drawn up a Confession of Faith, a larger and a shorter Catechism. But when they came to Church Government, they engaged them in many long Debates, and kept that Business as long as possibly they could undetermined; and after that kept it so long unexecuted in almost all parts of the Land, saving London and Lancashire, that their Party had time to strengthen themselves in the Army and the Parliament, and hinder the Execution after all, and keep the Government determined of, a Stranger to most of the People of this Land, who knew it but by hearsay, as it was represented by Reporters. For my own part, as highly as I honor the Men, I am not of their Mind, in every Point of the Government which they would have set up; and some words in their Catechism I could wish had been more clear; and above all, I could wish that the Parliament and their more skillful Hand, had done more than was done to heal our Breaches, and had hit upon the right way either to unite with the Episcopal and Independents (which was possible, as distant as they are) or at least had pitched on the Terms that are fit for Universal Concord, and left all to come in upon those Terms that would. But for all this dissent I must testify my Love and Honor to the Persons of such great Sincerity, and Eminent Ministerial Sufficiency, as were Gataker, Vines, Burgess, White, and the greater part of that Assembly.

Among other parts of their Trust, one was to approve of all that should be admitted into any Church Livings. They had no Power to put out any, but only to judge of the fitness of such as were taken in. The Power of Casting out unworthy Men, was partly in a Committee of Parliament Men at London, and partly in the Committees of each several County, according to an Ordinance of Parliament expressing the Crimes: Herein it was laudable that Drunkards, Swearers, Cursers, Blasphemers, Heretics, Fornicators, and such scandalous Persons were to be ejected: but it was not well done to put in those among them that had been against the Parliament in the War: For the Work of God should not give place to the Matters of their Secular Interest and Policy, as long as the Being of the Commonwealth is secured: And all the Learned Ministers in the Land, on one side and the other, are few enow to do the Work of Christ: And I believe that those that were against them, would have done them less hurt in the Pulpits where there were so many Witnesses, than they did in Private. But yet I must needs say, that in all the Countries where I was acquainted, six to one at least (if not many more) that were Sequestred by the Committee, were by the Oaths of Witnesses proved insufficent, or scandalous, or both; especially guilty of Drunkenness or Swearing: and those that being able, godly Preachers, were cast out for the War alone, as for their Opinions sake, were comparatively very few. This I know will displease that Party; but this is true. And though now and then an unworthy Person by sinister means crept into their Places, yet commonly those whom they put in, were such as set themselves laboriously to seek the Saving of Souls: Indeed the one half of them were very young; but that could not be helped, because there were no other to be had. The Parliament could not make Men Learned nor Godly, but only put in the learnedest and ablest that they could have. And though it had been to be wisht that they might have had leisure to ripen in the Universities, yet many of them did as Ambrose, teach and learn at once so successfully, as that they much increased in Learning themselves, whilst they prosited others; and proportionably more than many in the Universities do.

§ 118. To return from this Digression to the Proceedings of Cromwell, when he was made Lord Protector, he had the Policy not to detect and exasperate the Ministers and others that consented not to his Government, (having seen what a stir the Engagement had before made): but he let Men live quietly, without putting any Oaths of Fidelity upon them; except his Parliaments; for those must not enter the House till they had sworn Fidelity to him. The Sectarian Party in his Army and elsewhere, he chiefly trusted to and pleased, till by the Peoples submission and quietness he thought himself well settled: And then he began to undermine them, and by degrees to work them out: And though he had so often spoken for the Anabaptists, now he findeth them so heady, and so much against any settled Government, and so set upon the promoting of their Way and Party, that he doth not only begin to blame their unruliness, but also designeth to settle himself in the Peoples Favor by suppressing them. In Ireland they were grown so high, that the Soldiers were many of them re-baptized as the way to Preferment: and those that opposed them they crushed with much uncharitable Fierceness. To suppress these, he sent thither his Son Henry Cromwell, who so discountenanced the Anabaptists, as yet to deal civilly by them, repressing their Insolencies, but not abusing them, or dealing hardly with them; promoting the Work of the Gospel, and setting up good and sober Ministers; and dealing civilly with the Royalists, and obliging all; so that he was generally beloved, and well spoken of. And Major General Ludlow, who headed the Anabaptists in Ireland, was fain to draw in his head.

In England Cromwell connived at his old Friend Harrison, while he made himself the Head of the Anabaptists and Fanatics here, till he saw it would be an applauded acceptable thing to the Nation to suppress him, and then he doth it easily in a trice, and maketh him contemptible who but yesterday thought himself not much below him: The same he doth also as easily by Lambert and layeth him by.

§ 119. In these times (especially since the Rump reigned) sprang up five Sects at least, whose Doctrines were almost the same, but they sell into several Shapes and Names: 1. The Vanists: 2. The Seekers: 3. The Ranters: 4. The Quakers: 5. The Behmenists.

1. The Vanists, (for I know not by what other Name to make them known) who were Sir Henry Vane 's Disciples, first sprang up under him in new England when he was Governor there: But their Notions were then raw and undigested, and their Party quickly confounded by God's Providence; as you may see in a little Book of Mr. Tho. Welds of the Rise and Fall of Antinomianism, and Familism in New-England; where their Opinions and these Providences are recorded by him that was a reverend Minister there: One Mrs. Dyer, a chief Person of the Sect, did first bring forth a Monster, which had the Parts of almost all sorts of living Creatures, some Parts like Man, but most ugly and misplaced, and some like Beasts, Birds and Fishes, having Horns, Fins and Claws; and at the Birth of it the Bed shook, and the Women present fell a Vomiting and were fain to go forth of the Room: Mr. Cotton was too favorable to them, till this helped to recover him: Mrs. Hutchinson, the chief Woman among them and their Teacher, (to whose Exercises a Congregation of them used to assemble) brought forth about 30 misshapen Births or Lumps at once; and being banished into another Plantation was killed there by the Indians. Sir Henry Vane being Governor, and found to be the secret Fautor and Life of their Cause, was fain to steal away by Night, and take Shipping for England, before his Year of Government was at an end.

But when he came over into England he proved an Instrument of greater Calamity to a People more sinful and more prepared for God's Judgments: Being chosen a Parliament man, he was very active at first for the bringing of Delinquents to Punishment: He was the Principal Man that drove on the Parliament to go too high, and act too vehemently against the King: Being of very ready Parts, and very great Subtilty, and unwearied Industry, he labored, and not without Success, to win others in Parliament, City and Country to his Way. When the Earl of Strafford was accused, he got a Paper out of his Father's Cabinet (who was Secretary of State) which was the chief Means of his Condemnation: To most of our Changes he was that Within the House, which Cromwell was without. His great Zeal to drive all into War, and to the highest, and to cherish the Sectaries, and especially in the Army, made him above all Men to be valued by that Party.

His Unhappiness lay in this, that his Doctrines were so clowdily formed and expressed, that few could understand them, and therefore he had but few true Disciples: The Lord Brook was slain before he had brought him to Maturity: Mr. Sterry is thought to be of his Mind, as he was his Intimate; but he hath not opened himself in writing , and was so famous for Obscurity in Preaching (being, said Sir Benj. Rudiard, too high for this World, and too low for the other) that he thereby proved almost Barren also, and Vanity and Sterility were never more happily conjoined: Mr. Sprig is the chief of his more open Disciples (too well known by a Book of his Sermons.)

This Obscurity by some was imputed to his not understanding himself; but by others to design, because he could speak plainly when he listed: the two Courses, in which he had most Success, and spake most plainly were, His earnest Plea for universal Liberty of Conscience, and against the Magistrates intermeddling with Religion, and his teaching his Followers to revile the Ministry, calling them ordinarily Blackcoats, Priests, and other Names which then savoured of Reproach; and those Gentlemen that adhered to the Ministry, they said, were Priest-ridden.

When Cromwell had served himself by him as his surest Friend, as long as he could; and gone as far with him as their way lay together, ( Vane being for a Fanatick Democracy, and Cromwell for Monarchy) at last there was no Remedy but they must part; and when Cromwell cast out the Rump (as disdainfully as Men do Excrements) he called Vane a Juggler, and Martin a Whoremonger, to excuse his usage of the rest as is aforesaid.

When Vane was thus laid by, he wrote his Book called The retired Man's Meditations, wherein the best part of his Opinions are so expressed, as will make but few Men his Disciples: His Healing Question is more plainly written.

When Cromwell was dead, he got Sir Arthur Haselrigge to be his close Adherent on Civil Accounts, and got the Rump set up again, and a Council of State, and got the Power much into his own Hands. When he was in the height of his power he set upon the forming of a new Commonwealth, and with some of his Adherants drew up the model, which was for popular Government; but so that Men of his Confidence must be the People.

Of my own displeasing him this is the true Account: It grieved me to see a poor Kingdom thus tost up and down in Unquietness, and the Ministers made odious and ready to be cast out, and a Reformation trodden under Foot, and Parliaments and Piety made a Scorn, and scarce any doubted but he was the principal Spring of all: Therefore, being writing against the Papists, coming to vindicate our Religion against them, when they impute to us the Blood of the King, I fully proved that the Protestants, and particularly the Presbyterians adhorred it, and suffered greatly for opposing it; and that it was the Act of Cromwell 's Army and the Sectaries, among which I named the Vanists as one Sort, and I shown that the Friars and Jesuits were their Deceivers, and under several Vizors were dispersed among them; and Mr. Nye having told me that he was long in Italy, I said, it was considerable how much of his Doctrine their Leader brought from Italy; whereas it proved that he was only in France and Helvetia upon the Borders of Italy, and whereas it was printed from Italy, I had ordered the Printer to correct it [ fromwards Italy ] but though the Copy was corrected, the Impression was not: Hereupon Sir Henry Vane being exceedingly provoked, threatened me to many, and spake against me in the House, and one Stubbs (that had been whipt in the Convocation House at Oxford ) wrote for him a bitter Book against me, who from a Vanist afterwards turned a Conformist, since that he turned Physician, and was drowned in a small Puddle or Brook as he was riding near the Bath.

I confess my Writing was a means to lessen his Reputation, and make men take him for what Cromwell (that better knew him) called him a Iugler: and I wish I had done so much in time: But the whole Land rang of his Anger and my Danger; and all expected my present Ruin by him. But to show him that I was not about Recanting (as his Agents would have persuaded me) I wrote also against his Healing Question, in a Preface before my Holy Commonwealth. And the speedy turn of Affairs did tie his Hands from Executing his Wrath upon me.

Upon the King's Coming in, he was questioned, with others, by the Parliament, but seemed to have his Life secured: But being brought to the Barr, he spake so boldly in justifying the Parliaments Cause, and what he had done, that it exasperated the King, and made him resolve upon his Death. When he came to Towerhill to die, and would have spoken to the People, he began so resolutely as caused the Officers to sound the Trumpets and beat the Drums, and hinder him from speaking. No Man could die with greater appearance of gallant Resolution, and Fearlesness than he did, though before supposed a timorous Man: Insomuch that the manner of his Death procured him more Applause than all the Actions of his Life. And when he was dead his intended Speech was printed, and afterwards his Opinions, more plainly expressed by his Friend than by himself.

When he was Condemned some of his Friends desired me to come to him, that I might see how far he was from Popery, and in how excellent a Temper, (thinking I would have asked him Forgiveness for doing him wrong): I told them, that if he had desired it, I would have gone to him: but seeing he did not, I supposed he would take it for an injury; for my Conference was not like to be such as would not be pleasing to a dying man: For though I never called him a Papist, yet I still suppose he hath done the Papists so much Service, and this poor Nation and Religion so much wrong, that we and our Posterity are like to have cause and time enough to Lament it. And so much of Sir Henry Vane and his Adherents.

§ 121. The second Sect which then rose up was that called Seekers: These taught that our Scripture was uncertain; that present Miracles are necessary to Faith; that our Ministry is null and without authority, and our Worship and Ordinances unnecessary or vain; the true Church, Ministry, Scripture, and Ordinances being lost; for which they are now Seeking.

I quickly found, that the Papists principally hatched and actuated this Sect, and that a considerable Number that were of this Profession were some Papists, and some Infidels: However they closed with the Vanists, and sheltered themselves under them, as if they had been the very same.

§ 122. The third Sect were the Ranters: These also made it their Business as the former, to set up the Light of Nature, under the Name of Christ in Men, and to dishonor and cry down the Church, the Scripture, the Present Ministry, and our Worship and Ordinances; and called men to hearken to Christ within them: But withal, they conjoined a Cursed Doctrine of Libertinism, which brought them to all abominable filthiness of Life: They taught as the Familists, that God regardeth not the Actions of the Outward Man, but of the Heart; and that to the Pure all things are Pure, (even things forbidden): And so as allowed by God, they spake most hideous Words of Blasphemy, and many of them committed Whoredoms commonly: Insomuch that a Matron of great Note for Godliness and Sobriety, being perverted by them, turned so shameless a Whore, that she was Carted in the Streets of London.

There could never Sect arise in the World, that was a louder Warning to Professors of Religion to be humble, fearful, cautelous, and watchful: Never could the World be told more loudly, whither the Spiritual Pride of ungrounded Novices in Religion tendeth; and whither Professors of Strictness in Religion may be carried in the Stream of Sects and Factions. I have seen myself Letters written from Abbington, where among both Soldiers and People, this Contagion did then prevail, full of horrid Oaths and Curses and Blasphemy, not fit to be repeated by the Tongue or Pen of Man; and this all uttered as the Effect of Knowledge, and a part of their Religion, in a Fanatick Strain, and fathered on the Spirit of God.

But the horrid Villanies of this Sect did not only speedily Extinguish it, but also did as much as ever anything did, to disgrace all Sectaries, and to restore the Credit of the Ministry and the sober unanimous Christians: So that the Devil and the Jesuits quickly found that this way served not their turn, and therefore they suddenly took another.

§ 123. And that was the fourth Sect, the Quakers; who were but the Ranters turned from horrid Profaneness and Blasphemy, to a Life of extreme Austerity on the other side. Their Doctrines were mostly the same with the Ranters: They make the Light which every Man hath within him to be his sufficient Rule, and consequently the Scripture and Ministry are set light by: They speak much for the dwelling and working of the Spirit in us; but little of Justification, and the Pardon of Sin, and our Reconciliation with God through Jesus Christ: They pretend their dependence on the Spirit's Conduct, against Set-times of Prayer, and against Sacraments, and against their due esteem of Scripture and Ministry. They will not have the Scripture called the Word of God: Their principal Zeal lieth in railing at the Ministers as Hirelings, Deceivers, False Prophets, &c. and in refusing to Swear before a Magistrate, or to put off their Hat to any, or to say [ You ] instead of [ Thou ] or [ Thee ] which are their words to all. At first they did use to fall into Tremblings and sometime Vomitings in their Meetings, and pretended to be violently acted by the Spirit; but now that is ceased, they only meet, and he that pretendeth to be moved by the Spirit speaketh; and sometime they say nothing, but sit an hour or more in silence, and then depart. One while divers of them went Naked through divers chief Towns and Cities of the Land, as a Prophetical act: Some of them have famished and drowned themselves in Melancholy; and others undertaken by the Power of the Spirit to raise them (as Susan Pierson did at Claines near Worcester, where they took a Man out of his Grave that had so made away himself, and commanded him to arise and live; but to their shame). Their chief Leader James Nayler acted the part of Christ at Bristol, according to much of the History of the Gospel, (and was long laid in Bridewell for it, and his Tongue bored as a Blasphemer by the Parliament). Many Franciscan Friars and other Papists, have been proved to be Disguised Speakers in their Assemblies, and to be among them; and it's like are the very Soul of all these horrible Delusions. But of late one William Penn is become their Leader, and would reform the Sect, and Set up a kind of Ministry among them.

§ 124. The fifth Sect are the Bethmenists, whose Opinions go much toward the way of the former, for the Sufficiency of the Light of Nature, the Salvation of Hearthens as well as Christians, and a dependence on Revelations, &c. But they are fewer in Number, and seem to have attained to greater Meekness and conquest of Passions than any of the rest: Their Doctrine is to be seen in Jacob Behmen 's Books, by him that hath nothing else to do, than to bestow a great deal of time to understand him that was not willing to be easily understood, and to know that his bombasted words do signify nothing more than before was easily known by common familiar terms.

The chiefest of these in England are Dr. Pordage and his Family, who live together in Community, and pretend to hold visible and sensible Communion with Angels, whom they sometime see, and sometime smell, &c. Mr. Fowler of Redding accused him before the Committee for divers things, (as for preaching against Imputed Righteousness, and persuading married Persons from the Carnal Knowledge of each other, &c. ) but especially for Familiarity with Devils or Conjuration. The Doctor wrote a Book to vindicate himself, in which he professeth to have sensible Communion with Angels, and to know by sights and smells, &c. good Spirits from bad: But he saith, that indeed one Month his House was molested with Evil Spirits, which was occasioned by one Everard whom he taketh to be a Conjurer, who stayed so long with him, as desiring to be of their Communion. In this time he saith, that a fiery Dragon, so big as to fill a very great Room, conflicted visibly with him many hours; that one appeared to him in his Chamber in the likeness of Everard, with Boots, Spurs, &c. that an impression was made on the Brick-wall of his Chimney, of a Coach drawn with Tigers and Lions, which could not be got out till it was hewed out with Pick-Axes: and another on his Glass-window which yet remaineth, &c. Whether these things be true or false I know not; but the chief Person of the Doctor's Family-Communion (being a Gentleman and Student of All Souls in Oxford ) was thus made known to me. His Mother being a sober, pious Woman, being dissatisfied with his way, could prevail with him to suffer her to open it to none but me; (of whole Conversion to them their Charity was much desirous): Upon discourse with the young man, I found a very good Disposition, aspiring after the highest Spiritual state, and thinking that visible Communion with Angels was it, he much expected it, and protest in some measure to have attained it; for some lights and odd sights he had seen; but upon strict Examination, he knew not whether it were with the Eye of the Body or of the Mind: nor I knew not whether it were anything real. or but fantastical. He would not dispute, because he thought he knew things by a higher light than Reason, even by Intuition, by the extraordinary Irradiation of the Mind. He was much against Propriety, and against Relations of Magistrates, Subjects, Husbands, Wives, Masters, Servants, &c. But I perceived he was a young, raw Scholar of some Friar whom he understood not, and when he should but have commended the Perfection of a Monastical Life (which is the thing that they so highly magnify) he carried it too far, and made it seem more necessary than he should.

They then professed to wait for such a Coming down of the holy Ghost upon them, as should send them out as his Missionaries to unite, and reconcile, and heal the Churches, and do wonders in the World: But its fifteen years ago, and yet they are latent and their work undone.

§ 125. Among these fall in many other Sect-makers; as Dr. Gell of London (known partly by a printed Volume in Folio) and one Mr. Parker, who got in to the Earl of Pembroke; and was one that wrote a Book against the Assemblies Confession: In which (as the rest) he taketh up most of the Popish Doctrines, and riseth up against them with Papal Pride and Contempt, but owneth not the Pope himself, but headeth his Body of Doctrine with the Spirit, as the Papists do with the Pope: (And if they could bring men to receive the rest, it will be easy to spurn down the Idol of their Fantasie or pretended Spirit, and to set on the proper Head again). To these also must be added Dr. Gibbon, who goeth about with his Scheme to Proselyte men, whom I have more cause to know than some of the rest.

All these with subtle Diligence promote most of the Papal Cause, and get in with the Religious sort, either upon pretence of Austerity, Mortification, Angelical Communion, or Clearer Light; but none of them yet owneth the Name of a Papist, but what they are indeed, and who sendeth them, and what is their Work, though I strongly conjecture, I will not assert, because I am not fully certain: Let time discover them.

§ 126. The most among Cromwell 's Soldiers that ever I could suspect for Papists, were but a few that began as Strangers among the Common Soldiers, and by degrees rose up to some Inferior Offices, and were most conversant with the Common Soldiers; but none of the Superior Officers seemed such, though seduced by them. There is one of them (Capt. Everard ) that was a busy preaching Sectary (in appearance) and disputed for Anabaptistry, and against Original Sin (whom Mr. Stephens hath wrote against, who took him then to be a Papist; and who hath lately published a Book for the Popish Religion, as giving the Reasons of his Conversion to them, as if it were a thing that had been lately done: But they permit but now and then one thus to detect themselves, to win others by the fame of their Conversion: But the rest must still ply their work, as masked: for secret Instruments have much advantages above public ones. Capt. Everard since the burning of London, and since many new Fires have been attempted to consume the rest, was Accused to Sir Richard Brown, as one that intended to burn the rest of the City; and upon search there was a dangerous Letter found with him, and four hundred Hand-Granado's with Earthen Shells, and filled up ready with Powder, were found covered under his Billets. There being two of that Name that were Sectaries in Cromwell 's Army, I have not yet learned which of them this was.

§ 127. Also the Socinians made some increase by the Ministry of one Mr. Biddle, sometimes School-master in Gloucester; who wrote against the Godhead of the Holy Ghost, and afterwards of Christ; whose Followers inclined much to mere Deism and Infidelity.

§ 128. Having gone on thus far with the general Hints of the History of those times, because I would not obscure them by the Interpositions of my own Affairs, I now return to these, and shall set them also together, that they may be the better understood.

I have related how after my bleeding of a Gallon of Blood by the Nose, I was left weak at Sir Thomas Rous 's House at Rous-Lench, where I was taken up with daily Medicines to prevent a Dropsy: And being conscious that my time had not been improved to the Service of God as I desired it had been, I put up many an earnest Prayer to God, that he would restore me, and use me more successfully in his Work. And blessed be that Mercy which heard my Groans in the Day of my Distress, and granted my Desires, and wrought my Deliverance, when Men and Means failed, and gave me Opportunity to Celebrate his Praise.

Whilst I there continued weak and unable to Preach, the People at Kidderminster had again renewed their Articles against their old Vicar and his Curate; and upon Trial of the Cause the Committee sequestered the Place, but put no one into it, but put the Profits into the Hands of divers of the Inhabitants to pay a Preacher till it were disposed of. They sent to me, and desired me to take it, in case I were again enabled to Preach: which I flatly refused; and told them, I would take only the Lecture, which by his own Consent and Bond I held before.

Hereupon they sought to Mr. Brumskill, and others, to accept the Place, but could not meet with any one to their minds: Therefore they chose one Mr. Richard Serjeant to Officiate, reserving the Vicarage for someone that were fitter.

When I was able (after about five Months) to go abroad, I went to Kidderminster, where I found only Mr. Sergeant in Possession; and the People again vehemently urged me to take the Vicarage: which I denied; and got the Magistrates and Burgesses together into the Town-hall, and told them, That (though I was offered many Hundred pounds per Annum elsewhere) I was willing to continue with them in my old Lecturers place which I had before the Wars, expecting they should make the Maintenance an Hundred pounds a year, and a House; and if they would promise to submit to that Doctrine of Christ, which as his Minister I should deliver to them, proved by the Holy Scriptures, I would not leave them. And that this Maintenance should neither come out of their own Purses, nor any more of it out of the Tythes save the 60 l. which the Vicar had before bound himself to pay me, I undertook to procure an Augmentation for Mitton (a Chapel in the Parish) of 40 l. per Annum, which I did; and so the 60 l. and that 40 l. was to be part, and the rest I was to have nothing to do with. This Covenant was drawn up between us in Articles, and Subscribed, in which I disclaimed the Vicarage and Pastoral Charge of the Parish, and only undertook the Lecture.

And thus the Sequestration continued in the hands of the Towns-men, as aforesaid, who gathered the Tythes, and paid me (not an Hundred as they promised) but Eighty pound per Annum, or Ninety at most, and House-rent for a few Rooms in the top of another man's house, which is all I had at Kidderminster. The rest they gave to Mr. Sergeant, and about 40 l. per Annum to the old Vicar, and 6 l. per Annum to the King and Lord for Rents, besides other Charges.

But when they had long continued in this way, they feared lest someone else against their wills would get a grant of the Sequestration from the Committee, and therefore they went privately and got an Order from them to settle me in the Title, and never shown it me, but kept it by them secretly, only to secure the Place from a Surprize, and themselves from repaying what they disbursed.

And thus it lay till the King's Coming out of Scotland with his Army to Worcester: and then, their Houses being full of Soldiers, they brought me the Order, and entreated me, if not to own it, yet to keep it safe, and to save them harmless by it, if they were called to account.

I recite this, because Mr. Thomas Pierce, while he was rageingly fierce to prove me a Thief, and I know not what else, doth charge me with taking this Sequestration, and so with taking another man's Bread out of his mouth, and robbing the Innocent; and so doth Bishop Morley after him; and Durel, Dr. • Boneman, and many others, from him: whereas the Place was sequestered while I was far enough off, and I disowned it, and made a contrary Covenant with the People: But I durst not till this for my own vindication, left the Towns-men should be called to an account; for the Sequestration to their undoing; though I knew them to be honest and just in the Distribution of it. And indeed though (which they knew not) the Matter of Fact was false, by which they proved me so vile a Person, yet I was the less careful so to clear myself as I might, because I take it to be a thing as justifiable as to eat Bread, if I had taken the Sequestration; because the man's own Fundamental Right (as it was a thing Consecrated to God) was null, he being so insufficient as not to be owned for a Minister: As I have great reason, by all the trial I made of him, to think that he understood not the Substance of Religion, the common Catechism or Creed, so he was unable to teach the People the very Substantials of Christianity. Once a quarter he scrapt a • ew words together, which he so said over as to move pity in his Auditors; but woe to the People that have no other Pastor then such as he: And God's Right being the first in Dedicated Things, and the Law also annexing them to the Office for the Work's sake, and for the sake of the Peoples Souls, he that cannot at all do the Work, and so is uncapable of the Office, can have no Title to the Place and Maintenance. And I cannot believe that the Peoples Souls must be all untaught and sacrificed to his pretended Legal Right. And another Pastor they were not like to have without the Maintenance, unless they could have got one that had an Estate of his own, and would go on warfare at his own Charges, or could live without Food and Raiment: for the Peoples Poverty disabled them from maintaining him: 〈◊〉 it had been but a Physician's or Surgeon's Place in an Hospital, which a mere 〈◊〉 had got for his life, I think to let the People perish, for fear of dispossessing him of his Place and Pay, had been to be righteous over much, and charitable over little: And the fifth part was allowed them for their Wives, though they did nothing for it. And yet this ignorant man was not dispossessed by force, but by the Power then in possession; even by Parliamentary Power, when the Lord's (who are the highest Judicture) sat as well as the Commons, by the King's • awe. And he was cast out on Articles sworn for Insufficiency and Scandal. And yet this was done by others, before I came near them: And must the place be void of a Teacher, because the Parliament would not give the Maintenance to a man that knew not what the Work of a Pastor was.

§ 129. Besides this ignorant Vicar, there was a Chapel in the Parish, where was an old Curate as ignorant as he, that had long lived upon Ten pound a year and unlawful Marriages, and was a Drunkard, and a Railer, and the Scorn of the Country: I know not how to keep him from reading, (for I judged it a Sin to tolerate him in any Sacred Office). I got an Augmentation for the Place, and got an honest Preacher to instruct them, and let this scandalous Fellow keep his former Stipend of Ten pound, for nothing, and yet could never keep him from forcing himself upon the People to read, nor from unlawful Marriages, till a little before Death did call him to his account. I have Examined him about the familiar Points of Religion, and he could not say • alf so much to me as I have heard a child say.

And these two in this Parish were not all: In one of the next Parishes, called The Rock, there were two Chapels, where the poor ignorant Curate of one got his living with cutting Faggots, and the other with making Ropes: Their Abilities being answerable to their Studies and Employments.

§ 130. In my Labors at Kidderminster after my return, I did all under languishing Weakness, being seldom an hour free from pain. Of which I shall give a brief Account together, as an addition to the general one foregoing, that I may not be oft upon it; mentioning only some of those passages in which God's Mercy most affected me.

Many a time have I been brought very low, and received the Stentence of Death in myself, when my poor, honest, praying Neighbors have met, and upon their Fasting and earnest Prayers I have been recovered, Once when I had continued weak three Weeks, and was unable to go abroad, the very day that they prayed for me, being Good-Friday, I recovered, and was able to Preach and Administer the Sacrament the next Lord's Day; and was better after it: (It being the first time that ever I administered it): And ever after that whatever Weakness was upon me, when I had (after Preaching) administered that Sacrament to many hundred People, I was much revived and eased of my Infirmities.

Another time I had a Tumour rose on one of the Tonsills in my Throat, white and hard like a Bone; above the hardness of any Schyrrhous Tumour: I feared a Cancer; being it was round and like a Pease, as it beginneth: And when I had by the Physician's Advise applied such Remedies as he thought fittest, and it no whit altered, but remained as hard as at the first; at the end of about a quarter of a Year, I was chek'd in Conscience that I had never publicly praised God particularly for any of the Deliverances which he had vouchsafed me: And being speaking of God's Confirming our Belief of his Word by his fulfilling of Promises, and hearing Prayers, (as it is published in the second part of my Saints Rest ) I annexed some thankful mention of my own Experiences; and suddenly the Tumour vanished, and no sign wherever it had been remained: Nor did I either swallow it down or spit it out, nor knew what went with it to this Day.

Another time, having read in Dr. Gerhard the admirable Effects of the swallowing of a Gold Bullet upon his own Father in a Case like mine, I got a Gold Bullet and swallowed it (between 20 s. and 30 s. weight); and having taken it, I knew not how to be delivered of it again: I took Clysters and Purges for about three Weeks, but nothing stirred it; and a Gentleman having done the like, the Bullet never came from it till he died, and it was cut out: But at last my Neighbors set a Day apart to fast and pray for me, and I was freed from my Danger in the beginning of that day.

Another time being in Danger of an Aegilops, and (to be brief) at divers times in divers Weaknesses, Pains and Dangers, I have been delivered upon earnest Prayers; such as have assured me that God heareth such extemporate Prayers as many now deride. And because I am speaking of Prayer, I will add one Instance more or two of the Success of it for my Neighbors, as well as for myself.

§ 131. There liveth yet in Kidderminster a grave and honest Widow, Mrs. Giles, Widow to Mr. Giles of Astley, one of the Committee of that County; she had a Son of about 14 or 15 Years of Age, Apprentice in Worcester to a Mercer; he fell into a Feaver, which being removed, ended in a most violent Epilepsie: The Physicians used all ordinary means for a long time in vain; so that she was fain to take him home to her to Kidderminster, where the Physician of the Place and my self did what we could for him, in vain, he had 4 or 5 violent fits in a Day; they were fain to hold a Key between his Teeth to save his Tongue: At last the People of the Town, at her Request, kept a Day of Fasting and Prayer at her House; and the second day (as I remember) he was suddenly cured, and never had a Fit since to this Day (but some little Weakness of his Head sometimes): He is now an Apothecary in Wolverhampton.

§ 132. Another Instance; Rich. Cook of Kinver a Mercer, an ancient sober Godly Man, being desirous to live at Kidderminster, took the next House to mine: The House proved so secretly cracked and Ruinous, that he was afraid it would undo him to repair it: This seized him with a Trouble on his Conscience whether he had done well to remove from Kinver (where he had been long a comfortable Neighbor to old Mr. Cross ): To revive his Spirits he drank much hot Waters, which inflamed his Blood; and so from Melancholy he fell quite Mad. We were forced by the Wars to leave him; but his Wife procured what means she could, but all in vain: When he had continued thus four Years, the excellentest, skillful Men at that Disease undertook him, and did what they could, but all in vain. He had exceeding Quantities of Blood taken from him: Some that had seen the Success would have set upon Fasting and Praying for him in his Presence: But I discouraged them, as thinking it a tempting carnal Men to contemn Prayer, when they saw it unsuccessful, and I thought they had no cause to expect a Miracle: I had no hope of his Cure because it was natural or heridatory to him, his Father having much about his Age fallen Mad before him and never recovered. When he had continued in this sad Case about ten or twelve Years, some of these Men would not be dissuaded, but would Fast and Pray at his House with great importunity; and many Months they continued it (once a Fortnight, or thereabouts) and he was never the better: But at last he sensibly began to amend, and is now as well almost as ever he was before, and so hath continued for a considerable time.

§ 133. I the rather mentioned these Passages of the Force of Prayer, because being not one in any of them myself, nor being present with them, there is no matter of appearing Ostentation, they being a few poor humble Weavers and other Tradesmen only, and no Minister with them, whose Prayers God hath thus frequently heard for others, and for me (though at this present some of the Chief of them lie in Prison, only for praying, and singing Psalms, and repeating Sermons together when they come from the Public Congregation). And now I return to the Recital of my own Infirmities.

After abundance of Distempers and Languishings, I fell at last into a Flux Hepaticus, and after that into manifold other Dangers successively (too long to be recited) from all which upon earnest prayer I was delivered.

Once riding upon a great hot-metled Horse, as I stood on a sidelong Pavement in Worcester, the Horse reared up, and both his hinder Feet slipped from under him; so that the full Weight of the Body of the Horse fell upon my Leg; which yet was not broken, but only bruised; when considering the Place, the Stones, the Manner of the Fall, it was a Wonder that my Leg was not broken all to Pieces.

Another time, as I sat in my Study, the Weight of my greatest Folio Books brake down three or four of the highest Shelves, when I sat close under them, and they fell down on every side me, and not one of them hit me, save one upon the Arm; whereas the Place, the Weight, and greatness of the Books was such, and my Head just under them, that it was a Wonder they had not beaten out my Brains, one of the Shelves right over my Head having the six Volumes of Dr. Walton 's Oriental Bible, and all Austin 's Works, and the Bibliotheca Patrum, and Marlorate, &c.

An other time, I had such a Fall from an high Place without much hurt, which should I describe it, it would seem a Wonder that my Brains were whole. All these I mention as obliged to record the Mercies of my great Preserver to his Praise and Glory.

§ 134. At last my Weakness was grown so great that I was necessitated to use Breast Milk four Months together; and as much longer, or more, I remained somewhat repaired: But then I fell into a Disease in my Eyes almost incredible; I had near every Day for one Year, and every second Day for another Year, a fresh Macula, commonly called a Pearl, in one Eye, besides very many in the other; the first that I had continued divers Weeks, till by the ordinary Method of Cure I had almost lost my Eye. At last I found that Honey alone, or with other things, six or seven times a Day applied constantly discussed and cured it in one Day: and the next Night in my Sleep another still came, a spurious Opthalmy going before, and leaving the Macula behind it: And I found it came from the extreme thinness of the Blood, with the extreme Laxity of the debilitated Vessels, and the Fatulency pumping up the Matter.

Thus I continued two Years, curing the Spot one Day, and finding it still returned the next Morning; so that I had about three hundred Pearls in those two Years; and though for the first Month I could neither read nor endure the Light, yet the rest of the time I went on with my Studies, though not without Pain and much Disturbance. No Purging nor outward Applications, nor other Medicines would Prevent the Return of it; till at two Years end I wrote to Dr. G. Bates for his Advice. The Humidities of my Stomach at the same time tasting like boiled Vinegar, or Vitrial, he prescribed me the use of Chalk in Substance (a spoonful shaved in a convenient Liquor) which powerfully precipitateth and dulcifieth acid Humours, and also hath a harmless corroborating Astriction (like Magisterial of Corall or Crabs Eyes:) the use of this gave a check to my Distemper, so that my Spots came seldomer than before: At last I had a Conceit of my own that two Plants which I had never made trial of, would prove accomodate to my Infirmity, Heath and Sage, as being very drying and astringent without any Acrimony: I boiled much of them in my Beer instead of Hops, and drank no other: When I had used it a Month my Eyes were cured, and all my tormenting Tooth-aches, and such other Maladies. Being desirous to know which of the two Hearbs it was which I was most beholden to, I tried the Heath alone one time, and the Sage alone anotherwhile; and I found it was the Sage much more than the Heath which did the Cure: whereupon I have used it now this ten Years, and through God's great Mercy, I never had a Spot more for many Years; nor many since at all: Also these other Effects have followed it; 1. It easeth my Headach. 2. I have no other Remedy for my terrible Toothach, inward or outward that will serve; nor did this ever fail me, if it hath had but twelve or twenty hours to work. 3. Whereas before I could endure no strong Drink, but was fain to drink very small Beer, or Iulep Alexande, and a Spoonful of Wine would have disturbed me a Fortnight, (with Ophthalmies, Toothaches, &c. ) since I used Sage I can bear the strongest Beer, (so I disuse not my Medicine the while.) 4. The vitriolate cutting Acidity of my Stomach is more dulcified than I could possibly have believed it would be. In a Word, God hath made this Herb do more for me (not for Cure but for Ease ) than all the Medicines that ever I used from all Physicians in my Life: So that though still I am very seldom without pain, yet my Languishings and Pains have been much less these last ten Years than long before. How it doth all this I am not certain; but I suppose principally by its great Astriction, mightily corroborating the relaxed Stomach and Vessels, and Brain, and by Astriction of the relaxed Vein, doth hinder the Motion and Shedding abroad of the corrupted Blood they contain: And also I am sure it mightily precipitateth and taketh off Acidities. The way I use it is, 1. Well boiled in the Wort in all my Beer: 2. Well boiled in my Gruel for every Mornings Breakfast: 3. Upon any special Necessity I take a Spoonful of the Powder (of the Leaves dried and mixed with two or three Parts of Sugar) which is the Strongest way of all: So that I find the Virtue is most in the terrene and salive Parts, and not in anything superficial and volatile. For the Infusion, and Ale made by Infusion doth me little Good, nor the Conserve of the Flowers. I have tried it on others, and find no such marvelous Effects as on my self; but least on the fat and strong, and most on the lean, old and weak, and that have thin fluid Humours, and laxity of Vessels, and some inordinate Acrimony. This I thought myself obliged to mention to the Praise of my heavenly Physician, in Thankfulness for these ten Years Ease; and to give some hint to others in my Case: Though now, through Age and constant Use, this Herb doth less with me than at the first; yet am I necessitated still to use it, and quickly to return to it when I have omitted it. After sixteen or seventeen Years benefit it now saileth me, and I forsake it.

§ 135. I shall next record, to the Praise of my Redeemer, the comfortable Employments and Successes which he vouchsafed me during my abode at Kidderminster, under all these Weaknesses. And 1. I will mention my Employment. 2. My Successes. And 3. Those Advantages by which under God it was procured; in order.

1. I preached before the Wars twice each Lord's Day; but after the War but once, and once every Thursday, besides occasional Sermons. Every Thursday Evening my Neighbors that were most desirous and had Opportunity, met at my House, and there one of them repeated the Sermon, and afterwards they proposed what Doubts any of them had about the Sermon, or any other Case of Conscience, and I resolved their Doubts: And last of all I caused sometimes one, and sometimes another of them to Pray (to exercise them); and sometimes I prayed with them myself: which (beside singing a Psalm) was all they did. And once a Week also some of the younger sort who were not fit to pray in so great an Assembly, met among a few more privately, where they spent three Hours in Prayer together, ever Saturday Night they met at some of their Houses to repeat the Sermon of the last Lord's Day, and to pray and prepare themselves for the following Day. Once in a few Weeks we had a Day of Humiliation on one Occasion or other; Every Religious Woman that was safely Delivered, instead of the old Feastings and Gossipings, if they were able, did keep a Day of Thanksgiving with some of their Neighbors with them, praising God, and singing Psalms, and soberly Feasting together. Two Days every Week my Assistant and I myself, took 14 Families between us for private Catechising and Conference (he going through the Parish, and the Town coming to me): I first heard them recite the Words of the Catechism, and then examined them about the Sense, and lastly urged them with all possible engaging Reason and Vehemency, to answerable Affection and Practice. If any of them were stalled through Ignorance or Bashfulness, I forbore to press them any farther to Answers, but made them Hearers, and either examined others, or turned all into Instruction and Exhortation. But this I have opened more fully in my Reformed Paster. I spent about an Hour with a Family, and admitted no others to be present, lest Bashfulness should make it burdensome, or any should talk of the Weaknesses of others: So that all the Afternoons on Mondays, and Tuesdays I spent in this (after I had begun it; for it was many Years before I did attempt it): And my Assistant spent the Morning of the same Days in the same Employment. Before that, I only catechised them in the Church; and conferred with, now and then, one occasionally.

Besides all this, I was forced five or six years by the Peoples Necessity to practice Physic: A common Pleurisy happening one year, and no Physician being near, I was forced to advise them, to save their Lives; and I could not afterwards avoid the Importunity of the Town and Country round about: And because I never once took a Penny of any one, I was crowded with Patients, so that almost Twenty would be at my Door at once; and though God by more Success than I expected, so long encouraged me, yet at last I could endure it no longer; partly because it hindered my other Studies, and partly because the very fear of miscarrying and doing any one harm, did make it an intolerable burden to me: So that after some Years Practice, I procured a godly, diligent Physician to come and live in the Town, and bound myself by Promise to practice no more (unless in Consultation with him in case of any seeming necessity); And so with that Answer I turned them all off, and never meddled with it more.

But all these my Labors (except my private Conferences with the Families) even preaching and preparing for it, were but my Recreations, and as it were the work of my spare hours: For my Writings were my chiefest daily Labor; which yet went the more slowly on, that I never one hour had an Amanuensis to dictate to, and specially because my Weakness took up so much of my time. For all the Pains that my Infirmities ever brought upon me, were never half so grievous an Affliction to me, as the unavoidable loss of my time, which they occasioned, I could not bear (through the weakness of my Stomach) to rise before Seven a Clock in the Morning, and afterwards not till much later; and some Infirmities I labored under, made it above an hour before I could be dressed. An hour I must of necessity have to walk before Dinner, and another before Supper; and after Supper I can seldom Study: All which, besides times of Family Duties, and Prayer, and Eating, &c. leaveth me but little time to study; which hath been the greatest external Personal Affliction of all my Life.

Besides all these, every first Wednesday of the Month was our monthly Meeting for Parish Discipline; and every first Thursday of the month was the Ministers meeting for Discipline and Disputation: And in those Disputations it fell to my lot to be almost constant Moderator; and for every such day (usually) I prepared a written Determination. All which I mention as my Mercies and Delights, and not as my Burdens. And every Thursday besides, I had the Company of divers godly Ministers at my House after the Lecture, with whom I spent that Afternoon in the truest Recreation, till my Neighbors came to ••• et for their Exercise of Repetition and Prayer.

For ever blessed be the God of Mercies, that brought me from the Grave, and gave me after Wars and Sickness fourteen years Liberty in such sweet Employment! And that in times of Usurpation I had all this Mercy and happy Freedom, when under our rightful King and Governor, I and many hundreds more are silenced, and laid by, as broken Vessels, and suspected and vilified as scarce to be tolerated to live privately and quietly in the Land! That God should make days of Licentiousness and Disorder under an Usurper so great a Mercy to me, and many a thousand more, who under the lawful Governors which they desired, and in the days when Order is said to be restored, do some of us sit in obscurity and unprofitable silence, and some lie in Prisons, and all of us are accounted as the Scum and Swepings or Off-scourings of the Earth.

§ 136. I have mentioned my sweet and acceptable Employment; Let me to the Praise of my gracious Lord, acquaint you with some of my Success: And I will not suppress it, though I fore-know that the Malignant will impute the mention of it to Pride and Oftentation. For it is the Sacrifice of Thanksgiving which I owe to my most gracious God, which I will not deny him for fear of being censured as proud, lest I prove myself proud indeed, while I cannot undergo the Imputation of Pride in the performance of my Thanks for such underserved Mercies.

My public Preaching met with an attentive diligent Auditory! Having broke over the brunt of the Opposition of the Rabble before the Wars, I found them afterwards tractable and unprejudiced.

Before I ever entered into the Ministry, God blessed my private Conference to the Conversion of some, who remain firm and eminent in holiness to this day: But then, and in the beginning of my Ministry I was wont to number them as Jewels; but since then I could not keep any number of them.

The Congregation was usually full, so that we are fain to build five Galleries after my coming thither (the Church itself being very capacious, and the most commodious and Convenient, that ever I was in). Our private Meetings also were full. On the Lord's Days there was no disorder to be seen in the Streets, but you might hear an hundred Families singing Psalms and repeating Sermons, as you passed through the Streets. In a word, when I came thither first, there was about one Family in a Street that worshipped God and called on his Name, and when I came away there were some Streets where there was not past one Family in the side of a Street that did not so; and that did not by professing serious Godliness, give us hopes of their sincerity: And those Families which were the worst, being Inns and Alehouses, usually Some persons in each House did seem to be Religious. Though our Administration of the Lord's Supper was so ordered as displeased many, and the far greater part kept away themselves, yet we had 600 that were Communicats, of whom there was not twelve that I had not good hopes of, as to their sincerity: and those few that did consent to our Communion, and yet lived scandalously were Excommunicated afterward: And I hope there were many that had the Fear of God that came not to our Communion in the Sacrament, some of them being kept off by Husbands, by Parents, by Masters, and some dissuaded by Men that differed from us: Those many that kept away, yet took it patiently, and did not revile us, as doing them wrong: And those unruly young men that were Excommunicated, bore it patiently as to their outward behavior, though their hearts were full of bitterness: (except one, of whom I shall speak anon). When I set upon Personal Conference with each Family, and Catechizing them, there were very few Families in all the Town that refused to come; and those few were Beggers at the Towns-ends, who were so ignorant that they were ashamed it should be manifest. And few Families went from me without some tears, or seemingly serious Promises for a Godly Life. Yet many ignorant and ungodly Persons there were still among us: but most of them were in the Parish, and not in the Town: and in those parts of the Parish which were furthest from the Town. And whereas one part of the Parish was impropriate, and paid Tythes to Lay-men, and the other part maintained the Church, (a Brook dividing them) it fell out that almost all that side of the Parish which paid Tythes to the Church, were godly, honest People, and did it willingly without Contention; and most of the bad People of the Parish lived on the other side. Some of the Poor men did competently understand the Body of Divinity, and were able to judge in difficult Controversies: Some of them were so able in Prayer, that very • ew Ministers did match them, in order and fullness, and apt Expressions, and holy Oratory, with fervency: Abundance of them were so able to pray very laudably with their Families, or with others. The temper of their Minds, and the innocence of their Lives was much more laudable than their Parts. The Professors of serious Godliness, were generally of very humble Minds and Carriage; of meek and quiet behavior unto others; and of blamelesness and innocence in their Conversations.

And God was pleased also to give me abundant Encouragement in the Lectures which I preached abroad in other places; as at Worcester, Cleobury, &c. But especially at Dudley and Sheffual; at the former of which (being the first place that ever I preached in) the poor Nailers and other Laborers would not only crowd the Church as full as ever I saw any in London, but also hand upon the Windows, and the Leads without.

And in my poor Endeavors with my Brethren in the Ministry, my Labors were not lost; Our Disputations proved not unprofitable; Our Meetings were never contentious, but always comfortable; We took great delight in the Company of each other; so that I knew that the remembrance of those days is pleasant both of them and me: when Discouragements had long kept me from motioning a way of Church-order and Discipline, which all might agree in, that we might neither have Churches ungoverned, nor fall into Divisions among ourselves, at the first motioning of it, I found a readier Consent than I could expect, and all went on without any great obstructing difficulties: And when I attempted to bring them all conjunctly to the work of Catechizing and Instructing every Family by itself, I found a ready consent in most, and performance in many. So that I must here to the praise of my dear Redeemer, set up this Pillar of Remembrance, even to his Praise who hath employed me so many years in so comfortable a Work, with such encouraging Success! O what am I, a worthless Worm, not only wanting Academical Honors, but much of that Furniture which is needful to so high a Work, that God should thus abundantly encourage me, when the Reverend Instructors of my Youth, did labor Fifty years together in one place, and could scarcely say they had Converted one or two of their Parishes! And the greater was this Mercy, because I was naturally of a discouraged Spirit; so that if I had preached one Year, and seen no Fruits of it, I should hardly have for born running away like Jonah, but should have thought that God called me not to that Place. Yea, the Mercy was yet greater in that it was of farther public Benefit: For some Independents and Anabaptist that had before conceited, that Parish Churches were the great Obstruction of all true Church Order and Discipline, and that it was impossible to bring them to any good Consistency, did quite change their Minds when they saw what was done at Kidderminster, and began to think now, that it was much through the faultiness of the Parish Ministers, that Parishes are not in a better Cafe; and that it is a better Work thus to reform the Parishes, than to gather Churches out of them, without great Necessity.

And the Zeal and Knowledge of this poor People provoked many in other parts of the Land. And though I have been now absent from them about six Years, and they have been assaulted with Pulpit-Calumnies, and Slanders, with Threatenings and Imprisonments, with enticing Words, and seducing Reasonings, they yet stand fast and keep their Integrity; many of them are gone to God, and some are removed, and some now in Prison, and most still at home; but not one, that I hear of, that are fallen off, or forsake their Uprightness.

§ 137. Having related my comfortable Successes in this Place, I shall next tell you by what, and how many Advantages this much was effected (under that Grace which worketh by means, though with a free diversity); which I do for their sakes that would have the means of other Men's Experiments, in managing ignorant and sinful Parishes.

1. One Advantage was, that I came to a People that never had any awakening Ministry before (but a few formal cold Sermons of the Curate): For if they had been hardened under a powerful Ministry, and been Sermon Proof, I should have expected less.

2. Another Advantage was, that at first I was in the Vigour of my Spirits, and had naturally a familiar moving Voice (which is a great matter with the common Hearers); and doing all in bodily Weakness, as a dying Man, my Soul was the more easily brought to Seriousness, and to preach as a dying Man to dying Men; for drowsy Formality and Customariness doth but stupisy the Hearers, and rock them asleep: It must be serious Preaching, which must make Men serious in hearing and obeying it.

3. Another Advantage was, that most of the bitter Enemies of Godliness in the Town, that rose in Tumults against me before, in their very Hatred of Puritans, had gone out into the Wars, into the King's Armies, and were quickly killed, and few of them ever returned again; and so there were few to make any great Opposition to Godliness.

4. Another, and the greatest Advantage was, the Change that was made in the Public Affairs by the Success of the Wars; which, however it was done, and though much corrupted by the Usurpers, yet it was such as removed many and great Impediments to Men's Salvation: For before, the riotous Rabble had Boldness enough to make serious Godliness a common Scorn, and call them all Puritans and Precisians that did not care as little for God and Heaven and their Souls as they did; especially if a Man were not fully satisfied with their undisciplined, disordered Churches, or Lay Chancellors Excommunications, &c. then no Name was bad enough for him: And the Bishops Articles enquiring after such, and their Courts and the High Commission grievously afflicting those that did but Fast and Pray together, or go from an ignorant drunken Reader, to hear a godly able Preacher at the next Parish, &c. this kept Religion among the Vulgar under either continual Reproach or Terror, encourageing the Rabble to despise it and revile it, and discouraging those that else would own it. And Experience telleth us, that it is a lamentable Impediment to Men's Conversion, when it is a way everywhere spoken against, and prosecuted by Superiors, which they must embrace; and when at their first Approaches they must go through such Dangers and Obloquy as is fitter for confirmed Christians to be exercised with, than unconverted Sinners or young Beginners: Therefore, though Cromwell gave Liberty to all Sects among us, and did not set up any Party alone by Force, yet this much gave abundant Advantage to the Gospel, removing the Prejudices and the Terrors which hindered it; especially considering that Godliness had Countenance and Reputation also, as well as Liberty; whereas before, if it did not appear in all the Fetters and Formalities of the Times, it was the way to common Shame and Ruin: Hearing Sermons abroad when there were none, or worse at home; Fasting and Praying together; the strict Observation of the Lord's Day, and such like, went under the dangerous Name of Puritanism, as well as opposing Bishops and Ceremonies.

I know in these Times you may meet with Men that confidently affirm, that all Religion was then trodden down, and Heresy and Schism were the only Piety; but I give Warning to all Ages by the Experience of this incredible Age, that they take heed how they believe any, whoever they be, while they are speaking for the Interest of their Factions and Opinions, against those that were their real or supposed Adversaries.

For my part, I bless God who gave me even under an Usurper whom I opposed, such Liberty and Advantage to preach his Gospel with Success, which I cannot have under a King to whom I have sworn and performed true Subjection and Obedience; yea, which no Age since the Gospel came into this Land, did before possess, as far as I can learn from History. Sure I am, that when it became a matter of Reputation and Honor to be Godly, it abundantly furthered the Successes of the Ministry. Yea, and I shall add this much more for the sake of Posterity, that as much as I have said and written against Licentiousness in Religion, and for the Magistrates Power in it, and though I think that Land most happy, whose Rulers use their Authority for Christ, as well as for the Civil Peace; yet in Comparison of the rest of the World, I shall think that Land happy that hath but bare Liberty to be as good as they are willing to be; and if Countenance and Maintenance be but added to Liberty, and tolerated Errors and Sects be but forced to keep the Peace, and not to oppose the Substantials of Christianity, I shall not hereafter much fear such Toleration, nor despair that Truth will bear down Adversaries.

5. Another Advantage which I found was, that Acceptation of my Person, which Bishop Morley and Dean Warmstry so vehemently dissuaded them from (in vain): Though to win Estimation and Love to ourselves only, be an end that none but proud Men and Hypocrites intend, yet it is most certain that the Gratefulness of the Person doth ingratiate the Message, and greatly prepareth the People to receive the Truth: Had they taken me to be Ignorant, Erroneous, Scandalous, Worldly, Self-seeking, or such like, I could have expected small Success among them.

6. Another Advantage which I had was, by the Zeal and Diligence of the Godly People of the Place; who thirsted after the Salvation of their Neighbors, and were in private my Assistants, and being dispersed through the Town, were ready in almost all Companies to repress seducing Words, and to justify Godliness, and convince, reprove, exhort Men according to their needs; as also to teach them how to pray; and to help them to sanctify the Lord's Day: For those People that had none in their Families who could pray, or repeat the Sermons, went to their next Neighbor's House who could do it, and joined with them; so that Some House (of the ablest Men) in each Street were filled with them that could do nothing, or little in their own.

7. And the holy, humble, blameless Lives of the Religious sort was a great Advantage to me: The malicious People could not say, your Professors here are as proud and covetous as any: But the blameless Lives of godly People did shame Opposers, and put to Silence the Ignorance of foolish Men, and many were won by their good Conversation.

8. And our Unity and Concord was a great Advantage to us, and our freedom from those Sects and Heresies which many other Places were infected with. We had no private Church, though we had private Meetings; we had not Pastor against Pastor, nor Church against Church, nor Sect against Sect, nor Christian against Christian. There was none that had any odd Opinions of his own, or censured his Teacher as erroneous, nor questioned his Call: At Bewdley there was a Church of Anabaptists; at Worcester the Independents gathered theirs: But we were all of one Mind, and Mouth, and Way: Not a Separatist, Anabaptist, Antinomian, &c. in the Town! One Journeyman Shoemaker turned Anabaptist, but he left the Town upon it, and went among them. When People saw diversity of Sects and Churches in any Place, it greatly hindered their Conversion; and they were at a loss, and knew not what Party to be of, or what Way to go; and therefore would be of no Religion at all; and perhaps derided them all whom they saw thus disagreed: But they had no such Offence or Objection there; they could not ask, which Church or Party shall I be of; for we were all but as one: Nay, so Modest were the ablest of the People, that they never were inclined to a preaching way, nor to make Ostentation of their Parts; but took warning by the Pride of others, and thought they had teaching enough by their Pastors, and that it was better for them to bestow their Labor in digesting that, than in Preaching themselves.

9. And our private Meetings were a marvelous help to the propagating of Godliness among them: for thereby Truths that slipped away were recalled, and the seriousness of the Peoples minds renewed; and good desires cherished; and hereby their knowledge was much increased; and here the younger sort learned to pray, by frequent hearing others: And here I had opportunity to know their Case: for if any were touched and awakened in public, I should presently see him drop in to our private Meetings: Hereby also idle meetings and loss of time was prevented. And so far were we from being by this in danger of Schism or Divisions, that it was the principal means to prevent them: For here I was usually present with them, answering their Doubts, and silencing Objections, and moderating them in all. And some Private Meeting 's I found they were exceeding much inclined to: and if I had not allowed them such as were lawful and profitable, they would have been ready to run to such as were unlawful and hurtful: And by encouraging them here in the fit exercise of their parts, in Repetition, Prayer, and asking Questions, I kept them from inclining to the disorderly exercise of them, as the Sectaries do. We had no Meetings in opposition to the Public Meetings; but all in subordination to them; and under my over-sight and guidance; which proved a way profitable to all.

10. Another thing which advantaged us was some public Disputations which we had with Gainsayers, which very much confirmed the People: The Quakers would fain have got entertainment and set up a Meeting in the Town (and frequently railed at me in the Congregation): But when I had once given them leave to meet in the Church, for a Dispute, and before the People, had opened their deceits and shame, none would entertain them more, nor did they get one Proselyte among us. Before that, Mr. John Tombes being Lecturer of Bewdley, two miles off us, (who was reputed the most Learned and able Anabaptist in England ) we kept fair Correspondence for a long time, and I studiously avoided all Debates with him about Infant Baptism; till at last he forced me to it as I shall show further anon, And after one days Dispute with him of Bewdley, my Hearers were more settled, and the course of his Infection stopped. How mean soever my own Abilities were, yet I had still the advantage of a good Cause, and thereby easily opened the vanity of all Pretenders, Deceivers and Dividers that came among us.

11. Another advantage was the great honesty and diligence of my Assistants: When I came first to Kidderminster after the Wars, I found Mr. Richard Sergeant there received as their Preacher • whom they took in a Case of Necessity when they could get no other: I found him very honest, but of no extraordinary Learning, and of no taking utterance, so that some that were more for Learing than for serious Piety, would have had me taken in his stead a very grave, ancient Doctor of Divinity, who had a most promising Presence, and tolerable Delivery, and reverend Name, and withal was my Kinsman: But I found at last that he had no relish of serious Godliness, nor solid Learning or Knowledge in Divinity, but stole Sermons out of printed Books, and set them off with a grave Delivery. But Mr. Sergeant so increased in Ability, that he became a solid Preacher, and of so great Prudence in Practical Cases, that I know few therein go beyond him; but none at all do I know that excelleth him in Meekness, Humility, Self-denial and Diligence No Child ever seemed more humble: No Interest of his own, either of Estate or Reputation, did ever seem to stop him in his Duty: No Labor did he ever refuse which I could put him to: When I put him to travel over the Parish (which is near 20 miles about) from House to House to Catechize and Instruct each Family, he never grudged or seemed once unwilling. He preached at a Chapel above two miles off one half the day, and in the Town the other, and never murmured. I never heard of the Man or Woman in all that Town and Parish, that ever said, This Fault he did; This Word he spake amiss against me; This Wrong he did me; nor ever one that once found fault with him (save once one man upon a short mistake, for being out of the way when he should have baptized a Child): This admirable blamelesness of Life much furthered our work: And when he was removed two miles from us, I got Mr. Humphrey Waldern to succeed him, who was very much like him, and carried on his work.

12. Another Advantage was the Presence and Countenance of honest Justices of Peace: Colonel John Bridges, a prudent, pious Gentleman, was Patron of the Church, and lived in the Parish, and was a Justice of Peace: And a Bailiff and Justice were Annually chosen in the Corporation, who ordinarily were godly men, and always such as would be thought so, and were ready to use their Authority to Suppress Sin, and promote Goodness. And when once a Sabbath-breaker thought to have overthrown the Officers at Law, Serjeant Fountain being then Judge of Assize, did so repress his Malice, as discouraged all others from anymore such attempts. But now the World is changed—.

13. Another help to my Success, was that small relief which my low Estate enabled me to afford the Poor: though the Place was reckoned at near 200 l. per Annum, there came but 90 l. and sometimes 80 l. per Annum to me: Besides which, some years I had 60 l. or 80 l. a year of the Booksellers for my Books: which little dispersed among them, much reconciled them to the Doctrine which I taught: I took the aptest of their Children from the School, and set divers of them to the Universities; where for 8 l. a year, or 10 l. at most, by the help of my Friends there I maintained them. Mr. Vines and Dr. Hill did help me to Sizers places for them at Cambridge: And the Lady Rous allowed me 8 l. a year awhile towards their Maintenance, and Mr. Tho. Fowley and Col. Bridges also assisted me. Some of them are honest able Ministers, now cast out with their Brethren: But two or three, having no other way to live, turned great Conformists, and are Preachers now. And in giving that little I had, I did not inquire whether they were good or bad, if they asked Relief: For the bad had Souls and Bodies that needed Charity most. And I found that Three pence or a Groat to every poor Body that asked me, was no great matter in a year, but a few pounds in that way of giving would go far. And this Truth I will speak to the encouragement of the Charitable, that what little Money I have now by me, I got it almost all (I scarce know how) in that time when I gave most: And since I have had less opportunity of giving, I have had less increase.

14. Another furtherance of my work was the Writing 's which I wrote, and gave among them. Some small Books I gave each Family one of, (which came to about 800); and of the bigger I gave fewer: And every Family that was poor, and had not a Bible, I gave a Bible to. And I had found myself the benefit of reading to be so great, that I could not but think it would be profitable to others.

15. And it was a great Advantage to me, that my Neighbors were of such a Trade as allowed them time enough to read or talk of holy Things. For the Town liveth upon the Weaving of Kidderminster Stuffs; and as they stand in their Loom they can set a Book before them, or edify one another: whereas Plowmen, and many others, are so wearied or continually employed, either in the Labors or the Cares of their Callings, that it is a great Impediment to their Salvation; Freeholders and Trades-men are the Strength of Religion and Civillity in the Land: and Gentlemen and Beggers, and Servile Tenants, are the Strength of Iniquity; (Though among these sorts there are some also that are good and just, as among the other there are many bad.) And their constant Converse and Traffick with London doth much promote Civility and Piety among Trades-men.

16. And I found that my single Life afforded me much advantage: For I could the easilier take my People for my Children, and think all that I had too little for them, in that I had no Children of my own to tempt me to another way of using it. And being discharged from the most of Family Cares (keeping but one Servant) I had the greater vacancy and liberty for the Labors of my Calling.

17. And God made use of my Practice of Physic among them, as a very great advantage to my Ministry; for they that cared not for their Souls did love their Lives, and care for their Bodies: And by this they were made almost as observant, as a Tenant is of his Landlord: Sometimes I could see before me in the Church a very considerable part of the Congregation, whose Lives God had made me a means to save, or to recover their health: And doing it for nothing so obliged them, that they would readily hear me.

18. And it was a great advantage to me, that there were at last few that were bad, but some of their own Relations were Converted: Many Children did God work upon at 14, or 15, or 16 years of Age: And this did marvelously reconcile the Minds of the Parents and Elder sort to Godliness: They that would not hear me, would hear their own Children: They that before could have talked against Godliness, would not hear it spoken against when it was their Children's Case: Many that would not be brought to it themselves, were proud that they had understanding Religious Children: And we had some old Persons of near Eighty years of Age, who are, I hope, in Heaven, and the Conversion of their own Children was the chief means to overcome their Prejudice and old Customs and Conceits.

19. And God made great use of Sickness to do good to many. For though Sickbed Promises are usually soon forgotten; yet was it otherwise with many among us: And as soon as they were recovered, they first came to our private Meetings, and so kept in a learning state, till further Fruits of Piety appeared.

20. And I found that our disowning of the Iniquity of the Times, did tend to the good of many: For they despised those that always followed the stronger side, and justified every wickedness that was done by the stronger Party: Though we had judged the Parliaments War to be lawful and necessary, to save themselves and us from the Irish and their Adherents, and to punish Delinquents in a Course of Law, while we believed that nothing was intended against the King or Laws; yet as soon as ever we saw the Case changed, and Cromwell 's Army enter into a Rebellion against King and Parliament, and kill the King, and invade the Scots, and fight against the King that should have succeeded, &c. we openly disowned them, and on all just occasions expressed our abhorrence of their Hypocrisy, Perjury, and Rebellion; (except two or three idle drunken Fellows that thought to live by flattering the Times, this was the Sense of all the Town). And had I owned the Guilt of others, it would have been my shame, and the hindrance of my work, and provoked God to have disowned me.

21. Another of my great Advantages was, the true Worth and Unanimity of the honest Ministers of the Country round about us, who associated in a way of Concord with us: Their Preaching was powerful and sober; their Spirits peaceable and meek, disowning the Treasons and Iniquities of the times as well as we; they were wholly addicted to the winning of Souls; self-denying, and of most blameless Lives; Evil spoken of by no Sober Men; but greatly beloved by their own People, and all that knew them; adhering to no Faction; neither Episcopal, Presbyterian nor Independent, as to Parties; but desiring Union, and loving that which is good in all.

These meeting weekly at our Lecture, and monthly at our Disputation, constrained a Reverence in the People to their Worth and Unity, and consequently furthered my Work, such were Mr. Andrew Trisham Minister of Bridgnorth, Mr. Tho. Baldwin Minister at Chadsley, Mr. Tho. Baldwin Minister of Clent, Mr. Joseph Baker Minister in Worcester, Mr. Henry Oasland Minister of Bewdley, Mr. William Spicer Minister of Stone (an old man since dead), Mr. Richard Sergeant last Minister of Stone, Mr. Wilsby of Womborne, Mr. John Reynolds of Wolverhampton, Mr. Joseph Rock of Rowley, Mr. Richard Wolley of Sallwarp, Mr. Giles Wolley, Mr. Humphrey Waldern of Broome, Mr. Edw. Bowchier of Church-hill, Mr. Ambrose Sparry of Martley, Mr. William Kimberley of Ridmarley, Mr. Benj. Baxter of Upton upon Severn, Mr. Dowley of Stoke, Mr. Stephen Baxter, Mr. Tho. Bromwick of Kemsey, Mr. I. Nott of Sheriff-hales, with many others; to whom I may adjoin Mr. John Spilsbury, and Mr. Iuice one of Bromsgrove, and the other of Worcester, Independents, and very honest, sober, and moderate men; (who were all of them now silenced and cast out, though not one of them all had any hand in the Wars for the Parliament, or any Military Employment; only Mr. George Hopkins of Evesham was in the Army, (a worthy faithful Minister also) and no other of our Association that I know of besides my self in all the County.

22. Another Advantage to me was the quality of the Sinners of the place. There were two Drunkards almost at the next Doors to me, who (one by night, and the other by day) did constantly every Week, if not twice or thrice a Weak, roar and rave in the Streets like stark-madmen; and when they have been laid in the Stocks or Gaol, they have been as bad as soon as ever they came out: And these were so beastly and ridiculous, that they made that Sin (of which we were in most danger) the more abhorred.

23. Another Advantage to me was the quality of the Apostates of the place. If we had been troubled with mere Separatists, Anabaptists, or others that erred plausibly and tolerably, they might perhaps have divided us, and drawn away Disciples after them: But we had only two Professors that fell off in the Wars, and (one or two at most) that made no Profession of Godliness were drawn in to them. They that fell off were such as before, by their want of grounded Understanding, Humility and Mortification, gave us the greatest suspicion of their Stability: And they fell to no less than Familism and Infidelity, making a jest of the Scripture, and the Essentials of Christianity: (Though they so carefully hid it, that we could never possibly have known their Minds, but from the Alehouse, and Companions with whom they were more free). And as they fell from the Faith, so they fell to Drinking, Gaming, furious Passions, horribly abusing their Wives (and thereby saving them from their Errors) and to a vicious Life. So that they stood up as Pillars and Monuments of God's Justice, to warn all others, to take heed of Self-conceitedness and Heresies, and of departing from Truth and Christian Unity: And so they were a principal means to keep out all Sects and Errors from the Town.

24. Another great help to my Success at last, was the fore-described Work of Personal Conference with every Family apart, and Catechising and Instructing them. That which was spoken to them personally, and put them sometime upon Answers, awakened their Attention, and was easilier applied than public Preaching, and seemed to do much more upon them.

25. And the Exercise of Church-Discipline was no small furtherance of the Peoples Good: For I found plainly that without it I could not have kept the Religious sort from Separations and Divisions. There is something generally in their Dispositions, which inclineth them to dissociate from open ungodly Sinners, as Men of another Nature and Society; and if they had not seen me do something reasonable for a Regular Separation of the notorious obstinate Sinners from the rest, they would irregularly have withdrawn themselves; and it had not been in my power, with bare words, to satisfy them, when they saw we had liberty to do what we would.

It was my greatest Care and Contrivance so to order this Work, that we might neither make a mere Mock-show of Discipline, nor with Independents, un-church the Parish-Church, and gather a Church out of them anew. Therefore all the Ministers Associate agreed together, to practice so much Discipline, as the Episcopal, Presbyterians and Independents were agreed on, that Presbyters might and must do. And we told the People that we went not about to gather a new Church, but taking the Parish for the Church, unless they were unwilling to own their own Membership, we resolved to exercise that Discipline with all: Only because there are some Papists and Familists or Infidels among us, and because in these times of Liberty we cannot (nor desire to) compel any against their Wills, we desired all that did own their Membership in this Parish Church, and take us for their Pastors, to give in their Names, or any other way signify that they do so: and those that are not willing to be Members, and rather choose to withdraw themselves than live under Discipline, to be silent: And so, for very fear of Discipline, all the Parish kept off except about Six hundred, when there were in all above Sixteen hundred at Age to be Communicants. Yet because it was their own doing, and they knew they might come in when they would, they were quiet in their Separation; for we took them for the Separatists: For those that scrupled our Gesture at the Sacrament, I openly told them that they should have it in their own. Yet did I Baptize all their Children; but made them first (as I would have done by Strangers) give me privately, (or publicly if they had rather) an account of their Faith; and if any Father were a scandalous Sinner, I made him confess his Sin openly with seeming Penitence, before I would Baptize his Child: If he refused it, I forbore till the Mother came to present it, (for I rarely, if ever, found both Father and Mother so destitute of Knowledge and Faith, as in a Church Sense to be uncapable hereof.)

Of those that refused to come under Discipline, some were honest Persons, who by their Husbands, Parents or Masters, were forbidden: Many were grossly ignorant; many were profane and scandalous; and many were kept off by the Example and Perswasions of some leading Persons, who were guided by the higher sort of the Prelatical Divines; who though they could say little or nothing against what we did, yet their Religion being too much made up of Faction and Personal Interest, they disowned our Course as unsuitable to the Interest of their Civil and Ecclesiastical Sidings and Designs.

About six or seven young Men did join with us who were addicted to Tipling, and one of them was a weak-headed Fellow, who was a common notorious Drunkard. We could not refuse them, because our business was not to gather a New Church, but only to know who owned their own Membership, and who would disown it and withdraw themselves. But we told him that he was a notorious Drunkard, that we must presently admonish him, and expect his humble, penitent Confession, and promise of Amendment, or else we must declare him unfit for Church-Communion. He lamented his Sin with great aggravation, and promised Amendment; but quickly returned to it again: We admonished him again and again, and labored to bring him to Contrition and Resolution; and he would still confess it, and still go on: I warned him publicly, and prayed for him several days in the Church; but he went on in his Drunkenness still: At last I declared him unfit for the Churches Communion, and required them to avoid him accordingly (for this was all we did, whether you will call it Excommunication or not) endeavoring to convince him of his Misery, and of the necessity of true Repentance and Reformation.

If any shall here ask me, Why we took this Course, and did not take all the Parish for Members without putting the Question to them; and what Benefits we found by such a Course of Discipline? I answer first to the last Question:

1. We performed a plain Command of Christ: and we took Obedience to be better than Sacrifice, and be our best kind of Worship, and the pleasing of God to be the greatest benefit.

2. As is said before, we kept the Church from irregular Separations, which else could never have been done.

3. We helped to Cure that dangerous Disease among the People, of imagining that Christianity is but a matter of Opinion and dead Belief, and to convince them how much of it consisteth in Holiness, and how far it is inconsistent with reigning Sin; and so did vindicate the Honor of Christ and the Christian Faith.

4. We greatly suppressed the practice of Sin, and caused People to walk more watchfully than else they would have done. These and many other great Benefits accrued by it to the Church.

But if you ask what good the Offenders themselves received by it, I shall tell you the truth according to my Experince. All sober, godly, well-minded Persons, if they once fell into any scandalous Action (as scarce two of them ever did) yea the very Civil and Younger sort that were tractable, did humbly confess their Sin, and walk more watchfully. But those that were cast out of our Communion were enraged, and made much more Enemies to Godliness than before, though we exercised as much Patience and Tenderness towards them, as Reason could desire. The Drunkard before-mentioned, after his Ejection, when he was drunk would stand at the Market-place, and like a Quaker, Cry out against the Town, and take on him to prophesy God's Judgments against them, and would rage at my Door, and rail and curse. And once he followed me as I went to Church, and laid hands on me in the Church-yard, with a purpose to have killed me; but it fell out that he had hold only of my Cloak, which I unbottoned and left with him; and before his Fury could do anymore, (it being the Fair-day) there were some Strangers by in the Church-yard, who dragged him to the Magistrate and the Stocks. And thus he continued raging against me about a year, and then died of a Fever in horror of Conscience. Three or four more we were forced to cast out, one for Slandering, and all the rest for drunkenness; and though their wit, and the honesty of their Neighbors and Relations made them live quietly, yet their Enmity was much increased, and they themselves so much the worse, as convinced the strictest Religious sort, that Excommunication is not to be used but upon great Necessity. And indeed, how can you expect that he who will stand it out to an Excommunication, should be bettered by any ordinary means? When private Entreaties and vehement Exhortations, and Warnings before others, and at last before the Church, and earnest Prayers for them, and all that we could say or do for many Weeks or Months together, would not make most of them so much as say, We are sorry for our sin; nor any of them leave their common Drunkenness; how should Excommunication do them good?

If you say, Why then did you use it? I answer, For the sake of the rest more than for them: for all the Reasons before-mentioned, and many more which I have laid down in the Preface to my Universal Concord. We knew it to be an Ordinance of Christ, and greatly conducing to the Honor of the Church; which is not a common profane Society, nor a Sty of Swine, but must be cleaner than the Societies of Infidels and Heathens: And I bless God that ever I made trial of Discipline; for my Expectations were not frustrate though the ejected Sinners were hardened: The Churches Good must be first regarded.

As to the other Question, Why we dealt not thus by all the Parish, and took them not all for Members without question? We knew some Papists and Infidels that were no Members: We knew that the People would have thought themselves wronged more to be thus brought under Discipline without and against their own Consent, than to 〈◊〉 them to withdraw. And we thought it not a Business • it for the unwilling, •••• ually at such a time as that: But especially, I knew that it was like to be their utter undoing, by hardening them into utter Enmity against the means that should recover them: And I never yet saw any signs of hope in any Excommunicate Person; (unless as they are yet men, and capable of what God will do upon them) except one that humbled himself, and begged Absolution. Now either Discipline is to be exercised according to Christ's Rule, or not. If not, then the Church is no purer a Society, as to its Orders, than those of Infidels and Pagans, but Christ must be disobeyed, and his House of Prayer made a Den of Thieves: If yea, then either impartially upon all obstinate impenitent Sinners according to Christ's Rule, or but on some: If but on some only, it will be a Judgment of Partiality and Unrighteousness; whereas, where there is the same Cause, there must (usually) be the same Penalty. If on all, then the multitude of the Scandalous in almost all places is so great, and the Effects of Excommunication so dreadful, that it would tend to damning of multitudes of Souls; which being contrary to the design of the Gospel, is not to be taken for the Will of Christ: we have our Power to Edification, and not to Destruction. A few in case of necessity may be punished, though to their hurt, for the good of all; but multitudes must not be so used. Indeed, a Popish Interdict, or mock Excommunication, by the Sentence of a Prelate or Lay-Chancellor, may pass against multitudes, and have no considerable Effect, (but as it is enforced by the Sword): But the Word of God is quick and powerful, and when it is thus personally applied in the Sentencing of a guilty obstinate Sinner, doth one way or other work more effectually. Therefore in this difficulty there can be but two Remedies devised: One is with the Anabaptists to leave Infants unbaptized, that so they may not be taken into the Church, till they are fit for the Orders of the Church: But this is injurious to Infants, and against the will of God, and hath more inconveniences than benefits. (Though for my part, as much as I have wrote against them, I wish that it were in the Church now, as it was in the days of Tertullian, Nazianzen, and Austin, where no man was compelled to bring his Infants to Baptism, but all left to their own time: For then some (as Augustine, &c.) were baptized at full Age, and some in Infancy.) The second therefore is the only just and safe Remedy; which is, That by the due performance of Confirmation, there may be a Soleman Transition out of the state of Infant Church-Membership, into the state of Adult Church-Membership; and due qualifications therein required: and that the unfit may, till then, be left inter Auditores, without the Privileges proper to Adult Members; of which I have fully written in my Book of Confirmation.

26. Another Advantage which I found to my Success was, by ordering my Doctrine to them in a suitableness to the main end, and yet so as might suit their Dispositions and Diseases. The thing which I daily opened to them, and with greatest importunity labored to imprint upon their minds, was the great Fundamental Principles of Christianity contained in their Baptismal Covenant, even a right knowledge, and belief of, and subjection and love to, God the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost; and Love to all Men, and Concord with the Church and one another: I did so daily inculcate the Knowledge of God our Creator, Redeemer, and Sanctifier, and Love and Obedience to God, and Unity with the Church Catholic, and Love to Men, and Hope of Life Eternal, that these were the matter of their daily Cogitations and Discourses, and indeed their Religion. And yet I did usually put in something in my Sermon which was above their own discovery, and which they had not known before; and this I did, that they might be kept humble, and still perceive their ignorance, and be willing to keep in a learning state. (For when Preachers tell their People of no more than they know, and do not show that they excel them in Knowledge, and easily over-top them in Abilities, the People will be tempted to turn Preachers themselves, and think that they have learnt all that the Ministers can teach them, and are as wise as they; and they will be apt to contemn their Teachers, and wrangle with all their Doctrines, and set their Wits against them, and hear them as Censurers, and not as Disciples, to their own undoing, and to the disturbance of the Church; and they will easily draw Disciples after them: The bare Authority of the Clergy will not serve the turn, without over-topping Ministerial Abilities). And I did this also to increase their Knowledge; and also to make Religion pleasant to them, by a daily addition to their former Light, and to draw them on with desire and Delight. But these things which they did not know before, were not unprofitable Controversies which tended not to Edification, nor Novelties in Doctrine contrary to the Universal Church; but either such Points as tended to illustrate the great Doctrines before-mentioned, or usually, about the right methodizing of them. The opening of the true and profitable method of the Creed, (or Doctrine of Faith) the Lord's Prayer, (or Matter of our Desires) and the Ten Commandments, (or Law of Practice) which afford matter to add to the knowledge of most Professors of Religion, a long time: And when that is done, they must be led on still further by degrees, as they are capable; but so as not to leave the weak behind: and so as shall still be truly subservient to the great Points of Faith, Hope, and Love, Holiness and Unity, which must be still inculcated, as the beginning and the end of all.

27. Another help to my Success was, that my People were not Rich: There were among them very few Beggers, because their common Trade of Stuff-weaving would find work for all, Men, Women and Children, that were able: And there were none of the Trades-men very rich, seeing their Trade was poor, that would but find them Food and Raiment. The Magistrates of the Town were few of them worth 40 l. per An. and most not half so much. Three or four of the Richest thriving Masters of the Trade, got but about 500 or 600 l. in twenty years, and it may be lose 100 l. of it at once by an ill Debtor. The generality of the Master Workmen, lived but a little better than their Journey-men, (from hand to mouth) but only that they labored not altogether so hard.

And it is the Poor that receive the glad Tidings of the Gospel, and that are usually rich in faith, and heirs of the heavenly riches which God hath promised to them that love him; James 2. 5. Do not rich men oppress you, and draw you before the Judgment Seats? As Mr. George Herbert saith in his Church Militant:

Usually the Rich are Proud and Obstinate, and will not endure the due Conduct of the Ministry: Let them be never so ignorant, they must not be crossed in their Conceits and Way; and if they be, they storm, and raise Persecution upon it; or at least draw away a Faction after them. Let them be never so Guilty (unless it be some swinish inexcusable Sin) they will not endure to be told of it. Their Gentility seemeth to allow them, in the three or four Sins of Sodom, Pride, Fulness of Bread, and Abundance of Idleness, and not considering the Poor and Needy. And their fullness and idleness tempt them to further Voluptuousness and Sensuality, to Filthiness, or to Time- wasting needless kinds of Sports: And they must not be crossed in any of this. Do but offer to Exercise Christ's Discipline upon any of these, and tell them of their Faults alone, and then before two or three, and when they hear not, tell the Church; and you will make them hate both you and Discipline, and say you affect a Domination, and to trample upon your Superiors, and are as proud as Popes. Christ knew what he said, when he said, How hardly shall a Rich Man enter into the Kingdom of Heaven! Even as a Camel through the Eye of a Needle. But if a poor man be bad, and hate both Piety and Reproof, yet his opposition is not so fierce or so significant; he maketh not so much ado, nor engageth so many with him, nor is so much regarded by the rest. One Knight (Sir R. C. ) which lived among us, did more to hinder my greater Successes, than a multitude of others could have done: Though he was an old Man, of great Courtship and Civility, and very temperate as to Dyet, Apparel and Sports, and seldom would Swear any louder than [ By his Troth, &c.] and shown me much Personal Reverence and Respect (beyond my desert), and we conversed together with Love and Familiarity; yet (having no relish of this Preciseness and Extemporary Praying, and making so much ado for Heaven; nor liking that which went beyond the pace of Saying the Common Prayer, and also the Interest of himself and his Civil and Ecclesiastical Parties, leading him to be ruled by Dr. Hammond ) his coming but once a day to Church on the Lord's days, and his Abstaining from the Sacrament, &c. as if we kept not sufficiently to the old way, and because we used not the Common Prayer Book, when it would have caused us to be Sequestred) did cause a great part of the Parish to follow him, and do as he did; when else our Success and Concord would have been much more happy than it was. And yet Civility and yielding much beyond others of his Party, (sending his Family to be Catechized and personally Instructed) did sway with the worst almost among us to do the like. Indeed we had two other Persons of Quality, that came from other places to live there, and were truly and judiciously Religious, who did much good, (Col. John Bridges, and at last Mrs. Hanmer ): For when the Rich are indeed Religious, and overcome their Temptations, as they may be supposed better than others, because their Conquest is greater, so they may do more good than others, because their Talents are more. But such (comparatively) are always few.

28. Another thing that helped me was, my not meddling with Tythes or Worldly Business; whereby I had my whole time (except what Sickness deprived me of) for my Duty, and my Mind more free from Entanglements than else it would have been; and also I escaped the offending of the People, and contending by any Law Suits with them. And I found also that Nature itself being Conscious of the Baseness of its Earthly Disposition, doth think basely of those whom it discerneth to be Earthly; and is forced to Reverence those whose Converse is supposed to be most with God and Heaven. Three or Four of my Neighbors managed all those kind of Businesses, of whom I never took Account; and if any one denied to pay their Tythes, if they were poor I ordered them to forgive it them; After that I was constrained to let the Tythes be gathered, as by my Title, to save the Gatherers from Law-Suits. But if they were able, I ordered them to seek it by the Magistrate, with the Damage, and give both my Part and the Damages to the Poor (for I resolved to have none of it myself that was recovered by Law, and yet I could not tolerate the Sacrilege and Fraud of covetous Men). But when they knew that this was the Rule I went by, none of them would do the Poor so great a Kindness as to deny the Payment of their Tythes, that were able. And in my Family I had the Help of my Father and Mother in Law, and the Benefit of a godly, understanding, faithful Servant (an ancient Woman near Sixty Years old) who eased me of all Care, and laid out all my Money for Housekeeping, so that I never had one Hour's trouble about it, nor ever took one Day's Account of her for Fourteen Years together, as being certain of her Fidelity, Providence and Skill.

29. And it much furthered my Success, that I stayed still in this one Place, (near Two Years before the Wars, and above Fourteen Years after); for he that removeth oft from Place to Place, may sow good Seed in many Places; but is not like to see much Fruit in any, unless some other skillful Hand shall follow him to water it: It was a great Advantage to me, to have almost all the Religious People of the Place, of my own Instructing and Informing; and that they were not formed into erroneous and factious Principles before; and that I stayed to see them grown up to some Confirmedness and Maturity.

30. Lastly, Our Successes were enlarged beyond our own Congregations, by the Lectures kept up round about: To divers of them I went as oft as I was able; and the Neighbor Ministers ofter than I; especially Mr. Oasland of Bewdley, who having a strong Body, a zealous Spirit, and an earnest Utterance, went up and down Preaching from Place to Place, with great Acceptance and Success. But this Business also we contrived to be universally and orderly managed: For besides the Lectures set up on Week-days fixedly in several Places, we studied how to have it extend to every Place in the County that had need. For you must understand that when the Parliament purged the Ministry, they cast out the grosser sort of insufficient and scandalous ones, as gross Drunkards, and such like; and also some few Civil Men that had assisted in the Wars against the Parliament, or set up bowing to Altars, and such Innovations: But they had left in near one half the Ministers, that were not good enough to do much Service, nor bad enough to be cast out as utterly intolerable: These were a company of Poor weak Preachers, that had no great Skill in Divinity, nor Zeal for Godliness; but preached weakly that which is True, and lived in no gross notorious Sin: These Men were not cast out, but yet their People greatly needed help; for their dark sleepy Preaching did but little Good: Therefore we resolved that some of the abler Ministers should often voluntarily help them; but all the Care was how to do it without offending them: And it fell out seasonably, that the Londoners of that County at their yearly Feast, did collect about 30 l. and send it me (by that worthy Man, Mr. Thomas Stanley of Bread-street ) to set up a Lecture for that Year: Whereupon, we covered all our Designs under the Name of the Londoners Lecture, which took off the Offence: And we chose four worthy Men, Mr. And. Tristram, Mr. Hen. Oasland, Mr. Tho. Baldwin, and Mr. Ios. Treble (who only now conformeth) who undertook to go each Man his Day, once a Month, which was every Lord's Day between the four, and to preach at those Places which had most need, twice on a Lord's Day; but to avoid all ill Consequents and Offence, they were sometimes to go to abler Men's Congregations, and wherever they came to say somewhat always to draw the People to the Honor and special Regard of their own Pastors; that how weak soever they were, they might see that we came not to draw away the Peoples Hearts from them, but to strengthen their Hands, and help them in their Work. This Lecture did a great deal of Good; and though the Londoners gave their Money but that one Year, yet, when it was once set on foot, we continued it voluntarily (till the Ministers were turned out, and all these Works went down together).

So much of the Way and Helps of those Successes, which I mention because many have inquired after them, as willing with their own Flocks to take that Course, which other Men have by Experience found to be effectual.

§ 138. Having before said somewhat of my Troubles with Mr. Tombes, I shall here more fully tell the Reader how it was.

Mr. Tombs being my Neighbor within two Miles, and denying Infant Baptism, and having written a Book or two against it, he was not a little des • ous of the Propagation of his Opinion, and the Success of his Writings; and he thought that I was his chiefest Hinderer, though I never meddled with the point: Whereupon, he came constantly to my Weekly Lecture, waiting for an Opportunity to fall upon that Controversy in his Conference with me: But I studiously avoided it; so that he knew not how to begin: And he had so high a Conceit of his Writings that he thought them unanswerable, and that none could deal with them in that way.

At last, some how, he urged me to give my Judgment of his Writings; and I let him know that they did not satisfy me to be of his Mind, but went no farther with him: Upon this, he forbore coming anymore to our Lecture; and he unavoidably contrived me into the Controversy, which I shunned; for there came unto me five or six of his chief Proselytes, as if they were yet unresolved, and desired me to give them in Writing the Arguments which satisfied me for Infant Baptism. I asked them whether they came not by Mr. Tombes 's Direction: And they confessed that they did. I asked them whether they had read the Books of Mr. Cobbet, Mr. Marshall, Mr. Church, Mr. Blake for Infant Baptism: And they told me, No. I desired them to read that which is written already, before they called for more; and then come to me, and tell me what they had to say against them. But this they would by no means do; but must have my Writings. I told them, that now they plainly confessed that they came upon a Design to promote their Party by contentious Writings, and not in sincere Desire to be informed, as they pretended: But to be short, they had no more Modesty than to insist on their Demands, and to tell me that if they turned against Infant Baptism, and I denied to give them my Arguments in Writing, they must lay it upon me. I asked them whether they would continue unresolved till Mr. Tombes and I had done our Writings; seeing it was some Years since Mr. Blake and he began, and have not ended yet. But no Reasoning served the turn with them, but they still call for my written Arguments: When I saw their factious Design and Immodesty, I bid them tell Mr. Tombes, that he should neither thus command me to lose a Years time in my Weakness, in quarrelling with him, nor yet should have his End in insulting over me, as if I fled from the Light of Truth: Therefore I offered him, if we must needs contend, that we might do it the shortest and most satisfactory way, and spend one Day in a Dispute at his own Church, where I would attend him, (that his People might not remain unsatisfied, till they saw which of us would have the last Word); and after that we would consider of Writing.

So Mr. Tombes and I agreed to meet at his Church on Ian. 1. And in great Weakness thither I came, and from Nine of the Clock in the Morning till Five at Night, in a crowded Congregation, we continued our Dispute; which was all spent in manageing one Argument, from Infants right to Church-Membership to their Right to Baptism: of which he after complained, as if I assaulted him in a new way, which he had not considered of before: But this was not the first time that I had dealt with Anabaptists, who had so much to do with them in the Army as I had: In a Word, this Dispute satisfied all my own People and the Country that came in, and Mr. Tombes 's own Townsmen, except about Twenty whom he had perverted, who gathered into his Church, which never increased to above Twenty two, that I could learn. So much of that Dispute, of the Writing more anon.

§ 139. If any shall demand whether the increase of Godliness was answerable in all Places to what I have mentioned (and none deny that it was with us) I answer, that however Men that measure Godliness by their Gain and Interest and Domination, do go about to persuade the World that Godliness then went down, and was almost extinguished, I must bear this faithful Witness to those times, that as far as I was acquainted, where before there was one godly profitable Preacher, there was then six or ten; and taking one Place with another, I conjecture there is a proportionable increase of truly godly People, not counting Heretics or perfidious Rebels or Church-disturbers as such: But this increase of Godliness was not in all places alike: For in some places where the Ministers were formal, or ignorant, or weak and imprudent, contentious or negligent, the Parishes were as bad as heretofore. And in some places, where the Ministers had excellent parts, and holy lives, and thirsted after the good of Souls, and wholly devoted themselves, their time and strength and estates thereunto, and thought no pains or cost too much, there abundance were converted to serious Godliness. And with those of a middle state, usually they had a middle measure of Success. And I must add this to the true Information of Posterity, That God did so wonderfully bless the Labors of his unanimous faithful Ministers, that had it not been for the Faction of the Prelatists on one side that drew men off, and the Factions of the giddy and turbulent Sectaries on the other side, (who pulled down all Government, cried down the Ministers, and broke all into Confusion, and made the People at their wits end, not knowing what Religion to be of); together with some laziness and selfishness in many of the Ministry, I say, had it not been for these Impediments, England had been like in a quarter of an Age to have become a Land of Saints, and a Pattern of Holiness to all the World, and the unmatchable Paradise of the Earth. Never were such fair opportunities to sanctify a Nation, lost and trodden underfoot, as have been in this Land of late! Woe be to them that were the Causes of it.

§ 140. In our Association in this County, though we made our Terms large enough for all, Episcopal, Presbyterians and Independents, there was not one Presbyterian joined with us that I know of, (for I knew but of one in all the County, Mr. Tho. Hall ) nor one Independant, (though two or three honest ones said nothing against us) nor one of the New Prelatical way (Dr. Hammond 's) but three or four moderate Conformists that were for the old Episcopacy; and all the rest were mere Catholics; Men of no Faction, nor siding with any Party, but owning that which was good in all, as far as they could discern it; and upon a Concord in so much, laying out themselves for the great Ends of their Ministry, the Peoples Edification.

§ 141. And the increase of Sectaries among us was much through the weakness or the faultiness of Ministers: And it made me remember that Sects have most abounded when the Gospel hath most prospered, and God hath been doing the greatest works in the World: As first in the Apostles and the Primitive Times, and then when Christian Emperors were assisting the Church; and then when Reformation prospered in Germany; and lately in New-England where Godliness most flourished; and last of all here, when so pleasant a Spring had raised all our hopes: And our Impatience of weak Peoples Errors and Dissent, did make the Business worse; whilst every weak Minister that could not or would not do that for his People which belonged to his place, was presently crying out against the Magistrates for suffering these Errors; and thinking the Sword must do that which the Word should do: And it is a wicked thing in Men, to desire with the Papists, that the People were rather blind than purblind, and that they might rather know nothing, than mistake in some few Points; and to be more troubled that a man contradicteth us in the Point of Infant Baptism or Church Government, than that many of the People are sottishly careless of their own Salvation. He that never regardeth the Word of God, is not like to Err much about it: Men will sooner fall out about Gold or Pearls, than Swine or Asses will.

§ 142. All this while that I abode at Kidderminster, (though the Rulers that then were made an Order that no Sequestred Minister should have his fifth part, unless he removed out of the Parish where he had been Minister, yet) did I never remove the old Sequestred Vicar so much as out of his Vicarage House, no nor once came within the Doors of it; so far was I from Seizing on it as my own, or removing him out of the Town: But he lived in peace and quietness with us, and reformed his Life, and lived without any Scandal or Offensiveness, and I never heard that he spake an ill word of me. And yet as soon as the times were changed, the instigation of others made him as malapart again, as if he had been awakened out of a sleepy Innocence.

§ 143. About this time Cromwell set up his Major Generals, and the Decimation of the Estates of the Royalists, called Delinquents, to maintain them: And James Berry was made Major General of Worcestershire, Shropshire, Herefordshire, and North-Wales; the Countries in which he had formerly lived as a Servant (a Clark of Iron-works). His reign was modest and short; but hated and scorned by the Gentry that had known his Inferiority: (so that it had been better for him to have chosen a stranger place): And yet many of them attended him as submissively as if they had honored him; so significant a thing is power and prosperity with worldly minds.

§ 144. I come now to the End of Cromwell 's Reign, who died (of a Fever) before he was aware. He escaped the Attempts of many that sought to have dispatched him sooner; but could not escape the stroke of God, when his appointed Time was come. (Though an Independant, praying for him, said, [ Lord, we ask not for his Life, for that we are sure of; but that he may serve thee better than ever he had done]; to the dishonor of that Presumption which some men call a particular Faith; that is, A believing that they shall receive whatever they ask, if they can but steadfastly believe that they shall receive it, though it be such as they have no other promise for, but that of Hearing [believing Prayers] which they misunderstand).

Never man was highlier extolled, and never man was baselier reported of, and vilified than this man. No (mere) man was better and worse spoken of than he; according as men's Interests led their Judgments. The Soldiers and Sectaries most highly magnified him, till he began to seek the Crown and the Establishment of his Family: And then there were so many that would be Half-Kings themselves, that a King did seem intolerable to them. The Royalists abhorred him as a most perfidious Hypocri • e; and the Presbyterians thought him little better, in his management of public matters.

It after so many others I may speak my Opinion of him, I think, that, having been a Prodigal in his Youth, and afterward changed to a zealous Religiousness, he meant honestly in the main, and was pious and conscionable in the main course of his Life, till Prosperity and Success corrupted him: that, at his first entrance into the Wars, being but a Captain of Horse, he had a special care to get religious men into his Troop: These men were of greater understanding than common Soldiers, and therefore were more apprehensive of the Importance and Consequence of the War; and making not Money, but that which they took for the Public Felicity, to be their End, they were the more engaged to be valiant; for he that maketh Money his End, doth esteem his Life above his Pay, and therefore is like enough to save it by flight when danger comes, if possibly he can: But he that maketh the Felicity of Church and State his End, esteemeth it above his Life, and therefore will the sooner lay down his Life for it. And men of Parts and Understanding know how to manage their business, and know that flying is the surest way to death, and that standing to it is the likeliest way to escape; there being many usually that fall in flight, for one that falls in valiant fight. These things it's probable Cromwell understood; and that none would be such engaged valiant men as the Religious: But yet I conjecture, that at his first choosing such men into his Troop, it was the very Esteem and Love of Religious men that principally moved him; and the avoiding of those Disorders, Mutinies, Plunderings, and Grievances of the Country, which deboist men in Armies are commonly guilty of: By this means he indeed sped better than he expected. Aires, Desborough, Berry, Evanson, and the rest of that Troop, did prove so valiant, that as far as I could learn, they never once ran away before an Enemy. Hereupon he got a Commission to take some care of the Associated Counties, where he brought this Troop into a double Regiment, of fourteen full Troops; and all these as full of religious men as he could get: These having more then ordinary Wit and Resolution, had more than ordinary Success; first in Lincolnshire, and afterward in the Earl of Manchester 's Army at York Fight: With their Successes the Hearts both of Captain and Soldiers secretly rise both in Pride and Expectation: And the familiarity of many honest erroneous Men (Anabaptists, Antinomians, &c. ) withal began quickly to corrupt their Judgments. Hereupon Cromwell 's general Religious Zeal, giveth way to the power of that Ambition, which still increaseth as his Successes do increase: Both Piety and Ambition, concurred in his countenancing of all that he thought Godly of what Sect soever: Piety pleadeth for them as Godly; and Charity as Men; and Ambition secretly telleth him what use he might make of them. He meaneth well in all this at the beginning, and thinketh he doth all for the Safety of the Godly, and the Public Good, but not without an Eye to himself.

When Successes had broken down all considerable Opposition, he was then in the face of his strongest Temptations, which conquered him when he had conquered others: He thought that he had hitherto done well, both as to the End and Means, and God by the wonderful Blessing of his Providence had owned his endeavors, and it was none but God that had made him great: He thought that if the War was lawful, the Victory was lawful; and if it were lawful to fight against the King and conquer him, it was lawful to use him as a conquered Enemy, and a foolish thing to trust him when they had so provoked him, (whereas indeed the Parliament professed neither to fight against him, nor to conquer him). He thought that the Heart of the King was deep, and that he resolved upon Revenge, and that if he were King, he would easily at one time or other accomplish it; and that it was a dishonest thing of the Parliament to set men to fight for them against the King, and then to lay their Necks upon the block, and be at his Mercy; and that if that must be their Case, it was better to flatter or please him, than to fight against him. He saw that the Scots and the Presbyterians in the Parliament, did by the Covenant and the Oath of Allegiance, find themselves bound to the Person and Family of the King, and that there was no hope of changing their minds in this: Hereupon he joined with that Party in the Parliament who were for the Cutting off the King, and trusting him no more. And consequently he joined with them in raising the Independents to make a Fraction in the Synod at Westminster and in the City; and in strengthening the Sectaries in Army, City and Country, and in rendering the Scots and Ministers as odious as he could, to disable them from hindering the Change of Government. In the doing of all this, (which Distrust and Ambition had persuaded him was well done) he thought it lawful to use his Wits, to choose each Instrument, and suit each means, unto its end; and accordingly he daily employed himself, and modelled the Army, and disbanded all other Garrisons and Forces and Committees, which were like to have hindered his design. And as he went on, though he yet resolved not what form the New Commonwealth should be molded into, yet he thought it but reasonable, that he should be the Chief Person who had been chief in their Deliverance; (For the Lord Fairfax he knew had but the Name). At last, as he thought it lawful to cut off the King, because he thought he was lawfully conquered, so he thought it lawful to fight against the Scots that would set him up, and to pull down the Presbyterian Majority in the Parliament, which would else by restoring him undo all which had cost them so much Blood and Treasure. And accordingly he conquereth Scotland, and pulleth down the Parliament: being the easilier persuaded that all this was lawful, because he had a secret Byas and Eye towards his own Exaltation: For he (and his Officers) thought, that when the King was gone a Government there must be; and that no Man was so fit for it as he himself; as best deserving it, and as having by his Wit and great Interest in the Army, the best sufficiency to manage it: Yea, they thought that God had called them by Successes to Govern and take Care of the Commonwealth, and of the Interest of all his People in the Land; and that if they stood by and suffered the Parliament to do that which they thought was dangerous, it would be required at their hands, whom they thought God had made the Guardians of the Land.

Having thus forced his Conscience to justify all his Cause, (the Cutting off the the King, the setting up himself and his Adherents, the pulling down the Parliament and the Scots, ) he thinketh that the End being good and necessary, the necessary means cannot be bad: And accordingly he giveth his Interest and Cause leave to tell him, how far Sects shall be tolerated and commended, and how far not; and how far the Ministry shall be owned and supported, and how far not; yea, and how far Professions, Promises, and Vows shall be kept, or broken; and therefore the Covenant he could not away with; nor the Ministers, further than they yielded to his Ends, or did not openly resist them. He seemed exceeding open hearted, by a familiar Rustic affected Carriage, (especially to his Soldiers in sporting with them): but he thought Secrecy a Virtue, and Dissimulation no Vice, and Simulation, that is, in plain English a Lie, or Perfidiousness to be a tolerable Fault in a Case of Necessity: being of the same Opinion with the Lord Bacon, (who was not so Precise as Learned) That [ the best Composition and Temperature is, to have openness in Fame and Opinion, Secrecy in habit, Dissimulation in seasonable use; and a power to feign if there be no remedy,] Essay 6. pag. 31. Therefore he kept fair with all, saving his open or irreconcilable Enemies. He carried it with such Dissimulation, that Anabaptists, Independents, and Antinomians did all think that he was one of them: But he never endeavored to persuade the Presbyterians that he was one of them; but only that he would do them Justice, and Preserve them, and that he honored their Worth and Piety; for he knew that they were not so easily deceived. In a word, he did as our Prelates have done, begin low and rise higher in his Resolutions as his Condition rose, and the Promises which he made in his lower Condition, he used as the interest of his higher following Condition did require, and kept up as much Honesty and Godliness in the main, as his Cause and Interest would allow, (but there they left him): And his Name standeth as a monitory Monument or Pillar to Posterity to tell them, [The instability of Man in strong Temptations, if God leave him to himself: what great Success and Victories can do to lift up a Mind that once seemed humble: what Pride can do to make Man selfish, and corrupt the Heart with ill designs: what selfishness and ill designs can do, to bribe the Conscience, and corrupt the Judgment, and make men justify the greatest Errors and Sins, and set against the clearest Truth and Duty: what Bloodshed and great Enormities of Life, an Erring deluded Judgment may draw Men to, and patronize; and That when God hath dreadful Judgments to execute, an Erroneous Sectary, or a proud Self-seeker, is oftener his Instrument, than an humble, Lamb-like, innocent Saint].

§ 145. Cromwell being dead, his Son Richard by his Will and Testament, and the Army was quietly settled in his place; while all Men looked that they should presently have fallen into Confusion and Discord among themselves; the Counties, Cities, and Corporations of England send up their Congratulations, to own him as Protector: (But none of us in Worcestershire, save the Independents, meddled in it.)

He interred his Father with great Pomp and Solemnity: He called a Parliament, and that without any such Restraints as his Father had used: The Members took the Oath of Fidelity or Allegiance to him at the Door of the House before they entered. And all Men wondered to see all so quiet, in so dangerous a Time. Many sober Men that called his Father no better than a Trayterous Hypocrite, did begin to think that they owed him Subjection. They knew that the King was by Birth their Rightful Sovereign; and resolved to do their best while there was hopes to introduce him, and defend him: But they were astonished at the marvelous Providences of god, which had been against that Family all along, and they thought that there was no rational probability of his Restoration, having seen so many Armies and Risings and Designs overthrown, which were raised or undertaken for it: They thought that it is not left to our liberty, whether we will have a Government, or not; but that Government is of Divine Appointment; and the Family, Person or Species is but of a subservient, less necessary determination: And that if we cannot have him that we would have, it followeth not that we may be without: That twelve years time (from the Death of the last King) was longer than the Land could be without a Governor, without the Destruction of the Common Good, which is the End of Government! Therefore that the Subjects, seeing they are unable to restore the King, must consent to another: That the House of Commons, having sworn Allegiance to him, have actually subjected the Nation to him: And though his Father Trayterously made the Change, yet the Successor of a Traitor may by the Peoples consent, become a Governor, whom each Individual must acknowledge by Subjection: That the Bishops and Churches both of East and West, as all History showeth, have professed their Subjection to Usurpers, in a far shorter time, and upon lighter Reasons: That this Man having never had any hand in the War, (but supposed to be for the King) nor ever seeking for the Government, and now seeming to own the Sober Party, was like to be used in the healing of the Land, &c. ] Such Reasonings as these began to take with the minds of many, to subject themselves quietly to this Man (though they never did it to his Father) as now despairing of the Restitution of the King: And I confess such Thoughts were somewhat prevalent with myself: But God quickly shown us the root of our Error, which was our limiting the Almighty; as if that were hard to him that was impossible to us: So that the Restoration of the King, which we thought next impossible, was accomplished in a trice: And we saw that twelve or eighteen years is not long enough to wait on God.

The Army set up Richard Cromwell, it seemeth upon Trial; resolving to use him as he behaved himself: And though they swore Fidelity to him, they meant to keep it no longer than he pleased them; And when they saw that he began to favor the sober People of the Land, to honor Parliaments, and to respect the Ministers, whom they called Presbyterians, they presently resolved to make him know his Masters, and that it was they and not he, that were called by God to be the chief Protectors of the Interest of the Nation. He was not so formidable to them as his Father was, and therefore everyone boldly spurned at him. The Fifth Monarchy Men followed Sir Henry Vane, and raised a great and violent clamorous Party against him, among the Sectaries in the City: Rogers and Feake, and such like Firebrands preach them into Fury, and blow the Coals; But Dr. Owen and his Assistants did the main Work: He gathereth a Church at (at Lieutenant General Fleetwood 's Quarters, at Wallingford House, consisting of the active Officers of the Army (this Church-gathering hath been the Church • scattering Project): In this Assembly it was determined that Richard 's Parliament must be dissolved, and then he quickly fell himself: (Though he never abated their Liberties or their Greatness; yet did he not sufficiently befriend them); Dictum factum; almost as quickly done as determined: Though Col. Richard Ingolsby and some others, would have stuck to the Protector, and have ventured to surprise the Leaders of the Faction, and the Parliament would have been true to him; yet Berry 's Regiment of Horse, and some others, were presently ready to have begun the Fray against him; and as he sought not the Government, he was resolved it should cost no Blood to keep him in it: But if they would venture for their Parts on new Confusions, he would venture his Part by retiring to his Privacy: And so he did (to satisfy these proud distracted Tyrants, who thought they did but pull down Tyranny) resign the Government by a Writing under his Hand, and retired himself, and left them to govern as they pleased.

His Good Brother in Law, Fleetwood, and his Uncle Desborough were so intoxicated as to be the Leaders of the Conspiracy: And when they had pulled him down, they set up a few of themselves under the Name of a Council of State; and so mad were they with Pride, as to think the Nation would stand by and reverence them, and obediently wait upon them in their drunken Giddiness; and that their Faction in the Army was made by God an invincible Terror to an that did but hear their Names. The Care of the Business also was, that Oliver had once made Fleetwood believe that he should be his Successor, and drawn an Instrument to that purpose; but his last Will disappointed him. And then the Sectaries flattered him, saying, that a truly Godly Man that had commanded them in the Wars was to be preferred before such an one as they censured to have no true Godliness.

§ 146. I make no doubt but God permitted all this for Good; and that as it was their Treason to set up Oliver and destroy the King, so it was their Duty to have set up the present King instead of Richard: And God made them the means, to their own Destruction, contrary to their Intentions, to restore the Monarchy and Family which they had ruined. But all this is no Thanks to them; but that which with a good Intention had been a Duty (to take down or not set up Richard Cromwell ) yet as done by them was as barbarous Perfideousness as most ever History did declare: That they should so suddenly, so scornfully and proudly pull down him whom they had so lately set up themselves and sworn to: And that for nothing; they could scarce tell why themselves; nor ever were able to give the World a fairer Reason for their Villany (by any Fault they could charge upon him) than the Munster Fanatics had to give for their Bethlehem Outrages and Rebellion: That they should do this while a Parliament was sitting which had so many wise, religious Members; not only without the Parliaments Advice, but in despite of them, and force him to dissolve them first; as if Perjury and Rebellion were newly put into the Commandments; or God had made these proud Usurpers to be the Governors of Protector and of Parliaments, and exempted them wholly from the Precept [ Honor thy Father ] [ Let every Soul be subject to the higher Powers ]: That they should so proudly despise not only the Parliament, but all the Ministers of London and of the Land, as to do this, not only without advising with, and against their Judgments; but in a factious Envy against them, left they should be too much countenanced: Yea, they did it against the Judgments of most of their own Party (the Independents), as they now profess themselves: Yea, Mr. Nye, that was then thought to be engaged in the same Design, doth utterly disclaim it, and profess that his Consent or Hand was never to it: But Pride usually goeth before Destruction.

§ 147. And having said this of the Crimes of these Firebrands of the Army, I must say somewhat of the Sectarian Party in General; I mean, those who have been most addicted to Church-Divisions, and Separations, and Sidings, and Parties, and have refused all terms of Concord and Unity: I doubt not but many of them were People that feared God, who in their Ignorance of the Doctrine of Church Unity and Communion, have been drawn by Pretences of Purity to follow their Leaders in ways which they understood not: And I doubt not but the Presbyterians have had their Faults in their Treaties with them; and that politick Statesmen kept open the Divisions for their own Designs, (that they might have a Party to weaken the Scots and Presbyterians that would have restored the King). But yet I must record it to the Shame of their Miscarriages, that the weaker and younger sort of Professors, have been prone to be puffed up with high Thoughts of themselves, and to over-value their little Degrees of Knowledge and Parts, which set them not above the Pity of understanding Men: That they have been set upon those Courses which tend to advance them above the Common People in the Observation of the World, and to set them at a farther Distance from others than God alloweth, and all this under the Pretence of the Purity of the Church. That in Prosecution of their Ends, there are few of the Anabaptists that have not been the Opposers and Troublers of the faithful Ministers of the Land; and were the Troublers of their People, and the Hinderers of their Success; they strengthened the Hands of the Profane: The Sectaries (especially the Anabaptists, the Seekers, and the Quakers) chose out the most able, zealous Ministers, to make the Marks of their Reproach and Obliquy, and all because they stood in the Way of their Designs, and hindered them in the propagating of their Opinions: They set against the same Men that the Drunkards and Swearers set against, and much after the same manner; reviling them, and raising up false Reports of them, and doing all that they could to make them odious, and at last attempting to pull them all down; only they did it more profanely than the Profane; in that they said, [ Let the Lord be glorified; Let the Gospel be propagated ] and abused and profaned Scripture and the Name of God by entitling him to their Faction and Miscarriages. Yea, though they thought themselves the most understanding and conscientious People of the Land, yet did the Gang of them seldom stick at anything which seemed to promote their Cause; but whatever their Faction in the Army did, they pleaded for it and approved it: If they pulled down the Parliament, imprisoned the godly faithful Members, killed the King, if they cast out the Rump, if they chose a Little Parliament of their own, if they set up Cromwell, if they set up his Son and pulled him down again, if they sought to obtrude Agreements on the People, if they one Week set up a Council of State, and if another Week the Rump were restored, if they sought to take down Tythes and Parish-Ministers, to the utter Confusion of the State of Religion in the Land; in all these the Anabaptists, and many of the Independents in the Three Kingdoms followed them; and even their Pastors were ready to lead them to consent.

And all this began but in unwarrantable Separations, and too much aggravating the Faults of the Churches and Common People, and Common Prayer Book and Ministry; which indeed were none of them without Faults to be lamented and reformed: But they thought that because it needed Amendment, it required their obstinate Separation, and that they were allowed to make odious anything that was amiss; and because it was faulty, if any Man had rebuked them for belying it, and making it far more faulty than it was, instead of confessing their Sin, they called their Reprover a Pleader for Antichrist or Baal; every Error in the Mode of the Common Worship they had no fitter Name for, than Idolatry, Popery, Antichristianism, Superstition, Will-worship, &c. when in the mean time, many of their own Prayers were full of Carnal Passion, Selfishness, Faction, Disorder, vain Repitions, unfound and loathsome Expressions, and their Doctrine full of Errors and Confussion; and these Beams in their own Eyes were matter of no Offence to them: They would not communicate with that Church where ignorant Persons or Swearers were tolerated (though they themselves never did their Part to have them cast out, but looked the Ministers should do all without them); but without any scruple they would communicate with them that had broke their Vow and Covenant with God and Man, and rebelled against both King, Parliament, and all kind of Government that was set up (even by themselves) and did all the fore-recited Evils.

I know these same Accusations are laid by some in Ignorance or Malice, against many that are guilty of no such things, and therefore some will be offended at me, and say, I imitate such Reproachers: But shall none be reproved because some are slandered? Shall Rebells be justified, because some innocent Men are called Rebels? Shall Hypocrites be free from Conviction and Condemnation, because wicked Men call the Godly Hypocrites? Woe to the Man that hath not a faithful Reprover; but a Thousand Woes will be to him that hateth reproof: And woe to them that had rather Sin were credited and kept in Honor, than their Party dishonored: and Woe to the Land where the Reputation of Men doth keep Sin in Reputation. Scripture itself will not spare a Noah, a Lot, a David, a Hezekiab, a Josiah, a Peter; but will open and shame their Sin to all Generations: And yet, alas! the Hearts of many, who I hope are truly Religious in other Points, will rise against him that shall yet tell them of the Misdoings of those of their Opinion, and call them to Repentance. The poor Church of Christ, the sober; sound religious Part, are like Christ that was crucified between two Malefactors; the profane and formal Persecutors on one hand, and the Fanatick dividing Sectary on the other hand, have in all Ages been grinding the spiritual Seed, as the Corn is ground between the Milstones: And though their Sins have ruined themselves and us, and silenced so many hundred Ministers, and scattered the Flocks and made us the Hatred and the Scorn of the ungodly World, and a by Word and Desolation in the Earth; yet there are few of them that lament their Sin, but justify themselves and their Misdoings, and the penitent Malefactor is yet unknown to us. And seeing Posterity must know what they have done, to the Shame of our Land, and of our sacred Profession, let them know this much more also to their own Shame, that all the Calamities which have befallen us by our Divisions were long foreseen by seeing Men, and they were told and warned of it, year after year: They were told that a House divided against itself could not stand, and told that it would bring them to the Halter and to Shame, and turn a hopeful Reformation into a Scorn, and make the Land of their Nativity a Place of Calamity and Woe; and all this Warning signified nothing to them; but these Ductile Professors bldinly followed a few selfconceited Teachers to this Misery; and no warning or means could ever stop them.

Five dissenting Ministers in the Synod begun all this, and carried it far on: Mr. Philip Nye, Mr. Tho. Goodwin, Mr. Sydrach Simpson, and Mr. William Bridge, to whom that good Man Mr. Jeremiah Burroughs joined himself in Name; but as he never practiced their Church-gathering way, so at last he was contented to have united on the Terms which were offered them, and wrote his excellent Book of Heart Divisions. After this they increased, and Mr. Burroughs being dead, Dr. John Owen arose, not of the same Spirit, to fill up his place; by whom and Mr. Phillip Nye 's Policy the Flames were increased, our Wounds kept open, and carried on all, as if there had been none but they considerable in the World; and having an Army and City Agents fit to second them, effectually hindered all remedy till they had dashed all into pieces as a broken Glass. O! what may not Pride do? and what Miscarriages will not false Principles and Faction hide? One would think that if their Opinions had been certainly true, and their Church-Orders good, yet the Interest of Christ, and the Souls of Men, and of greater Truths, should have been so regarded by the Dividers in England, as that the Safety of all these should have been preferred, and not all ruined rather than their way should want its carnal Arm and Liberty; and that they should not tear the Garment of Christ all to pieces, rather than it should want their Lace.

§ 148. And it must be acknowledged also impartially, that some of the Presbyterian Ministers frightened the Sectaries into this Fury by the unpeaceableness and impatiency of their Minds: They ran from Libertinism into the other Extream, and were so little sensible of their own Infirmity, that they would not have those tolerated who were not only tolerable, but worthy Instruments and Members in the Churches: The Reconcilers that were ruled by prudent Charity always called out to both the Parties, that the Churches must be united upon the Terms of primitive Simplicity, and that we must have Unity in things necessary, and Liberty in things unnecessary, and Charity in all: But they could never be heard, but were taken for Adversaries to the Government of the Church, as they are by the Prelates at this Day: Nay, when in Worcestershire we did but agree to practice so much as all Parties were agreed in, they said, we did but thereby set up another Party. We told them of Archbishop Usher 's Terms in his Sermon before the King on Eph. 4. 3. but they would not hear. The Lord Bacon in his Third Essay, and his Considerations, Mr. Hales in his Treatise of Schism, and all men of sound Experience and Wisdom, have long told the World, that we must be united in things Necessary, which all Christians agree in, or which the Primitive Churches did unite in, or not at all: But nothing shorter than the Assemblies Confession of Faith and Catechisms, and and Presbytery, would serve turn with some. Their Principles were that no others should be tolerated; which set the Independents on contriving how to grasp the Sword! They were still crying out on the Magistrate, that he was irreligious, for suffering Sects, and because he did not bring Men to Conformity: And now they cannot be tolerated themselves, to preach, nor scarce to dwell in the Land. The Uniting of the Churches upon the Primitive Terms, and the tolerating (not of all, but) of tolerable Differences, is the way to Peace, which almost all Men approve of, except those who are uppermost, and think they have the Reins in their own hands. And because the side which is uppermost are they that have their Wills, therefore the Churches had never a settled Peace this Thousand years at least; the true way of Settlement and Peace, being usually displeasing to them that must give Peace to others: But this way hath the mark of being the best; in that it is the only way, which every Sect acknowledge for the second, and next the best; and is it which all, except the predominant Party, liketh. But Wisdom is justified of her Children.

§ 149. To consummate the Confusion, by confirming and increasing the Division, the Independents at last, when they had refused with sufficient pervicacy to associate with the Presbyterians (and the Reconcilers too) did resolve to show their proper strength, and to call a General Assembly of all their Churches. The Savoy was their Meeting-place. There they drew up a Confession of their Faith, and the Orders of their Church Government. In the former, they thought it not enough expressly to contradict St. James, and to say (unlimitedly) That we are justified by the Righteousness of Christ only, and not by any Works; but they contradicted St. Paul also, who faith, That Faith is imputed for Righteousness. And not only so, but they expressly asserted, that [ we have no other righteousness ] but that of Christ. A Doctrine abhorred by all the Reformed and Christian Churches; and which would be an utter shame to the Protestant Name, if what such Men held and did were indeed imputable to the sober Protestants. I asked some honest Men that joined with them, Whether they subscribed this Confession; and they said No. I asked them why they did not contradict it; and they said that the meaning of it was no more than that we have no other Righteousness but Christ's to be justified by: So that the Independant's Confessions are like such Oaths and Declarations, as speak one thing and mean another. Also in their Propositions of Church Order, they widened the breach, and made things much worse, and more irreconcilable than ever they were before. So much could two Men do with many honest tractable young Men, and had more Zeal for separating Strictness, than Judgment to understand the Word of God, or the Interest of the Churches of the Land, and of themselves

§ 150. But it hath pleased God by others that were sometime of their way, to do more to heal this Breach, than they did to make it wider. I mean the Synod of New-England; who have published such healing Propositions about stated Synods, and Infants Church Membership, as hath much prepared for a Union between them, and all other moderate Men: (And some One hath strenuously defended those Propositions against the opposition of Mr. Davenport, a dissenting Brother). I take this to be more for healing than the Savoy Propositions can be effectual to divide, because the New-England men have not blemished their Reputation, nor lost the Authority and Honor of their Judgments, by any such Actions as the leading Savoyers have done.

§ 151. When the Army had brought themselves and the Nation into utter Confusion, and had set up and pulled down Richard Cromwell, and then had set up the Rump again, and pulled them down again, and set up a Council of State of themselves and their Faction, and made Lambert their Head, next under Fleetwood, (whom they could use almost as they would) at last the Nation would endure them no longer, nor sit still while the world stood laughing them to scorn, as acting over the Minster Tragedy: Sir George Booth and Sir Thomas Middleton raised Forces in Cheshire and North-Wales: (but the Cavaliers that should have joined with them failed them almost all over the Land; a few rose in some places, but were quickly ruined and came to nothing). Lambert quickly routed those in Cheshire: Sir Arthur Haselrigge with Col. Morley get into Portsmouth, which is possessed as for the Rump. Monk declareth against them in Scotland, purgeth his Army of the Anabaptists, and marcheth into England. The Rump Party with Haselrigge divided the Army at home, and so disabled them to oppose Monk; who marcheth on, and all are afraid of him; and while he declareth himself against Monarchy for a Commonwealth, he tieth the hands of his Enemies by a lie, and uniteth with the City of London, and bringeth on again the old ejected Members of the Parliament, and so bringeth in the King. Sir William Morrice (his Kinsman) and Mr. Clarges were his great Advisers: The Earl of Manchester, Mr. Calamy, and other Presbyterians, encouraged and persuaded him to bring in the King. At first he joined with the Rump against the Citizens, and pulled down the City Gates to master them; but at last Sir Thomas Allen then Lord Mayor (by the persuasion of Dr. Iacomb, and some other Presbyterian Ministers and Citizens, as he hath oft told me himself) invited Monk into the City, and drew him to agree and join with them against the Rump (as they then called the Relicts of the Parliament). And this in truth was the Act that turned the Scales and brought in the King: whether the same men expected to be used as they have since been themselves, I know not: If they did, their Self-denial was very great, who were content to be silenced and laid in Gaols, so they might but bring in the King. After this the old Excluded Members of the Parliament meet with Monk; He calleth them to sit, and that the King might come in both by him and by them. He agreeth with them to sit but a few days, and then dissolve themselves and call another Parliament. They consented, and prepared for the King's Restoration, and appointed a Council of State, and Dissolved themselves. Another Parliament is chosen, which calleth in the King, the Council of State having made further preparations for it. (For when the Question was, Whether they should call in the King upon Treaty and Covenant, (which some thought best for him and the Nation) the Council resolved absolutely to trust him, Mr. A. especially persuading them so to do). And when the King came in, Col. Birch and Mr. Prin were appointed to Disband the Army, the several Regiments receiving their Pay in several places, and none of them daring to disobey: No not Monk 's own Regiments who brought in the King.

Thus did God do a more wonderful Work in the Dissolving of this Army, than any of their greatest Victories was, which set them up. That an Army that had conquered three such Kingdoms, and brought so many Armies to destruction, cut off the King, pulled down the Parliament, and set up and pulled down others at their pleasure, that had conquered so many Cities and Castles; that were so united by Principles and Interest and Guilt, and so deeply engaged, as much as their Estates, and Honor, and Lives came to, to have stood it out to the very utmost; that had professed so much of their Wisdom and Religiousness; and had declared such high Resolutions against Monarchy: I say, that such an Army should have one Commander among themselves, whom they accounted not Religious, that should march against them without Resistance, and that they should all stand still, and let him come on, and restore the Parliament, and bring in the King, and disband themselves, and all this without one bloody Nose! Let any Man that hath the use of his Understanding, judge whether this were not enough to prove that there is a God that governeth the World, and disposeth of the Powers of the World according to his Will! And let all Men behold this Pillar of Salt, and standing Monument of Divine Revenge, and take heed of over-valuing Human Strength, and of ever being puffed up by Victories and Success, or of being infatuated by Spiritual Pride and Faction! And let all Men take warning how they trample upon Government, rebel against it, or vilify the Ministers and Ordinances of Christ, and proudly despise the Warnings of their Brethren.

§ 152. And at the same time while Monk was marching against them into England, the sober godly Officers of Ireland were impatient of the Anabaptists Tyranny: So that Col. John Bridges (the Patron of Kidderminster ) with his Lieutenant Thompson, and some few more Officers, resolved upon a desperate surprisal of Dublin Castle, (which the Anabaptists possessed, with most of the strong Holds): and so happily succeeded, that without any bloodshed they got the Castle: And that being won, the rest of the Garrisons of all the whole Kingdom yielded without any loss of Blood; and unless one or two, without so much as any appearance of a Siege. Thus did God make his wonders to concur in time and manner; and shown the World the instability of those States which are built upon an Army. He that will see more of this Surprize of Dublin Castle, may read it as printed by Colonel Bridges in a short Narrative. Had it not been for that Action, it is probable that Ireland would have been the Refuge and Randezvouz for the disbanded or fugitive Army, and that there they would not only have maintained the War, but have imbodied against England, and come over again, with Resolutions heightened by their Warnings. The Reward that Col. Bridges had for this Service was the peaceful Testimony of his Conscience, and a narrow escape from being utterly ruined; being sued as one that after Edghill Fight had taken the King's Goods, in an Action of Fourscore Thousand pound: But all was proved false, and he being cleared by the Court, did quickly after die of a Fever at Chester, and go to a more peaceable and desirable World.

§ 153. For my own Actions and Condition all this time, I have partly shown them in the Second Part: How I was called up to London, and what I did there, and with how little Success I there continued my Pacificatory Endeavors. When I had lived there a few Weeks, I fell into another fit of Bleeding, which though it was nothing so great as formerly, yet after my former depauperation by that means and great debility, did weaken me much. Being restored by the mercy of God, and the help of Dr. Bates, (and the moss of a dead man's skull which I had from Dr. Michlethwait ) I went to Mr. Thomas Foley 's House, where I lived (in Austin-Friars ) about a year; and thence to Dr. Michlethwait 's House in Little Britain, where I tabled about another year: and thence to Moorfields, and thence to Action; from which being at the present driven by the Plague, I wait for the further disposal of my Almighty and most Gracious Lord.

§ 154. And now I shall annex for the Reader's satisfaction, an Account of my Books and Writings, on what occasion they were written, and what I now judge of them on a review, and after so much sopposition.

§ 155. The Books which I have written (and those that are written against me) are so numerous, that I confess if they plead not to the Reader for themselves, I cannot easily excuse my putting the World to so much trouble. And I was once almost fallen out with myself, when I saw such abundance of Sermon Books printed in Oliver 's days, because I concurred with them in over-loading the World. But God was pleased to keep me from Repentance by their Success; and since then I am more Impenitent herein than ever, as seeing more of the reason of God's disposal than I saw before. For since so many hundred Ministers are silenced, and an Act is now past in the Parliament to forbid us coming withing five miles of any City, Corporation, or Burgess Town; and a former Act forbiddeth us speaking to above four that are not of a Family; and knowing what Persons are Ministers in many of our places, I now bless God that his poor Servants have the private help of Books, which are the best Teachers, under God, that many thousand Persons have.

And whereas there are about Fifty Books (as I remember) that in whole or in part are written against me, or some Passages in mine; I bless the Lord that they have not disturbed or discomposed my mind, nor anymore hindered me from my greater duty, by Replies; nor been altogether unprofitable to me: And that none of them, nor all of them, any whit disabled me from the Service of God by diminishing my Estimation with those that I have opportunity to serve, or with the common Readers that may profit by my Labors, but only with the Members of the several Factions.

Some are written against me by Quakers, James Nayler, and many others: Some by Clement Writer, and other Seekers and Infidels: Some by Papists; some by Anabaptists (Mr. Tombes, Fisher, and many others): some by Reverend Brethren that understood not all Points of Doctrine as I did (which-ever of us was in the right) (as Mr. Rutherford, Mr. Blake, Mr. Burgess, Dr. Kendall, &c.) some by Antinomians, and some by Separatists; and some by good Men that were but half possessed with their Opinions, (as Mr. Eires, Mr. Crandon, Mr. Warner, &c.): some by proud impatient Men; and some by the Prelatical Party: some by young Men that wanted Preferment, and thought that this was the way to get it; and some by obscure Men that desired to be taken notice of; and some by Flatterers, that desired to please others on whom they did depend; and some by malicious blood-thirsty Calumniators! some by factious Temporizers, (as Stubbs, Rogers, Needham, &c.); and abundance by erroneous impatient Men, that could not endure to be contradicted in their Mistakes. To many of these I have returned Answers; and that some others remain unanswered, is through the restraint of the Press.

§ 156. The first Book that ever I published is a small one, called, Aphorisms of Justification and the Covenants, &c. I had first begun my Book, called The Saints Rest; and coming in it to answer the Question, How in Matth. 25. the reward is adjudged to men on the account of their good works? The chief Propositions of that Book did suddenly offer themselves to me, in order to that Resolution: But I was prepared with much disputing against Antinomianism in the Army. At Sir Thomas Rous 's House, in my weakness, I wrote most of that Book, and finished it when I came to Kidderminster. I directed it to Mr. Vines and Mr. Burgess, out of my high esteem of them, though my personal acquaintance with them was but small. Mr. Vines wrote to me applaudingly of it. Mr. Burgess thought his Name engaged him to write against it.

Two Faults I now find in the Book: 1. It is defective, and hath some Propositions that need Correction, being not cautelously enough expressed. 2. I meddled too forwardly with Dr. Owen, and one or two more that had written some Passages too near to Antinomianism. For I was young, and a stranger to men's tempers, and I thought others could have born a Confutation as easily as I could do myself; and I thought that I was bound to do my best publicly, to save the World from the hurt of published Errors; not understanding how it would provoke men more passionately to insist on what they once have said. But I have now learned to contradict Errors, and not to meddle with the Persons that maintain them. But indeed I was then too raw to be a Writer.

This Book was over-much valued by some, and over-much blamed by others, both contrary to my own esteem of it: It cost me more than any other that I have written; not only by men's offense, but especially by putting me upon long and tedious Writings. Some that publicly wrote against it, I publicly answered. And because of the general noise about it, I desired those that would have me of their mind, to send me their Animadversions; which proved so many, that took me up too much of my time to answer them. But it was a great help to my Understanding: For the Animadverters were of several minds; and what one approved another confuted, being further from each other than any of them from me.

The first that I craved Animadversions from was Mr. Burgess, and with much ad extorted only two or three Letters against Justification by Works (as he called it): which with my Answers were afterward published; when he had proceeded to print against me what he would not give me in writing.

The next (and full) Animadversions which I received, were from Mr. John Warren, an honest, acute, ingenious man; to whom I answered in freer Expressions than to others, because he was my Junior and familiar Friend; (being a School-Boy at Bridgenorth when I was Preacher there, and his Father being my Neighbor.)

Next his I had Animadversions from Dr. John Wallis, very judicious and moderate, to which I began to write a Reply, but broke it off in the middle because he little differed from me.

The next I had was from Mr. Christopher Cartwright of York, (who defended the King against the Marquess of Worcester ): he was a man of good reading as to our later Divines, and was very well verst in the Common Road, (very like Mr. Burgess ); a very good Hebrician, and a very honest worthy Person. His Animadversions were most against my distinction of Righteousness into Legal and Evangelical, according to the two Covenants. His Answer was full of Citations out of Ames, Whittaker, Davenant, &c. I wrote him a full Reply; and he wrote me a Rejoinder; to which my time not allowing me to write a full Confutation, I took up all the Points of Difference between him and me, and handled them briefly, confirming my Reasons, for the ease of the Reader and myself.

The next Animadverter was Mr. George Lawson, the ablest Man of them all, or of almost any I know in England; especially by the Advantage of his Age and very hard Studies, and methodical Head, but above all, by his great skill in Politicks, wherein he is most exact, and which contributeth not a little to the understanding of Divinity. Though he was himself near the Arminians (differing from them in the Point of Perseverance as to the Confirmed, and some little matters more) and so went farther than I did from the Antinomians, yet being conversant with Men of another Mind, to redeem himself from their Offence, he set himself against some Passages of mine, which others marvelled that he of all Men should oppose; especially about the Object of Faith, and Justification. And afterwards he published an excellent Summ of Divinity, called, Theopolitica; in which he insisteth on those two Points, to make good what he had said in his M. S. against me: (though the Reader that knoweth not what past between him and me, will not understand how these Passages there fell in, and some Divines have told me how excellent a Book it had been, if he had not been led aside in those Particulars; not knowing how it came to pass, the ablest Men being sometimes most hardly drawn to desert anything which they have once affirmed). He hath written also Animadversions on Hobbes; and a piece of Ecclesiastical and Civil Policy, according to the Method of Politicks; an excellent Book, were it not that he seemeth to justify the Kings Death, and meddle too boldly with the Political Controversies of the times (though he be a Conformist): Also I have seen some ingenuous Manuscripts of his for the taking of the Engagement (to be true to the Commonwealth as established without a King and House of Lord's) his Opinion being much for submitting to the present Possessor, though a Usurper): But I thought those Papers easily answerable. His Animadversions on my Papers were large, in which he frequently took occasion to be copious and distinct in laying down his own Judgment, which pleased me very well: I returned him a full Answer, and received from him a large Reply; instead of a Rejoinder to which, I sum'd up our Differences, and spoke to them briefly and distinctly, and not verbatim to the Words of his Book. I must thankfully acknowledge that I learnt more from Mr. Lawson than from any Divine that gave me Animadversions, or that ever I conversed with: For two or three Passages in my first Reply to him he convinced me were Mistakes, and I found up and down in him those hints of Truths which had a great deal of Light in them, and were very apt for good Improvement: Especially his instigating me to the Study of Politicks, (in which he much lamented the Ignorance of Divines) did prove a singular Benefit to me. I confess it is long of my own Uncapableness that I have received no more good from others: But yet I must be so grateful as to confess that my Understanding hath made a better Improvement (for the sudden sensible increase of my Knowledge) of Grotius de Satisfactione Christi, and of Mr. Lawson 's Manuscripts, than of anything else that ever I read; and they convinced me how unfit we are to write about Christ's Government, and Law, and Judgment, &c. while we understand not the true Nature of Government, Laws, and Judgment in the general; and that he that is ignorant of Politicks and of the Law of Nature, will be ignorant and erroneous in Divinity and the sacred Scriptures.

§ 157. 2. The Second Book which I wrote(and the first which I began) was that called, The Saints everlasting Rest: Whilst I was in Health I had not the least thought of writing Books; or of serving God in anymore public way than Preaching: But when I was weakened with great bleeding, and left solitary in my Chamber at Sir John Cook 's in Derbyshire, without any Acquaintance, but my Servant, about me, and was sentenced to Death by the Physician, I began to contemplate more seriously on the Everlasting Rest which I apprehended myself to be just on the Borders of. And that my Thoughts might not too much scatter in my Meditation, I began to write something on that Subject, intending but the Quantity of a Sermon or two (which is the cause that the Beginning is in brevity and Style disproportionable to the rest); but being continued long in Weakness, where I had no Books nor no better Employment, I followed it on till it was enlarged to the bulk in which it is published: The first Three Weeks I spent in it was at Mr. Nowel 's House at Kirkby-Mallory in Leicestershire; a quarter of a Year more, at the Seasons which so great Weakness would allow, I bestowed on it at Sir Tho Rous 's House at Rous-Lench in Worcestershire; and I finished it shortly after at Kidderminster: The first and last Parts were first done, being all that I intended for my own use; and the second and third Parts came afterwards in besides my first Intention.

This Book it pleased God so far to bless to the Profit of many, that it encouraged me to be guilty of all those Scripts which after followed. The Marginal Citations I put in after I came home to my Books; but almost all the Book itself was written when I had no Book but a Bible and a Concordance: And I found that the Transcript of the Heart hath the greatest force on the Hearts of others: For the Good that I have heard that Multitudes have received by that Writing, and the Benefit which I have again received by their Prayers, I here humbly return my Thanks to him that compelled me to write it.

§ 159. 3. The Third Book which I published was that which is entitled, Plain Scripture Proof for Infants Church-Membership and Baptism: being the Arguments used in the Dispute with Mr. Tombes, and an Answer to a Sermon of his afterward preached, &c.

This Book God blessed with unexpected Success to stop abundance from turning Anabaptists, and reclaming many both in City and Country, (and some of the Officers of the Irish and English Forces) and it gave a considerable Check to their Proceedings.

Concerning it I shall only tell the Reader, 1. That there are towards the latter part of it, many enigmatical Reflections upon the Anabaptists for their horried Scandals, which the Reader that lived not in those times will hardly understand: But the cutting off the King, and rebelling against him and the Parliament, and the Invading Scotland, and the approving of these, (with the Ranters and other Sects that sprang out of them) were the Crimes there intended; which were not then to be more plainly spoken of, when their Strength and Fury was so high.

2. Note, that after the writing of that Book, I wrote a Postscript against that Doctrine of Dr. Burgess and Mr. Tho. Bedford, which I supposed to go on the other Extream; and therein I answered part of a Treatise of Dr. Sam. Warks 's which Mr. Bedford published; and it proved to be Mr. Thomas Gataker whom I defended, who is Dr. Ward 's Censor; But I knew it not till Mr. Gataker after told me.

But after these Writings I was greatly in doubt [whether it be not certain that all the Infants of true Believers are justified and saved if they die before actual Sin] My Reason was, because, it is the same justifying saving Covenant of Grace which their Parents and they are in: And as real Faith and Repentance is that Condition on the Parents part which giveth them their right to actual Remission, and Adoption: So to be the Children of such, is all the Condition which is required in Infants in order to the same Benefits: And without asserting this the Advantage of the Anabaptists is greater than everyone doth imagine. But I never thought with Dr. Ward that all Baptized Children had this Benefit, and Qualitative Sanctification also; nor with Dr. Burgess and Mr. Bedford, that all converted at Age, had inherent seminal Grace in Baptism certainly given them; nor with Bishop Davenant that all justly baptized had relative Grace of Justification and Adoption: But only that all the Infants of true Believers who have right to the Covenant and Baptism in foro Coeli as well as in foro Ecclesiae, have also thereby Right to the Pardon of Original Sin, and to Adoption, and to Heaven; which Right is by Baptism to be sealed and delivered to them. This I wrote of to Mr. Gataker who returned me a kind and candid Answer, but such as did not remove my Scruple; and this occasioned him to print Bishop Davenants Disputations with his Answer. My Opinion (which I most incline to) is the same which the Synod of Dort expresseth, and that which I conjecture Dr. Davenant meant, or I am sure came next to.

Here note also, that Mr. Tombes solicited me yet after all this, to write him down my Proofs of Infants Church-membership out of the circumcised Church, which I did at large, as from the Creation downward, as far as Proof could be expected in Proportion to the other Histories of those Times. Instead of sending me an Answer to my Papers, he printed some of them with an insufficient Answer in his last Book: These Papers with a Reply to him I have since Printed.

§ 159. 4. The Fourth Book which I published is a small one, called, The right Method for Peace of Conscience and spiritual comfort, in thirty two Directions. The Occasion of it was this: Mrs. Bridgis, the Wife of Col. John Bridgis, being one of my Flock, was often weeping out her Doubts to me, about her long and great Uncertainty of her true Sanctification and Salvation. I told her that a few hasty Words were not Direction enough for the satisfactory resolving of so great a Case; and therefore I would write her down a few of those necessary Directions which she should read and study, and get well imprinted in her Mind. As soon as I had begun I found 1. that it would not be well done in the Brevity which I expected. 2. And that when it was done it would be as useful to many others of my Flock as to her; and therefore I bestowed more time on it, and made it larger and fit for common use.

This Book pleased Dr. Hammond much, and many Rational Persons, and some of those for whom it was written: But the Women and weaker sort I found could not so well improve clear Reason, as they can a few comfortable, warm and pretty Sentences; it is Style and not Reason which doth most with them: And some of the Divines were angry with it, for a Passage or two about Perseverance; because I had said that many Men are certain of their present Sanctification, which are not certain of their Perseverance and Salvation; meaning all the Godly that are assured of their Sanctification, and yet do not hold the certainty of Preserverance. But a great Storm of Jealousy and Censure was by this and some such Words raised against me, by many good Men, who lay more on their Opinions and Party than they ought. Therefore, whereas some would have had me to retract it, and others to leave it out of the next Impression, I did the latter, but instead of it I published not long after

§ 160. 5. My Book called [ R. B's. Judgment about the Perseverance of Believers ] In which I shown them the Variety of Opinions about Perseverance, and that Augustine and Prosper themselves did not hold the certain Perseverance of all that are truly sanctified, though they held the Perseverance of all the Elect; but held that there are more Sanctified than are Elect, and that Perseverance is affixed to the Elect as such, and not to the Sanctified as such. (which Bishop Usher averred to Dr. Kendal before my Face to be most certainly Austin 's Judgment, though both he and I did incline to another). From hence, and many other Arguments I inferred, that the sharp Censures of Men against their Brethren, for not holding a Point which Austin himself was against, and no one Author can be proved to hold from the Apostles Days till long after Austin, doth argue less Judgment and Charity than many of the Censurers seem to have. I never heard of any Censure against these Papers, though the few Lines which occasioned them had so much.