Baxters Narrative of His Life and Times

For while People are in danger about Religion, we dare not launch out into Trade (say they) but we must keep our Moneys, being we know not into what straits we shall be driven; and when, in reference to their Party, they are held under severity, it is easy for those, who are designing Heads, to mould them into Wrath and Faction; which, without that occasion, will melt, and dissolve itself into bare Dissent of Opinion, peaceably rejoicing under the Enjoyment of Protection.

The King we know is concerned, as Supreme Governor, and as a Christian, Protestant Governor. As he is King, he is to seek the welfare of the Nation, as he is a Christian the Flourishing of Religion; and the Protestant Religion particularly is his Interest, as this Kingdom doth lie in Ballance (he being the chief Party) with its Neighbor Nations.

The Judgment now of some is for a Comprehending Act, which may take in those who are for our Parochial Churches, that severity then might be used for reclaiming all whosoever separate from them: The Judgment of some others is, for a free and equal Act of Grace to all indifferently (the Papists with most excepted) whether separatists or others, abhorring Comprehension, as more dangerous to them, upon that Account mentioned, than all the Acts that have passed. Neither of these Judge up to the full interest of the King and Kingdom, as is proposed. It becomes not the Presbyterian, if his Principles will admit him to own our Parochial Churches, and enjoy a Living, to be willing to have his Brethren, the Independents, given up to Persecution: And it becomes not the Separatist, if he may but enjoy his Conscience, to Repine, or envy at the Presbyterian for reaping any further Emolument, seeing both of them (supposing the later may do so) have as much at the bottom as can be, in their Capacities, desired of either. It is an Act therefore of a mixed Complexion, providing both Comprehension and Indulgence for the different Parties, must serve our Purpose.

And to this end (as we may humbly hope) there is a Bill at present in the House, A Bill for the ease of the Protestant Dissenter in the business of Religion. Which that (upon this present Prorogation) it may be cast into this Model, I must present the same, yet in a little farther Explication.

There are two sorts (we all know) of the Protestant Dissenters, one that own the Established Ministry, and our Parish Congregations, and are in Capacity of Union upon that account, desiring it heartily upon condescension to them in some small matters: The other, that own not our Churches, and so are uncapable of a Conjunction, who do not, and cannot desire it, or seek it.

For the One, that which we propose is a farther Latitude in the present Constituted Order, that such may be received, and this we call Comprehension, or Accommodation, Let us suppose that nothing else were required of a Man, to be a Minister of a Parish than there is to the Parishioner to be a Member of a Parish Church, as part of the National: If a person Baptized will come to Church, and hear Common-Prayer, and receive the Sacrament, and does nothing worthy of Excommunication, he is, he may, he must be received for a Parochial Member: In like manner, If a Minister first ordained (and so Episcopally, or Classically approved for his Abilities for that function) will but read the book of Liturgy, and Administer the Sacraments according to it, and does nothing which deserves suspension (we appeal to all this indifferently sober) why should not this suffice a Man, for the enjoying his Living, and exercising the Office unto which he is called?

For the other, there is indeed nothing can be done to bring those in, and join them with us in Parochial Union; yet is there this to be proposed, that you bear with them, and not let any be persecuted merely for their Consciences; and that we call Indulgence or Toleration. If the Presbyterian now may be comprehended, he will be satisfied, to act at his Ministry without endeavoring any Alteration otherwise of Episcopacy: If the Congregationalist be indulged, he will be satisfied though he be not Comprehended, for that he cannot submit unto, and so shall there be no Disobligation put on any, but all be pleased, and enjoy the ease of this Bill. Let but the Grounds of Comprehension be laid wide enough to take in all who can own, and come into the public Liturgy (which we suppose as yet to be the greater weight of • the Nation), and when the Countenance of Authority, and all State-Emoluments are cast into one Scale, and others let alone to come of it, without persecution to inflame them, or preferment to encourage them (especially if one Expedient be used, which shall not pass unmentioned in the close, that such as came in may find it really better to them, to be a priest to a Tribe, than a Levite to a Family) we need not doubt but time the Mistress of the Wise and Unwise, will discover the peaceable Issue of such Counsels.

And here let me pause a little; for methinks I see what Icesicles hang on the Eeves of the Parliament-House at this Motion, what prejudices, I mean, and Impressions have been laid on the Members by former Acts. There was a speech delivered by the then Chancellor in Christ-Church Hall in Oxford, to the Parliament there, and the Scholars assembled. Wherein the Glory of contriving the Oxford-Oath, and Consequently of the like former Impositions, was most magnificently, as well as spitefully enough arrogated to its proper Author. It was • it seems, the designed Policy of that Great Man, to root those Principles out of Men's minds upon which the late Wars (as he supposed) were built, and he would do it by this Invention, to wit, the Imposing upon them new Declarations, Oaths and Subscriptions, of a strain framed contrary to those Principles. I do remember now the sentence of Esdras to the Apologue of the Angel, where the Woods and the Seas would encounter one another, Verily (says he) it was a foolish purpose; for the trees could not come down from the hills, nor the Waves get up from the shoars. I must say the same of this Policy. It was really a great vanity to think that folk should be made to swear away their thoughts and beliefs. Whatsoever it is we think or believe, we do think it, we must think it, we do believe it, we must believe it, notwithstanding any of these outward Impositions. The honest Man indeed will refuse an Injunction against his Conscience, the knave will swallow it, but both retain their Principles; which the last will be the likeliest to put any villanous Practice on. On the Contrary, there is nothing could be advised more certain, to keep the Covenant, and such Principles alive in Men's heart's, and memories than this perpetual enjoining the Renunciation of it. Nor may you wonder, if that Lesson sink deep into Men's flesh which you will teach them with Briars and Thorns, as Gideon taught the Men of • uccoth. Besides, it is the most impolitick thing that ever could have been, for such Contents, as are of that dangerous Consequence to Majesty and the Government to have them once disputed, or brought into question, to be put into these Declarations, Oaths and Subscriptions, which necessitates the Examination of them to so many. It was the wisdom of the Ancient Church, instead of Contention about the Jewish Ceremonies, to take care they might have an honorable burial: And I dare say if that great Lord Chancellor had but put off his Cap to the Covenant, and bidden it a fair Adieu only, he should have done more towards its Extirpation, than by all this iterated trouble to Men's Consciences. And if it shall therefore please the succeeding Ministers of our State, instead of going to root out the Principles of Innovation which are got into people, by this means (which is no means to do it, but the means to rivet them more in us), to endeavor rather to root out the Causes from us, which make men willing to entertain such Principles, and desire Change: I suppose their Policy will prove the sounder. The way to establish the Throne of the King is this, to make it appear, that all those Grievances, and all those Good things which the People in the late times expected to be removed, or to be obtained, by a Common Wealth, or a Change of the Government, may be more effectually accomplished by a King in the Acts of his Parliament.

I am sensible how my Threm riseth upon me, and that I begin to shoot wide; I take my Aim therefore again, and two things, in earnest, I would expect from this Bill, as the sum of what is necessary to the end of it, our Ease, if it be made to serve the turn, The one is, that Bishop Laud be confined to his Caththedrals: and the other, that Chancellor Hide be totally expelled our Acts of Parliament. By the first, I mean, that the Ceremonies in the ordinary Parish Churches be left to the Liberty of the Minister, to use, or use them not, according to his Conscience, and Prudence toward his own Congregation: And by the latter, that all these new devised Oaths, Subscriptions and Declarations together with the Canonical Oath, and the Subscription in the Canons be suspended for the time to come. If that be too much I shall content myself with a modester motion, that whatsoever these Declarations • e, that are required to be made, subscribed or sworn, they may be imposed only as to the Matter and End, leaving the Takers but free to the use of their own Expressions. And this Expedient I gather from my Lord Cook, who hath providently, as it were, against such a season, laid in this observation: The • orm of the Subscription set down in the Canons, ratified by King James, was not expressed in the Act of the 13th of Elizabeth. Instit. p. 4. c. 74. And Consequently if the Clergy enjoyed this freedom until then, in reference to the particulars therein contained, what hinders why they might not have the same restored, in reference also to others?

It is true, that it may seem hard to many in the Parliament, to undo anything themselves have done: But though this be no Rule for Christians, who are sometimes to repent as well as believe, if they be loath to repent anything, what if they shall only Interpret or Explain? Let us suppose then some Clause in this Bill, or some new Act, for Explanations. If an • Nonconformist cannot come up to the full meaning and intent of these Injunctions rightly Explained, let him remain in statu quo, under the state only of Indulgence, without benefit of Comprehension; for so long as those, who are not Comprehended, may yet enjoy that ease, as to be indulged in some equal measure answerable to his Majesty's Declaration, whether Comprehension be large or narrow, such Terms as we obtain are pure Advantage, and such as we obtain not, are no loss: But if any does, and can honestly agree to the whole sense the Parliament intends in such Impositions, why should there be any Obstruction for such a Man, though he delivers himself in his own words, to be received into the Established order with others? Unless men will look on these Injunctions only to be contrived for •• gines of Battery, to destroy the Nonconfromist: And not as Instruments of Unity, to edify the Church of God.

I will not leave our Congregational Brethren neither, so long as I have something more that may be said for them, not ordinarily considered by any. It is this, that though indeed they are not, and cannot seek to be of our Churches as they are Parochial, under the Diocese or Superintendency of the Bishops; yet do they not refuse, but seek to be comprehended within the Church as National under his Majesty. I will explain myself. The Church may be considered as Universal, and so Christ alone is the head of it, and we receive our Laws from him; Or as Particular, and so the Pastors are Heads, Guides, or Bishops over their respective flocks, who are commanded therefore to obey them in the Lord: Or as National, which is an accidental and external respect to the Church of God, wherein the King is to be acknowledged the supreme Head of it, and as I judge no otherwise: For thus also runs the statute, That our Sovereign Lord shall be taken and reputed the only supreme Head in Earth of the Church of England, called Ecclesia Anglicana. Now if it should please the King and Parliament, to allow and approve these Separate Meetings, and Stated Places for Worship, by a Law, as His Majesty did by his Declaration, I must profess that, as such Assemblies by this means must be constituted immediately integral parts of the Church as National, no less than our Parish Cougregations: So would the Congregate Churches (at least those that understand themselves) own the King for Head over them, in the same sense as we own him Head over ours, that is as much as to say, for the supreme coercive Governor of all (in this accidental regard) both to keep every several Congregation to that Gospel-order themselves profess; and to supervise their Constitutions in things indifferent, that nothing be done but in subordination to the peace of the Kingdom.

Well, Let us suppose then a liberty for these separate Assemblies under the visitation of his Majesty and his Justices, and not the Bishops; I would fain know that were the Evil you can find in them. If it lie in anything, it must be in that you call Schism. Separation then let us know, in itself simply considered, is nothing, neither good, nor Evil. There may be reason to divide or separate some Christians from others out of prudence, as the Cathechumens of old, from the fully instructed, for their greater Edification; and as a Chapel or two is added to a Parish-Church when the people else were too big a Congregation. It is not all Division then or Separation that is Schism; but sinful Division. Now the supreme Authority as National Head, having appointed the Parochial Meetings, and required all the Subjects of the Land to frequent them, and them alone, for the Acknowledging, Glorifying, or National serving and worshiping the only true God, and his Son, whom we have generally received: And this Worship or Service, in the nature of it being intrinsically good, and the external Order (such as that of time and place, and the like Circumstances) being properly under his Jurisdiction, it hath seemed to me hitherto, that unless there was something in that order or way prescribed which is sinful, and that required too as a Condition of that Communion, there is no Man could refuse his attendance on these Parochial Assemblies, without the sin of Disobedience, and consequently his separation thereby becoming sinful, proves Schism: But if the Scene be altered and these separate Assemblies made Legal, the Schism, in reference to the National Church, upon the same account, does vanish. Schism is a separation from that Church whereof we ought or are bound to be Members: if the supreme Authority then loose our obligation to the Parish-Meeting, so that we are bound no longer, the iniquity (I say, upon this account) is not to be found, and the Schism gone. Lo here, a way opened for the Parliament (if they please) to rid the Trouble and Scruple of Schism (at once) out of the Land. If they please not, yet is there something to be thought on for the Separatist in a way of forbearance, that the innocent Christian, at least, as it was in the time of Trajan, may not be sought out unto Punishment: Especially when such a toleration only is desired, as is consistent with the Articles of Faith, a Good Life, and the Government of the Nation.

And now I turn me to the Houses. My Lord's and Gentlemen! I will suppose you honest persons, that would do as you would be done unto; that would not wrong any; or if you did, would make them recompense. There hath been very hard Acts passed, which when the Bills were brought in, might haply look smooth and fair to you; but you saw not the Covert Art, secret Machination, and purposely contrived snares against one whole Party. If such a form of words would not, another should do their business. By this means, you in the first place, yourselves, some of you were overstript: Multitudes dispossessed of their Livings: The Vineyard Let out to others: The Lord Jesus, the Master of it, deprived of many of his faithful Laborers: And the poor sheep (what had they done?) bereft of their accumstomed spiritual food, to the hazard of their Eternal Souls. Among many Arguments therefore for Liberty in other Papers, from Policy, Convenience, Reason of State, and Reason of Religion, I have this one to offer you of a more binding Nature, an Argument from Justice, Righteousness, and Restitution to the Displaced. It is true, that the Places they once had, are filled, and disposed: but there are others enough. There are many of those, who possess theirs, do also keep their own, and keep more. There are many who are Canons, Deans, Prebe • daries, that are also Parsons, Rectors, Vicars; who have Benefices and Honors by heaps, and by the bushel. If it shall please you therefore in this Bill on the Anvil, or in another, to take Cognizance of Pluralities, that, for the preventing an Idle, Scandalous, Covetously overgrown, unprofitable Ministry, every Man who hath more than one Cure of Souls, or one Dignity, shall give them up into a public stock, or to a general Distribution, you shall do the Church right, and the Ejected right, you shall give such Drones their Due, and God his Due, and strew the way by this means for the making your Grace intended in this Bill, of signification. In the Name of God, Sirs, let me move you to this, if it were only Hac vice, for a present needful Conjunction of us at this season. We see the jaws of Popery, and the Sectary opening upon us, if the sober Protestant Interest be not united, we perish. I know who will be ready to stamp here and throw dust in the Air, for it is these Sons of the Horse-Le • ch, whose voice is still Give Give, that will never be contented with a single portion. A Dignity therefore with a Living let them be allowed: but one Dignity and one Cure of Souls should be all, though they cu • themselves with Lanees. It is this damned hard objection at the bottom, the Priests Covetousness and Corruption, rather than their Dispute about things indifferent, that really hinders the Church's peace and prosperity.

To Conclude. According to what every Man's mind is most upon (the Public Interest, or his own) such is his value more or less.

§ 263. About this time was a great change of Affairs in Scotland; their Parliament concurring with this of England, in distasting the present Councils and Proceedings (but not so much Proclaiming the danger of Popery, as Aggravating the Burdens and Grievances of the People, against the great Commissioner the Duke of Lauderdail: ) So that Duke Hamilton became the Head of the Opposition, and most of the Nobility and Commons adhered to him, and were against D. of Lauderdail: And the Parliament went so high that D. Lauderdail was fain to Adjourn them: Whereupon D. Hamilton came to England with their Grievances to the King (with some of the Nobility). But the King, though he gave him fair respect, sharply rebuked him and their Proceedings, and stuck close to D. Lauderdail against all opposition.

§ 264. At last D. Lauderdail found the way to turn their own Engin against themselves, and whereas many of their Grievances had been settled by themselves by Act of Parliament (while they were ruled by him), he acquainteth the King how heavy and unsufferable they were, and so the King, by a Letter, releaseth them: And among their burdens was a great income settled upon D. Hamilton for some service, Loss or Loan to the King, by his Predecessors, which he that had complained of Grievances was now to loss by the King removing the Grievances: Whereupon he professed that he had been still ready to remit those Revenues; but he could not do it in this way of a Letter against a Law, lest by the same way another Letter should take away the rest of his Estate: And he got the hands of Lawyers to testify it was against Law, and sent it to the King, who in displeasure rejected his Narrative, and so the Dissention in Scotland increased.

§ 265. At this time ( April 1674) God hath so much increased my Languishing, and laid me so low, by an incessant inflation of my head, and translation of my great flatulency thither to the Nerves and Members, increasing these ten or twelve weeks to greater pains, that I have reason to think that my time on Earth will not be long: And O how Good hath the Will of God proved hitherto to me? And will it not be best at last? Experience causeth me to say to his praise, Great peace have they that love his Law, and nothing shall offend them; And though my flesh and heart do fail, God is the Rock of my heart and my portion forever.

§ 266. At this time came out my Book called, The poor Man's Family Book; which the remembrance of the great use of Mr. Dents Plain Man's path way to Heaven (now laid by) occasioned me to write, for poor Country Families who cannot buy or read many Books.

§ 267. I will not here pass by the Commemoration of one among many of the worthy silenced Ministers of London, that such Examples may provoke more to some imitation, viz. Mr. Thomas Gouge: He is the eldest Son of old Dr. William Gouge Deceased: He was Pastor to that great Parish called Sepul • hres; whence he was ejected, with the rest of his brethren at the time when the restored Prelates acted like themselves. I never heard any one person, of what rank, sort or sect soever, speak one word to his Dishonor, or Name any fault that ever they charged on his Life or Doctrine, no not the Prelatists themselves, save only that he conformed not to their impositions, and that he did so much good with so great Industry: God blessed him with a good Estate, and he liberally used it in works of Charity: When the fire consumed much of it, and when he had settled his Children, and his wife was taken from him by Death; of an hundred and fifty pound a year that he had left, he gave an hundred of it to charitable uses. His daily work is to do all the good he can, with as great diligence and constancy as other Men labor at their Trades: He visiteth the poor, and seeketh after them: He writeth books to stir up the rich, to devote (at least) the tenth part of their Estates to works of Charity: He goeth to the rich to persuade and urge them; He collecteth moneys of all that he can prevail with, and travelleth himself (though between 60 and 70 years old) into Wales, Winter and Summer, and disperseth the money to the poor laboring persecuted Ministers: He hath settled himself in the chief Towns of Wales a great number of Schools, for Women to teach Children to read, having himself undertaken to pay them for many hundred Children: He printeth many thousands of his own practical Books, and giveth them freely throughout Wales, (at his own charge): And when I do something of the like by mine, he undertaketh the Distribution of them: He preacheth in Wales himself till they drive him from place to place by persecution; when he returneth home, he visiteth the Prisoners, and helpeth them to books, and preacheth repentance to them: The poor and the ignorant are those that he liveth for, doing good to Soul and Body daily, save that he Soliciteth the Rich to contribute to such uses. The reading of Mr. Ios. Allen's Life hath raised his Resolution and Activity to such a Course of Life, which was far higher than other Men's before.

§ 268. Mr. Sherlock 's book before mentioned making a great noise, and he and the Author of the sober Inquiry, and others of them, when they reproached other Nonconformists being pleased to put in some Exceptions of me by Name, I thought myself the more obliged to disown their Miscarriages. And I first in Discourse sought to convince Mr. Sherlock; and lest he should not either understand or report me aright (Writings being surer Vindications than Memory) I sent him some Animadversions, which have since been Printed.

§ 269. My old friend Dr. Thomas Good now published a book called, Dubitantius and Fir • ianus, against Atheism, Infidelity, Popery, and then Presbytery, Independency, and Anabaptistry; very superficial: He was formerly indeed a professed Prelatist, but moderate, and himself never hindered from his Ministerial work and maintenance, and joined with us in our Disputations at Kidderminster, and our Concord in Worcestershire among the dissenting parties. Yet being Canon of Hereford, and Mr. of Baliol College in Oxford (though old, waiting for more) he asserted in his Book, that they were confessed things indifferent that we refused Conformity for, and that all the Nonconformists (without Exception) had a hand in the late King's Death, one way or other, by Consent, &c. The Impudency of which assertion moved me to write the Contradiction here adjoined.

§. 270. Taking it to be my duty to preach while Toleration doth continue, I removed the last Spring to London, where my Diseases increasing, this Winter, a flatulent constant Headach added to the rest, and continuing strong for about half a year, constrained me to cease my Friday's Lecture, and an Afternoon Sermon on the Lord's days in my house, to my grief; and to Preach only one Sermon a week at St. James 's Market-house, where some had hired an inconvenient Place. But I had great encouragement to labor there, 1. Because of the notorious Necessity of the people: for it was noted for the habitation of the most ignorant, Atheistical, and Popish about London, and the greatness of the Parish of St. Martins, made it impossible for the tenth (perhaps the twentieth) person in the Parish to hear in the Parish-Church; And the next Parishes St. Giles, and Clement Daines ) were almost in the like case; Besides that the Parson of our own Parish, (St. Giles ) where I lived, Preached not, having been about three years suspended by the Bishop ab Officio, but not a beneficio, upon a particular Quarrel: And to leave ten or twenty for one, untaught in the Parish, while most of the City Churches also are burnt down, and unbuilt, one would think, should not be justified by Christians, 2. Because, beyond my expectation, the people generally proved exceeding willing and attentive and tractable, and gave me great hopes of much success.

§. 271. Yet at this time did some of the most Learned Conformists assault me with sharp accusations of Schism, merely because I ceased not to Preach the Gospel of Christ to people in such necessity. They confess that I ought not to take their Oaths, and make their imposed Covenants, Declarations and Subscriptions against my Conscience; but my Preaching is my sin which I must forbear, (though they accuse me not of one word that I say.) They confess the foresaid Matters of fact, (that not one of a multitude can possibly hear in the Parish Churches, through the greatness of some Parishes, the lowness of the Minister's voices, and the paucity of Churches since the burning of the City:) And they confess that the knowledge of the Gospel is (ordinarily) necessary to salvation, and teaching and hearing necessary to knowledge; and that to leave the people untaught (especially where so many are speaking for Atheism, Beastiality, and Infidelity) is to give them up to Damnation: But yet they say that to do so is my duty, because the Bishop is against my Preaching: And I ought to rest satisfied that it is the Bishop, and not not I, that must answer for their Damnation. Alas poor Souls! Must they needs be damned by thousands, without making any question of it? as if all the question were, who should answer for it. I will not believe such cruel men I undertake to prove to them to them, 1. That our English Species of Dio •• san 〈◊〉 , and Lay Choncellours power of the Keys, is contrary to God's Word, and destructive of true Discipline, and of the Church form and Offices instituted by Christ. 2. That were the Offices Lawful, the men have no true calling to it, being not chosen or consented to by the Clergy, or the People. 3. That if their Calling were good, they have no power to forbid the present Silenced Ministers to Preach the Gospel (but thereby they serve Satan against Christ and Men's salvation.) Paul himself had his power to edification, and not to destruction: And Christ the Savior of the World, giveth his Ministers only a saving power, and to none a power to samish and damn the people's Souls 4. That we are Dedicated as Ministers to the Sacred Office, and it is Sacrilege in ourselves or others, to alienate us from it, while we are not unfit or unable for it. 5. That we are Charged (as well as Timothy ) before God and the Lord Jesus Christ, who shall judge the quick and the Dead at his appearing, that we Preach the Word, and be in season, and our ef season, reprove, rebuke, exhort, &c. 6. That the Ancient Pastors for many Hundred years did Preach the Gospel against the Wills of their Lawful Princes, both Heathens and A •• ians. 7: That the Bishop hath no more power to forbid us to Preach, than the King hath: And these men confess that Ministers unjustly Silenced may Preach against the Will of Kings (but not, say they of Bishops.) 8. That were we Lay-men we might teach and exhort (as Lay-men, as Origen did) though we might not do it as Pastors much more being Ordained the Ministers of Christ. And that now to us it is a work which both the Law of Nature and our Office or Vow do bind us to, even a Moral Duty: And that when Christ judgeth men for not Feeding, Clothing, Visiting his Members, it will not excuse us to say; that the Bishop forbad us: That if King, or Bishop forbid us to feed our Children, or to save the lives of drowning, or famishing men, we must disobey them, as being against a great command of God; Love and the Works of Love being the great indispensable Duties. And Souls being greater Objects of Charity than Bodies. 9. That it was in a Case of Pharifaical Church Discipline, (when Christ avoided not converse with sinners when their good required it) that Christ sent the Pharisees to learn what this meaneth, I will have mercy and not sacrifice: and at two several times repeateth the same words. 10. That Order is for the thing Ordered and it's ends; and a power of Ordering Preachers is not a power to depose necessary Preaching and famish Souls. 11. And I show them that I myself have the License of the Bishop of this Diocese, as well as Episcopal Ordination; and that my License is in force and not recalled: 12. And that I have the King's License. 13. And therefore after all this, to obey these Silencers (nay no Bishop doth forbid me, otherwise than as his Vote is to the Acts of Parliament, which is as Magistrates,) and to fulfill their will that will be content with nothing, but our forsaking of poor Souls, and ceasing to Preach Christ, this were no better than to end my Life of Comfortable Labors, in obeying the Devil the Enemy of Christ and Souls; which God forbid.

§, 272. Yet will not all this satisfy these men, but they cry out as the Papists, Schism, Schism, unless we will cease to Preach the Gospel: And have little to say for all, but that No society can be governed, if the Rulers be not the Judge. Yet dare they not deny but a Judgment of discerning duty from sin, belongeth to all Subjects; or else we are Brutes, or must be Atheists, Idolaters, Blasphemers, or what ever a Bishop shall command us. But under the Censures of these unreasonable Men, who take our greatest Duties for our heinous sin, must we patiently serve our Lord: But his approbation is our full reward.

§ 273 On July 5th (1674.) at our Meeting over St. Iamses's Market-house, God vouchsafed us a great Deliverance. A main Beam before weakened by the weight of the People so cracked that three times they ran in terror out of the room, thinking it was falling: But remembering the like at Dunstan's West, I reproved their fear as causeless. But the next day taking up the boards we found that two rends in the Beam, were so great, that it was a wonder of providence that the floor had not fallen, and the roof with it, to the destruction of multitudes. The Lord make us thankful.

§ 274 A person unknown professing Infidelity (but w • ether an Infidel, or a jagling Papist, I know not) sent me a Manuscript, called Examen 〈◊〉 , charging Scripture with Immorality, Falshoods, and Contradictions, from the beginning to the end, and with seeming Seriousness and Respectfulness import • ned me to Answer him. I was in so great pain and weakness (and engaged in other work) that I sent him word that I had not time or strength for so long a Work. He selected about a Dozen Instances, and desired my Answer to them: I gave him an Answer to them, and to some of his General accusations; but told him, That the rational Order to be followed by a Lover of Truth, is first to consider of the proofs brought for Christianity, before we come to the Objections against it: And I proved to him, that Christianity was proved true many years before any of the New Testament was Written, and that so it may be still proved by one that doubted of some words of the Scripture; and therefore the true order is, to try the truth of the Christian Religion first, and the perfect Verity of all the Scriptures afterwards. And therefore Importuned him first to Answer my Book, called, The Reasons of the Christian Religion; and then if I lived, I would answer his Accusations. But I could not at all prevail with him, but he still insisted on my Answering of his Charge. And half a year (or more) after, he sent me a Reply to the Answer which I had hastily given him: And though he before professed, that none in the World but I and his servant knew of it, yet accidentally, by speech with Dr. Stillingfleet, I understood that the same M. S. was sent to him: Therefore I sent him the Reply to mine; and desired him, seeing he had more strength and leisure, to answer altogether for himself and me, and then I need not do the same.

§. 275. It pleased God to give me marvelous great Encouragement in my Preaching at St. James 's: The Crack having frightened away most of the Richer sort (specially the Women,) most of the Congregation were young men, of the most capable age, who heard with very great Attention, and many that had not come to Church of many years, received so much, and manifested so great a Change (some Papists, and Divers others returning public Thanks to God for their Conversion) as made all my Charge and Trouble easy to me. Among all the Popish, rude and ignorant People who were Inhabitants of those parts, we had scarce any that opened their mouths against us, and that did not speak well of the Preaching of the Word among them; though when I came first thither, the most knowing Inhabitants assured me, that some of the same persons wisht my Death; Among the ruder sort, a common Reformation was notifyed in the place, in their Conversation as well as in their Judgments.

§, 276. But Satan, the Enemy of God and Souls, did quickly use divers means to hinder me: 1. By Persecution, 2. By the Charges of the work, and, 3. By the troublesome Clamours of some that were too much inclined to Separation. And first a fellow, that made a Trade of being an Informer, accused me to Sir William Poultney, a Justice near, upon the Act against Conventicles: Sir William dealt so wisely and fairly in the business, as frustrated the Informer's first attempts (who offered his Oath against me,) And before he could make a second Attempt, Mr. David Lloyd (the Earl of St. Alban 's Bailiff) and other Inhabitants, so searchit after the quality of the Informer, and prosecuted him (to secure the Parish from his Charge of Children) as made him fly, and appear no more. I that had been the first Silenced, and the first sent to Gaol, upon the Oxford -Act of Confinement, was the first prosecuted upon the Act of Conventicles, after the Parliament's Condemning the King's Declaration and Licenses to Preach.

§. 277. But shortly after the Storm grew much greater: The great Ministers of State had new Consultations: The Duke of Lauder dail, the Lord Treasurer, (Sir Thomas Osborne, made Earl of Danby, ) The Lord Keeper (Sir Heneage Finch, ) the Bishop of Winchester (Dr. Morley ) and the Bishop of Salisbury (Dr. Ward, ) &c. were the Men that the World talkit of, as the Doers of the Business: The first thing, that appeared, was, That His Majesty called the Bishops up to London, to give him Advice what was to be done for the securing of Religion, &c. The Bishops, after divers Meetings and Delays, (the said Duke, and Lord Treasurer, being appointed to meet with them,) at last Advised the King to recall His Licenses, and put the Laws in Execution. Which was done by a Declaration and Proclamation, Declaring the Licenses long since void, and requiring the Execution of the Laws against Papists (most largely mentioned) and Conventicles. No sooner was this Proclamation published, but special Informers were set on Work to Ascertain the Execution; and I must here also be the first that must be Accused.

§. 278. A little before the King had Recalled his Licenses, knowing on what Accusations they would proceed, according to the Act of Uniformity; I did, to Obviate the Accusation, deliver, in Words and Writing, this following Profession, [Though when I began to Preach in this place, I publicly professed, That it was the notorious Necessity of the People, who are more than the Parish-Church can hold, which moved me thereunto, and that we Meet not in Opposition to, or Separation from the Public Churches; yet perceiving that by some we are misunderstood, I repeat the same Profession: And that we Meet not under color or pretence of any Religious Exercise in other manner, than according to the Liturgy and Practice of the Church of England: And that were I able, I would accordingly Read my Self.] For the understanding of this, it must be known, 1. That being my Self unable both to Read and Preach, I had an Assistant, who daily Read the Scripture-Sentences, the 95th Psalm, the Psalms for the Day, the two Chapters for the Day, Singing the Psalms appointed for Hymns, using the Lord 's Prayer, the Creed, and the Decalogue; all which is the Greatest part of the Liturgy, though none of the Common Prayers were used. 2. That I forbear the use of much of the Common Prayer, which I think lawful and good, merely because many of the Nonconformists could not bear it. 3. That the Act against Conventicles punisheth none but [ those that meet on color, or pretence of any Religious Exercise in other manner than according to the Liturgy and practice of the Church of England.] 4. That my Judgment was, that my Meeting was not such, and that I broke no Law: And therefore I made this open Profession, as Preparatory to my Answer before the Magistrate; not expecting that any such means should free me from suffering in the least degree, but that it should conduce to the clearing of my Cause when I Suffered. But, upon this Paper, those that are unable, or unwilling to suspend their Censures, till they understand the Cause, and that cannot understand Words in their plain and proper signification, but according to their own Preconceptions, did presently divulge, all over the Land, many false Reports of it and me: The Separatists gave out presently, That I had Conformed, and openly declared my Assent and Consent, &c. And so confidently did they affirm it, that almost all the City believed it: The Prelatists again took the Report from them, and their own willingness that so it should be, and reported the same thing: In one Episcopal City they gave Thanks in Public that I Conformed: In many Counties, their News was, That I most certainly Conformed, and was thereupon to have a Bishopric (which, if I should, I had done foolishly in losing Thirteen years Lordship and Profit, and then taking it when I am dying.) This was divulged by the Conformists, to fortisie their Party in the Conceits of their Innocency, and by the Separatists, in Spleen and Quarrelsome Zeal! But confident Lying was too common with both. And yet the next day, or the next day save one, Letters fled abroad on the contrary, that I was sent to Gaol for not Conforming.

§. 279. Not long before this, having Preached at Pinners -Hall for Love and Peace, divers false Reports went currant among the Separatists, and from them to other Nonconformists, that I Preached against the Imputation of Christ's Righteousness, and for Justification by our own Righteousness, and that the Papists and Protestants differ but in Words, &c. So that I was constrained to publish the truth of the Case, in a sheet of Paper, called, An Appeal to the Light. Which, though it evinced the falsehood of their Reports, and no one Man did ever after justify them, that ever I could hear of, yet did they persevere in their General Accusation; and I had Letters from several Countries, that the London Accusers had Written to them, that I had both in the Sermon, and in that Paper, called, An Appeal to the Light, done more to strengthen Popery, than ever was done by any Papists. This was the reward of all my Labors, from the Separating Independents.

§. 280. So sinfully ready are Men to receive false Reports, that many of sober Principles, and some of my most intimate Friends, believed them, and were ready to second the Defamation: But whenever they came to me, and debated the Case, and heard me speak, every Man of them confessed their Error, and Misunderstanding. The secret fomenters of the Accusing Reports and Quarrels, did it with such Privacy and Caution as beseemed Wise Men: But the open Backbiters were especially some very few more Ministers, accounted earnest judicious Men: But the Women, and Independent Men were the chief.

§. 281. This greatly rejoiced the Persecuting Prelatists; and, 1. They hence inferred, That the Nonconformists were as bad a People as they had reported them, and that whatever was thought Judicious, or Moderate, in any of my Writings, Preaching, or Conversation, the Nonconformists had no right to any Imputation of it, or Reputation by it, because I was one that they disowned: 2. They would hence have drawn me off from the Nonconformists, telling me, That I was worse spoken of, and used by such, than by the Prelatists. To both which I answered, 1. That they knew not the Nonconformists so well as I • and that though' the London -Separatists, and a few other weak and passionate persons, made all this noise, yet the generality of the Ministers and sober People, especially in the Country, were of my mind: 2. That all this Censure and Clamour was a very small thing, in comparison of what I suffered by the Bishops, who had these 13 years, if not more, deprived me of all Ministerial Maintenance, and also forbidden me to Preach Christ's Gospel, though I did it without pay; and had sent me among Rogues, to the Common Gaol; and had deprived me much of the end of Life, which is more to me than Life itself.

§. 282. While I was thus murmured at by Backbiters, Sectaries and Prelatists, when the King's Licenses were recalled as aforesaid, I was the first that was apprehended by Warrant and brought before the Justices as a Conventicler. One Keting, an ignorant fellow, had got a Warrant, as Bailiff and Informer, to search after Conventicles (Papists and Protestants) which he prosecuted with great animosity and Violence: Having then left St. James 's (the Lease of the House being out) I Preached only on Thursdays at Mr. Turner 's; and by the Act I am to be Judged by a Justice of the City, or Division where I Preach, but to be distrained on by Warrant from a Justice of the Division or County where I live. So that the Preaching-place being in the City, only a City-Justice might Judge me: Keting went to many of the City-Justices, and none of them would grant him a Warrant against me; Therefore he went to the Justices of the County, who lived near me, and one Sir John Medlicot, and Mr. Bennet (Brother to the Lord Arlington ) ignorant of the Law herein, gave their Warrant to apprehend me, and bring me before them, or some other of His Majesty's Justices: The Constable and Informer gave me leave to choose what Justices I would go to. I went with them to seck divers of the best Justices, and could find none of them at home, and so spent that day (in a case of pain and great Weakness) in being carried up and down in vain: But I used the Informer kindly, and spake that to him, which his Conscience (though' a very ignorant fellow) did not well digest. The next day I went with the Constable and him to Sir William Poultney, who made him show his Warrant, which was signed by Henry Montague (Son to the late worthy Earl of Manchester ) as Bailiff of Westminster, Enabling him to Search after Mass-Priests and Conventiclers; but I hear of no Mass-Priests save one that was ever meddled with to this Day; and that one delivered (as we all desired.) Sir William shown him, and all the Company, in the Act, that none but a City-Justice had Power to Judge me for a Sermon Preached in the City; and so the Informer was defeated: As I went out of the House I met the Countess of Warwick, and the Lady Lucy Montague, Sister to the said Mr. Henry Montague, and told them of the Case and Warrant, who assured me, That he whose Hand was at it, knew nothing of it; and some of them sent to him, and Keting 's Warrant was called in within two or three days. But it proved that one Mr. Barwell, Sub-Bailiff of Westminster, was he that set Keting on work, and gave him his Warrant, and told him, How good a Service it was to the Church, and what he might gain by it: And Barwell sharply Chid Keting for doing his work with me no more skillfully: And the Lord of Arlington most sharply Chid his Brother for granting his Warrant: And within a few days Mr. Barwell riding the Circuit, was cast by his Horse, and died in the very Fall. And Sir John Medlicot, and his Brother, a few weeks after, lay both dead in his House together. Shortly after Keting came several times to have spoken with Me, to ask me Forgiveness, and not meeting with me, went to my Friends in the City with the same Words (when a little before he had boasted, how many Hundred pounds he would have of the City-Justices for refusing him Justice. At last he found me within, and would have fallen down on his knees to me, and asked me earnestly to forgive him: I asked him what had changed his mind: He told me that his Conscience had no peace from the hour that he troubled me; And that it increased his Disquiet that no Justice would hear, nor oue Constable of forty execute the warrant, and all the people cried out against him; But that which set home was Mr. Barwel 's Death (for Sir John Medlicot 's he knew not of). I exhorted the Man to an Universal Repentance and Reformation of Life, and he told me he would never meddle in such Businesses, nor trouble any Man, and promised to live better himself than he had done.

§ 283. A little before Dr. Manton 's Meeting also was surprised, and he having notice of it before, was absent, and got Mr. Bedford to preach for him: For it was resolved to have sent him to the Common Goal, upon the Oxford Act, as a refuser of the Oath, besides the penalty of a Conventicle: The justices were Mr. Ball (Brother to Dr. Ball Preacher at the Temple ) the violentest of them, and Mr. Rose and Mr. Philip's, the same two Men that had sent me to the Goal four years before; They offered Mr. Bedford the Oath, but it proved that he had taken it before, and so far defeated them: But he was fined accordingly to the Act in 20 l. (and the place 40 l. ) which the Lord Wharton, the Countesses of Bedford, Manchester and Cl • re, and other hearers paid: But two of the Justices swore that he said, that the King did not in good earnest desire the execution of this Law; which he professed he never said); And for this the King sent him to Prison.

§ 284. An Accident at this time fell out, which occasioned a little seeming stop of my trouble; which I will relate as the Duke of Lauderdail told it me himself, who was present. The Lord Falcon-brigde being with the Bishop of Salisbury (Ward) after reported that the Bishop told him, that it was nothing of the Bishops, but of the Lord Treasurer, that the Act was thus Executed: The Lord Treasurer charged it as an injury on the Bishop: The Lord High Chamberlain (E. of Lindsey ) told it Bishop Morley, who told it Bishop Ward, who went to the Lord Treasurer and Complained of it as a false injurious report of the Lord Falconbridge; The Lord Treasurer took him to the King, who sent for the Lord Falconbridge, who (before the King, the D. of Lauderdail, the Lord Treasurer, the Lord High Chamberlain, &c. ) was accused by Bishop Ward for a false report of his words: The Lord Falconbridge could not make it good, but though he spake not those very words, he took the Scope of his Speech to be of that Importance: The King (said the Duke to me) said [I must tell you this myself: I called the Bishops to give me their advice, what was to be done for the present securing of the Church, and the Protestant Religion, and they told me, that there was something to be done, but they thought it not safe for them to give advice in it: I told them that I took this for a Libel; and asked them who, or what they were afraid of: And I appointed these Lord's to see them give their Answer. Among other passages the Lord Falconbridge said that the Bishop called the Execution of the Law [a trick]: The Bishop Answered [I said not that the Execution of the Law was a trick; but that to begin with Mr. Baxter was a trick of some, to make it thought that we are irreconcilable to the most moderate and peaceable Men.] And thus they were drawn in to give their seeming Judgment against my suffering (though there was great reason to think that Papists and Prelates were the Contrivers of it.)

§ 285. For the better understanding of many of these matters, it must be known, that at 2 or 3 of the last Sessions of Parliament, Bishop Morley had, on all occasions in the Company of Lord's, Gentlemen and Divines, cried out of the danger of Popery, and talked much for abatements, and taking in the Nonconformists, or else we are like all to fall into the Papists hands; so that there were no Lord's or others for agreement, but he made himself the head of their Design, and so got an Interest still in the work, as the forwardest desirer of it: Dr. Fulwood, Mr. Collyer, and Divers others, came to me to advise about a way of Concord, as encouraged by this Bishop's words: I sent him word by them all, that I had heard these many years of these agreeing pe •• emaking purposes and desires of his Lordship, but having known so much of his Endeavors to the contrary I entreated him by some Deeds to convince me of his sincerity, for till then I was not able to believe it. And the Event shown that my incredulity was not without cause.

§ 286. At this Sessions of Parliament approaching, he set upon the same Course again, and Bishop Ward as his second and chief Coagent joined with him, and they were famed to be the two Bishops that were for Comprehension and Concord, none so forward as they: At last Dr. Bates brings me a message from Dr. Tillot son Dean of Canterbury, that he and Dr. Stillingfleet desired a Meeting with Dr. Manton, Dr. Bates, Mr. Pool, and me, to treat of an Act of Comprehension and Union; and that they were encouraged to it by some Lord's both Spiritual and Temporal. We met to consider whether such an Attempt was safe and prudent, or what was not offered by some Bishops, as a s • are to us: I told them my opinion, that Experience would not suffer any Charity to believe any better of some Bishops, but that they knew Dr. Stillingfleet and Dr. Tillotson to be the likeliest Men to have a hand in an Agreement, if such a thing should be attempted, and therefore that they would make themselves the Masters of it to defeat it, and no better issue was to be expected as from them: But yet that these two Doctors were Men of so much Learning, Honesty and Interest, that I took it as our Duty, to accept the offer, and to try with them, how far we could agree, and so try them first whether they would promise us secresy, unless it came to maturity to be further notified by Consent: And that we might hope for this Success, as quickly to agree with these two Men, and in time it might be some advantage to our desired Unity, that our Terms were such as these two worthy Men consented to.

§ 287. Accordingly Dr. Manton and I were desired by the rest to try them: We went to Dr. Tillotson, who promised Morley and Bishop Ward that had set them on work, and the Earl of Carlisle and Halifax chiefly who encouraged them. Here-upon we agreed to meet the next week with him and Dr. Stillingfleet, to try how far we could agree on the Terms. I had before drawn up the form of an Healing Act, and read it to no one but Mr. Hampden, (who told me it would never pass): Before the next Meeting Dr. Manton was fain to abscond at the Lord Wharton 's, being designed (as is aforesaid) to the Common Goal (such was the Treaty which we were invited to: But I went alone, and met the two Doctors: I found them sincere in the business, and conceited that Bishop Morley and Ward were so also. Upon their promise of secrecy, I freely told them my thoughts of the Bishop of Winchester, and what an attempt I had lately made with him (besides all heretofore) at the request of the Earl of Orery, and that after his Calls for Concord, he granted me no one abatement or alteration or indulgence desired: I shown them the form of the Act which I had prepared; They desired me to leave it with them to consider on. Shortly after Dr. Tillotson brought me a Draught with several omissions and alterations: I drew up my own again, with some little alterations, required by his Draught: This he and I debated, till we came to an agreement of the whole: I was then desired to Communicate it to some Nonconforming Brethren: Dr. Manton was gone into the Country: Dr. Bates was sick: I Communicated it to Mr. John Corbet, Mr. a • ents, Mr. Pool, Dr. Iacomb, and Mr. Humphrey: When we had made such further small Corrections as all agreed on, Mr. Pool and I were desired to meet the two Doctors for a further procedure. They met us, and we again read the Draught, but would give them no Copy; and agreed with them that they should take the present time while Bishop Morley was out of Town (as likest to frustrate) and to desire Bishop Ward, and Bishop Pierson of Chester (a Learned sober Man) to meet us, and to hear what we had agreed on, and promise us secrecy (Bishop Ward once came in upon us, when we were together, but withdrew.) They promised us to try it speedily: But when they had only in General told Bishop Ward, &c. how far we had gone, and how fair we were for Agreement, and told them some of the particular Materials, there was a full end of all the Treaty; The Bishops had no further to go: We had already carried it too far. Hearing no more of the Doctors, we sent to know how the Case went, and understood by them, that their Hopes and Labors were at an end. I sent to Dr. Tillotson to know whether they would give me leave to tell any to promote our Concord, how far they agreed with us, that their Names might be some advantage to the work: And he wrote to me as followeth.

§ 288. A short time after told these Doctors what these same Bishops were even then contriving when they cried up Agreement, and set them on this work, even to bring things much higher than they were, by putting on Oath on the Lord's, Commons and Magistrates; of which more anon. But because some would know the Terms which we agreed on, I shall here annex the Form, to a word; only telling them that would understand it, 1. That it is not what we would have; had we our Choice, but what we would possibly hope might have been granted us: We had not the least hopes of more. 2. That we did not so annex the latter Particulars, as if we would not have been glad of the former alone, could no more be had: For the bare opening of the Door, for our Entrance, would have done something for a present shift. 3. That the passage that shortening Common Prayer in extraordinary Cases should not be punishable, had several uses, which unless we had opportunity here to open, as we debated it, cannot be suddenly understood by each Reader: And many will say that too much or too little is yielded, that know not our Circumstances and hear not our Reasons: But it may somewhat satisfy considering Men that both parties did agree in the form here annexed; though the Bishops had rather all our Distractions and Miseries were by the greatest Cruelty continued.

§ 289. While the said two Bishops were fraudulently seeming to set us on this Treaty, their cause required them outwardly to pretend that they would not have me troubled; but understand I was still the first that was haunted after and persecuted: And even while I was in this Treaty, the informers of the City (set on work by the Bishops) were watching my preaching, and contriving to load me with divers convictions and fines at once: And they found an Alderman Justice even in the Ward where I preached, sit for their Design, one Sir Thomas Davis, who understood not the Law, but was ready to serve the Prelates in their own way. To him Oath was made against me, and the place where I preached, as for two Sermons, which came to threescore pounds fine to me, and fourscore to the owner of the place where we assembled: But I only was sought after and prosecuted.

§ 290. The Reader must here understand the present case of the City as to such things: The Execution of these Laws, that were to ruin us for preaching, was so much against the hearts of the Citizens, that scarce any could be found to execute them: Tho the Corporation Oath and Declaration had new molded the City (and all the Corporations of the Land, except some few (as Taunton, &c. ) which were utterly dissolved by it) yet were the Aldermen for the most part utterly averse to such Employment, so that whenever an Informer came to them, though (they forfeited an 100l. every time that they refused to execute their Office, yet some shifted out of the way, and some plainly denied and repulsed the Accusers, and one was sued for it; And Alderman Forth got an Informer bound to the behavior for breaking in upon him in his Chamber against his will. Two fellows called Strowd and Marishal became the General Informers in the City, and some others under them. In all London, notwithstanding that the third parts of those great Fines might be given the Informers, very few would be found to do it: And those two were presently fallen upon by their Creditors on purpose, and Marishal laid in the Compter for Debt, where he remained for a considerable time; but Strowd (keeping a Coffee-House) was not so deep in debt, but was bailed. Had a Stranger of another Land come into London, and seen five or six poor ignorant sorry Fellows (unworthy to have been inferior Servants to an Ordinary Gentleman) hunting, and insulting over the ancient Aldermen, and the Lord Mayor himself, and all the Reverend, faithful Ministers that were ejected, and eighty nine Churches were destroyed by the Fire, and in many Parishes the Churches yet standing, could not hold a sixth, or tenth part of the People, yet those that Preached for nothing were prosecuted to utter ruin, with such unwearied eagerness, sure he would have wondered what these Prelates and Prosecutors are; and it may convince us that the term 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 given in Scripture to some Men (translated false Accusers) is not unmeet: When Men pretending to be the Fathers of the Church dare turn loose half a dosen paltry, silly Fellows that know not what they do, to be, to so many Thousand Sober Men, as Wolves among the Sheep, to the distraction of such a City, and the disturbance of so many thousand for worshipping God. How lively doth this tell us, that Satan, the Prince of the Aereal Powers worketh in the Children of Disobedience, and that his Kingdom on Earth is kin to Hell, as Christ's Kingdom is to Heaven.

§ 291. When I understood that the design was to ruin me, by heaping up Convictions, before I was heard to speak for myself, I went to Sir Thomas Davis, and told him that I undertook to prove that I broke not the Law, and desired him that he would pass no Judgment till I had spoke for myself before my Accusers. But I found him so ignorant of the Law, as to be fully persuaded, that if the Informers did but swear in general that I kept [ an unlawful meeting in Pretence of a Religious Exercise in other manner than according to the Liturgy and practice of the Church of England] he was bound to take this general Oath for Proof, and to record a Judgment; and so that the Accusers were indeed the Judges, and not he: I told him that any Lawyer would soon tell him the contrary, and that he was Judge whether by particular Proof they made good their general Accusation, (as it is in case a Man be accused of Felony or Treason, it is not enough that Men swear that he is a Felon or Traitor, they must name what his Fact was, and prove him guilty:) And I was at charge in Feeing Counselors to convince him, and others; and yet I could not persuade him out of his mistake; I told him that if this were so, any two such Fellows might defame, and bring to Fines, and Punishment, himself, and all the Magistrates and Parliament-Men themselves, and all that meet in the Parish-Churches, and Men had no Remedy. At last he told me that he would consult with other Aldermen at the Sessions, and they would go one way: When the Sessions came I went to Guild-Hall, and again desired him that I might be heard before I was Judged: But though the other Aldermen (save two or three) were against such doings, I could not prevail with him, but (professing great Kindness) he then laid all on Sir John Howell, the Recorder, saying, that it was his Judgment, and he must follow his Advice. I desired him, and Sir Thomas Allen, that they would desire of the Recorder, that I might be heard before I was Judged, and that if it must pass by his Judgment, that he would hear me speak: But I could not procure it; the Recorder would not speak with me: When I saw their Resolution, I told Sir Thomas Davis, if I might not be heard, I would record to Posterity the injustice of his Judgment, and Record: But I perceived, that he had already made the Record, but not yet given it in to the Sessions: At last, upon Consultation with his Leaders, he granted me a hearing, and three of the Informers met me at his House, that had sworn against me: I told them my particular Case, and asked them what made my Preaching a Breach of that Law, and how they proved their Accusation? They first said, Because I Preached in an unconsecrated Place: I told them, 1. That the Act only laid it on the manner of the Exercise, which the Place was nothing to: And, 2. That it was the Practice of the Church of England to Preach in unconsecrated Places, as at Sturbridge-Fair, at the Spittle, at Whitchall-Court, and many such like.

They next said, [ Because I am a Nonconformist. ] I easily convinced them that I am not a Nonconformist in Law-sense, but in the same case with a Conformist that hath no Benefice (whatever I am in conscience), the Law obliging me to no more than I do. And if I were, that is nothing to the manner of the exercise.

Their last and great proof was, that I used not the Common Prayer. I undertook to prove to them that Law commandeth the use of the Common Prayer only in Church Meetings, and not in every other subordinate or by-Meeting for Religious Exercises, such as ours was: And that it was not the sense of the Act that Conformable persons that Communicate in the Liturgy with the Parish Churches, should be judged Conventiclers, whenever above four of them joined in a Religious Exercise without the Liturgy: For else all Tutors in the University should be punishable, and all School-masters that teach their Scholars and pray with them (if above 16 years of age) and they that instruct Prisoners at Newgate, and they that exhort and pray and sing Psalms with them at the Gallows, with many such Instances: We ought not to judge so uncharitably of King and Parliament, unconstrained, as to think that they would allow Multitudes to meet at a Play-house, a Music-house, a horse-race, a Bear-baiting, or Dancing, or any game, and allow many to meet at a Coffee-house, Ale-house, or Tavern, or in any private house, and do, on pain of utter ruin, only forbid Conformable persons, to join more than four, in singing a Psalm, or reading a Chapter or a Licensed book, or in praying together, or Conference tending to Religious Edification.

In Summ, they confessed they could not Answer me, nor prove their charge, but they still believed that I was guilty: The Justice was so far from thinking that they proved it, that he motioned to them to Retract their Oaths (or else still he thought that he must condemn me:) They denied to do that, and said, That the Bishop assured them, That it was a Conventicle, and I was guilty: I desired them, if it must all lie upon the Bishop, that I might Speak with them to the Bishop for myself: They told me, That it was the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and they were all just now going to him, and promised to bring me word when I might Speak with him; But I heard no more of them of that: But the Justice retracted not his Judgment, but delayed a Month or more, to give out his Warrant to distrein, though I daily look when they take my books (for they will find but little else:) Though both Justice and Accusers have before witness confessed that they cannot prove me guilty, but one professeth to go on the belief of the Recorder, and the other of the Archbishop.

§. 292. But God hath more mercy on these ignorant Informers, than on the Pharisaical Instigators of them: For those repent, but no Prelate, (save one) that I hear of, doth repent: One of them that •• ore against me, went the next Fast to Redrif • , to Mr. Rosewell 's Church, where a Fast was kept, where hearing three Ministers pray and preach, his heart was melted, and with Tears, he lamented his former course, and particularly his Accusing me, and seemeth resolved for a new reformed Course of Life, and is retired from his former Company to that end. And a third (the chief) of the Informers lately in the Streets, with great kindness to me, professed, that he would meddle no more (coming by when a half distracted Fellow had Struck me on the head with his Staff, and furiously reviled at me for Preaching, with the titles of Rogue, Villain, Hypocrite. Traitor, &c. (as the Prelatists and Papists often do.)

§. 293. The Parliament meeting Apr. 13. they fell first on the D. of Lauderdale, renewing their desire to the King, to remove him from all public Enployment and Trust: His chief accusing Witness was Mr. Burnet, late Public-Professor of Theology at Glasgow, who said, That he asked him whether the Scots Army would come into England, and said; What if the Dissenting Scots should Rise, an Irish Army should cut their Throats, &c. But because Mr. Burnet had lately magnified the said Duke in an Epistle before a published book, many thought his witness now to be more unfavoury and revengeful: Everyone judging as they were affected. But the King sent them Answer, That the words were spoken before his late Act, of pardon, which if he should Violate, it might cause jelousies in his Subjects, that he might do so also by the Act of Indemnity.

§. 294. Their next Assault was against the Lord Treasurer, who found more Friends in the House of Commons, who at last acquitted him.

§. 295. But the great work was in the House of Lord's, where an Act was brought in to impose such an Oath on Lord's, Commons, and Magistrates, as is Imposed by the Oxford -Act of Confinement on Ministers, and like the Corporation-Oath (of which more anon.) It was now supposed that the bringing the Parliament under this Oath and Test was the great work which the House was to perform: The Summ was, That none Commissioned by the King may be by Arms resisted, and that they would never endeavor any alteration of the Government of Church or State. Many Lord's spake vehemently against it, as destructive to the Privileges of their House, which was to Vote freely, and not to be preobliged by an Oath to the Prelates: The Lord Treasurer, the Lord Keeper, with Bishop Morley and Bishop Ward, were the great Speakers for it, And the Earl of Shaftsbury, Lord Hollis, the Lord Hallifax, the D. of Buckingham, the Earl of Salisbury, the chief Speakers against it: They that were for it, being the Major part, many of the rest Entered their Protestation against it: The Protesters the first time (for they protested thrice more afterward) were the Duke of Buckingham, the Marquess of Winchester, the Earls of Salisbury, Bristol, Barkshire,

§ 296. The Protesting Lord's having many days striven against the Test, and being overvoted, attempted to join to it an Oath for Honesty and Conscience in these words.

But the Bishops on their side did cry it down and cast it out.

§ 297. The Debating of this Text did more weaken the Interest and Reputation of the Bishops with the Nobles, than anything that ever befell them since the King came in; so much doth unquiet overdoing tend to undoing. The Lord's that would not have heard a Nonconformist say half so much, when it came to be their own case, did long and vehemently plead against that Oath and Declaration as imposed on them, which they with the Commons had before imposed on others. And they exercised so much liberty for many days together in opposing the Bishops, and free and bold speeches against their Test, as greatly turned to the Bishops Disparagement, especially the Earl of Shaftsbury, the Duke of Buckingham, the Earl of Bristol, the Marquess of Winchester, the Earl of Salisbury, the Lord Hollis, the Lord Hallifax, and the Lord of Alesbury.

Which set the Tongues of Men at so much liberty, that the common talk was against the Bishops: And they said, that upon Trial, there were so few found among all the Bishops, that were able to speak to purpose (Bishop Morley of Winchester, and Bishop Ward of Salisbury being their chief Speakers) that they grew very low also, as to the Reputation of their parts.

§. 298. At last, though the Test was carried by the Majority, yet those, that were against it, with others, prevailed to make so great an alteration of it, as made it quite another thing, and turned it to the greatest disadvantage of the Bishops, and the greatest accommodation of the Cause of the Nonconformists, of anything that this Parliament hath done For they reduced it to these words, of a Declaration and an Oath.

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§. 299. This Declaration and Oath thus altered, was such as the Nonconformists would have taken, if it had been offered them instead of the Oxford -Oath, the Subscription for Uniformity, the Corporation and Vestry Declaration: But the Kingdom must be Twelve years racked to Distraction, and 1800 Ministers forbidden to Preach Christ's Gospel, upon pain of utter ruin, and Cities and Corporations all New-Modelled and Changed, by other kind of Oaths and Covenants; and when the Lord's find the like obtruded on themselves, they reject it as intolerable: And when it past, they got in this Proviso, That it should be no hindrance to their Free-Speaking and Voting in the Parliament: Many worthy Ministers have lost their Lives by Imprisonments, and many Hundred their Maintenance, and Liberty, and that opportunity to serve God in their Callings, which was much of the comfort of their Lives, and mostly for refusing what the Lord's themselves at last refuse, with such another Declaration. But though Experience teach some that will no otherwise learn; it is sad with the World, when their Rulers must learn to Govern them at so dear a rate; and Countries, Cities, Churches, and the Souls of Men, must pay so dear for their Governors Experience.

§. 300. The following Explication will tell you, That there is nothing in this Oath and Declaration to be refused. 1. [I do declare, That it is not lawful] can mean no more, but that [I think so] and not that I pretend to Infallible certainly therein. 2. [ To take Arms against the King. ] That is, either against his Formal Authority, as King; or against His Person (Life, or Liberty) or against any of His Rights and Dignity: And doubtless the Person of the King is invi •• able, and so are His Authority and Rights; not only by the Laws, but by the very Constitution of the Kingdom: For every Common-wealth being essentially constituted of the Pars Imperans, and pars subdita materially, the Union of these is the Form of it, and the Dissolution is the Death of it: And Hostility is Disunion and Dissolution. Therefore no Head or Sovereign hath power to destroy, or sight against his Kingdom, nor any Common-wealth or Kingdom against their King or Sovereign Rulers: unless in any case the Law of Nature and Nations, which is above all Human Positive Laws, should make the dissolution of the Republic to become a Duty, (As if some Republic should cast off the Essential Principles of Society.) By Law, neither King nor Kingdom may destroy or hurt each other: For the Governing Laws suppose their Union (as the Constitution, and the Common good, with the due Welfare of the Sovereign, is the end of Government, which none have power against.

But it must be noted, that the words are [ against the King ] and not [ against the King's Will; ] for if his Will be against his Welfare, his Kingdom, or his Laws, though that Will be signified by his Commissioners, the Declaration disclaimeth not the resisting of such a Will by Arms.

3. And if there be any that assert, that the King's Authority giveth them right to take up Arms (against his Person, or Lawful Commissions, ] it must needs be a False and Traiterous Assertion: For if his Person may be Hostilely fought against, the Common-wealth may be dissolved, which the Law cannot suppose; for all Laws die with the Common-wealth: And it is a contradiction to be authorized by him to resist by Arms his Commissions, which are according to Law: For the Authority, pretended to be his, must be his Laws, or Commissions, and to be Authorized by his Laws, or Commissions, to resist his Laws, must signify, that his Laws are contradictory, when by one we must resist another: But so far as they are contradictory, both cannot be Laws, or Lawful Commissions; For one of them must needs nullify the other (either by Fundamental Priority, or by Posteriority, signifying a Repeal of the other.)

And it must be noted, that yet the Trayterous Position meddleth not with the Question of [ taking Arms against the King's Person, or Commissioners by the Law of God, of Nature, or of Nations, but only of doing it by his own Authority.

4. And that it is not lawful to take Arms against any Commissioned by him, according to Law, in time of Rebellion and War, in pursuance of such Commission, ] is a Truth so evident, that no sober Persons can deny it: The Long Parliament that had the War, did vehemently assert it, and therefore gave out their Commissions to the Earl of Essex and his Soldiers, to fight against Delinquent Subjects, for the King and Parliament.

5. And the Oath containeth no more, than our not endeavoring to Alter the Protestant Religion established, or the King's Government or Monarchy: It cannot, with any true reason, be supposed to tie us at all to the Bishops-much less to the English Disease or Corruption of Episcopacy, or to Lay-Chancel, lours, &c. but only to the King, as Supreme, in all Causes Ecclesiastical and Civil, so far as they fall under Coercive Government.

This is thus proved past denial. 1. The word [ Protestant Religion as estalished in the Church of England ] cannot include the Prelacy; For, 1. The Protestant Religion is essentially nothing, but the Christian Religion as such, with the disclaiming of Popery, and so our Divines have still professed: But our Prelacy is no part of the Christian Religion.

2. The Protestant Religion is common to us with many Countries which have no Prelacy: And it is the same Religion with us and them.

3. The words of the Oath distinguish the Religion of the Church of England, from the Church of England itself, and from Government.

4. If Episcopacy in general were proved part of the Protestant Religion, the English Accidents and Corruptions are not so: They, that say that Episcopacy is Iure Divino, and unalterable, do yet say, that National, and Provincial Churches are Iure Humano; and that so is a Diocesan, as it is distinct from Parochial, containing many Parishes in it: And if the King should set up a Bishop in every Market-Town, yea, every Parish, and put down Diocesans, it is no more than what he may do: And if by [ the Protestant Religion established ] should be meant every alterable mode or circumstance, then King-James changed it when he made a new Translation of the Bible, and both he and our late Convocation (and King and Parliament by their Advice) did change it when they added new Forms of Prayer: And then this Oath bindeth all from endeavoring to make any alteration in the Liturgy, or mend the Translation, or the Metre of the Psalms, &c. or to take the keys of Excommunication and Absolution out of the hands of the Lay-Chancellor's, &c. which none can reasonably suppose.

2. And that our Prelacy is not at all included in the word [ Government of the Kingdom in Church and State ] but only the King's Supreme Government in all Causes Ecclesiastical and Civil, is most evident: 1. Because it is expressly said [ The Government of the Kingdom ] which is all one with the Government of the King. For a Bishop, or a Justice, or a Mayor, is no Governor of the Kingdom, but only in the Kingdom, of a Particular Church, City, Corporation, or Division; The summa potestas only is the Government of the Kingdom, as a Kingdom; And because forma denominat, we cannot take the Kingdom to signify only a Church or City.

2. Because else it would change the very constitution of the Kingdom, by making all the inferior Officers unalterable, and so to be essential constitutive parts: Whereas only the pars Imperans and pars Subdita are constitutive parts of every Kingdom, or Republic, and the Constitutive pars Imperans is only the summa potestas except where the mixture and fundamental Contract is such, as that Inferior Officers, are woven so into the Constitution, as that they may not be changed without it's Dissolution, which is hardly to be supposed, even at Venice. Tbe Oaths between the summa potestas and the Subject, are the bonds of the Commonwealth; their Union being the form, that must not be dissolved: But to make Oaths of Allegiance, or Unchangeableness, • each to the Inferior Magistrates or Officers, is to change the Government or Constitution.

3. And so it destroyeth the Regal power, in one of it's chief properties or prerogatives, which is to alter inferior Officers; who all receive their power from the Supreme, and are alterable by him (even by the Majestas which hath the Legislative powers. ) And this would take away all the King's power to alter so much as a Mayor, Justice or Constable. For, mark, that Government of the Kingdom [in Church and State] are set equally together without any note of difference, as to alteration: If therefore it extend to any but the Supreme, even to inferior Officers, it were to extend to them as Governing the State (even to the lowest) as well as the Church. But this is a supposition to be Contemned.

4. And if the Distinction should be meant de personis Imperantibus, and should intend only [Bishops and King] by [Church and State] 1. It would suppose that King and Parliament do take [Bishops and King] for two coordinate Heads, in governing the Kingdom, 2. And that they set the Bishops before the King; which is not to be supposed.

5. And to put all out of question, the Oath is but Conform to former Statutes, Oaths, Articles of Religion and Canons, 1. The Statutes which declare the King to be only Supreme Governor of the Church, I need not cite. 2. The Oath of Supremacy is well known of all, 3. The very first Canon is, that the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and all Bishops, &c. shall faithfully keep, and observe all the Laws for the King's Supremacy over the Church of England, in causes Ecclesiastical: And the 2d. Canon is to condemn the dangers of it. And the 36. Canon obligeth all Ministers to subscribe that the King's Majesty under God is the only Supreme Governor of this Realm—as well in all spiritual and Ecclesiastical things or causes as temporal. And (as the Parliament are called the Representative of the People or Kingdom as distinct from the Head, so) the 139. Canon excommunicateth all them that affirm [that the Sacred Synod of this Nation, in the Name of Christ and by the King's Authority Aslembled is not the true Church of England by Representation: So that they claim to be but the Representative of the Church as it is the Body distinct from the Head Christ, and the King as their chief Governor. 4. And all that are Ordained are likewise to take the Oath of Supremacy [

] 5. And It is also inserted in the Articles of Religion, Art. 35. And it is added expositorily [ ] Here it is to be noted, that, though, no doubt, but the Keys of Excommunication and absolution belong to the Pastors, and to the Civil Magistrate, yet, the Law, and this Article, by the word [Government] mean only [ Coercive Government by the Sword] and do include the power of the Keys under the title of [Ministring the Word and Sacraments,] Church Guidance being indeed nothing else but the Explication and Application of God's word to Cases and Consciences, and administering the Sacraments accordingly. So that as in the very Article of Religion, Supreme Government, appropriated to the King only, is contradistinguish'd from [Ministring the Word and Sacraments,] which is not called Government there, so are we to understand this Law and Oath: And many Learned Men think, that Guidance is a fitter name than Government for the Pastor's Office; And therefore Grotius de Imper. Sum. Pot. would rather have the Name Canons or Rulers used than Laws as to their Determinations: Though no doubt but the name [Government] may be well applied to the Pastor's Part; so we distinguish as Bilston and other judicious men use to do, calling one [Government by God's Word (upon the Conscience) and the other Government by the sword.] (as seconding Precepts with enforcing penalties and Mulcts.)

§ 301. While this Test was carrying on in the house of Lord's and 500 pounds Voted to be the penalty of the Refusers, before it could come to the Commons, a difference fell between the Lord's and Commons about their privileges, by occasion of two Suits that were brought before the Lord's, in which two Members of the Commons were parties, which occasioned the Commons to send to the Tower, Sir John Fagg, one of their Members, for appearing at the Lord's Bar without their consent, and four Counselors (Sir John Churchill, Sergeant Pemberton, Sergeant Pecke, and another) for pleading there; And the Lord's Voted it Illegal, and that they should be released: Sir John Robinson, Lieutenant of the Tower obeyed the Commons, for which the Lord's Voted him a Delinquent; And so far went they in daily Voting at each other, that the King was fain to Prorogue the Parliament, June 9. till October 13. there appearing no hope of Reconciling them. Which rejoiced many that they rose without doing any further harm.

§ 302. June 9. Keting, the Informer being commonly detested for prosecuting me, was cast in Gaol for Debt, and wrote to me to endeavor his Deliverance, which I did; and in his Letters, saith [

]

§ 303. A while before another of the chief Informers of the City and my Accuser (Marishall) died in the Counter where his Creditors laid him, to keep him from doing more harm:) Yet did not the Bishops change or cease: Two more Informers were set on work, who first assaulted Mr. Case 's Meeting, and next got in as hearers into Mr. Read 's Meeting where I was Preaching; And when they would have gone out to fetch Justices (for they were known) the doors were locked to keep them in till I had done, and one of them (supposed to be sent from Fullum ) stayed weeping: Yet went they straight to the Justices, and the week following heard me again as Informers at my Lectures; but I have not yet heard of their Accusation.

§ 304. But this week ( June 9.) Sir Thamas Davis (notwithstanding all his foresaid Warnings and Confessions) sent his Warrants to a Justice of the Division where I dwell, to distrein on me (upon two Judgments) for 50 pounds; for Preaching my Lecture in New-street: Some Conformists are paid to the value of 20 pounds a Sermon for their Preaching, and I must pay 20 pounds and 40 pounds a Sermon for Preaching for nothing; O what Pastors hath the Church of England, who think it worth all their unwearied Labors, and all the odium which they contract from the People, to keep such as I am, from Preaching the Gospel of Christ, and to undo us for it as far as they are able, though these many years they do not (for they cannot) accuse me for one word that ever I Preached: nor one Action else that I have done: While the greatest of the Bishops Preach not thrice a year (as their Neighbors say) themselves.

§ 305. The dangerous Crack over the Market-house at St. James 's put many upon desiring that I had a larger safer place for Meeting. And though my own dulnss, and great backwardness to troublesome business made me very averse to so great an undertaking, judging that it being in the face of the Court, it would never be endured, yet the great and uncessant importunity of many (out of a fervent desire of the good of Souls) did constrain me to undertake it: And when it was almost finished (in Oxenden-strtet ) Mr. Henry Coventry, one of his Majesty's principal Secretaries, who had a house joining to it, and was a Member of Parliament, spake twice against it, in the Parliament: But no one seconded him.

§ 306. I think meet to recite the names and liberality of some of those pious and Charitable persons who contributed towards the building of this place (The money was all put into the hands of Mr. Tho Stanley a worthy sufficient Citizen in Bread-street, who undertook the care and Disbursement, for I never touched one penny of it myself, nor any one for me: Nor did I think meet to make a public Collection for it in the place where I Preached.) The Lady Armine —60 l. (on her death-bed. Sir John Maynerd —40 l. Mr. Brooke Bridgdes —20 l. Sir James Langham —20 l. (at first time.) The Countess of Clare —10 l, The Countess of Trecolonel —6 l. The Lady Clinton —5 l. The Lady Eleanor Hollis —5 l. The Countess of Warwick —20 l. Mr. French —and Mr. Brandon (Non-conformable Ministers)—20 l. The Lady Richards —5 l. Mr. Henly (a Parliament man) 5 l.—Sir Edward Herley —10 l.—Mr. Richard Hambdon and Mr. John his Son—8 l.—The Lady Fitz-James and her three Daughters—6 l.—Sir Richard Chiverton —1 l. Mrs Reighnolds 1 l. Alderman Henry Ashurst and his Son-in-law Mr. Booth (the first Undertakers) 100 l. Collected among all their City Friends, and Ours whom they thought meet to move in it.

And that we might do the more good, my Wife urged the Building of another Meeting-place in Bloomsbury, for Mr. Read (to be furthered by my sometime helping him); the Neighbourhood being very full of People, Rich and Poor, that could not come into the Parish-Church, through the greatness of the Parish (and Dr. Bourman, the Parish-Parson, having not Preached, Prayed, Read, or Administred Sacraments these Three or Four Years.

§ 307. This Week ( Iun. 14.) many Bishops were with the King, who, they say, granted them his Commands to put the Laws against us in Execution: And on Tuesday about Twelve or Thirteen of them went to Dine with the Sheriff of London, Sir Nathanael Herne; where the business being mentioned, he told them; that they could not Trade with their Neighbors one Day, and send them to Goal the next.

§ 308. Dr. Tully, by his book called Iustificatio Paulina; constrained me to Publish Two Books in Vindication of the Truth and myself, viz. Two Disputations of Original Sin, and a Treatise of Justifying Righteousness; in which I • oblished my Old Papers to Mr. Christopher Cartwright. Dr. Tully presently fell sick, and (to our common Loss) shortly died.

§ 309. I was so long wearied with keeping my Doors shut against them that came to distrein on my Goods for Preaching, that I was fain to go from my House, and to sell all my Goods, and to hide my Library first, and afterwards to sell it; So that if Books had been my Treasure, (and I valued little more on Earth) I had been now without a treasure. About Twelve Years I was driven an Hundred Miles from them; and when I had paid dear for the Carriage, after Two or Three Years I was forced to sell them. And the Prelates, to hinder me from Preaching, deprived me also of these private Comforts: But God saw that they were my Snare: We brought nothing into the World, and we must carry nothing out. The Loss in very tolerable.

§ 310. I was the willinger to part with Goods, Books, and all, that I might have nothing to be distrained, and so go on to Preach: And accordingly removing my Dwelling to the New Chapel which I had built, I purposed to venture there to Preach (there beiug Forty Thousand Persons in the Parish (as is supposed) more than can hear in the Parish-Church, who have no Place to go to for God's Public Worship: So that I set not up Church against Church, but Preached to those that must else have none, being loath that London should turn Atheists, or live worse than Infidels. But when I had Preached there but Once, a Resolution was taken to surprise me the next Day, and send me for Six Months to the Common Goal, upon the Act for the Oxford Oath. Not knowing of this, it being the hottest part of the Year, I agreed to go for a few Weeks into the Country, Twenty Miles off: But the Night before I should go, I fell so ill, that I was fain to send to disappoint both the Coach and my intended Companion (Mr. Sylvester ): And when I was thus fully resolved to stay, it pleased God, after the Ordinary Coach-Hour, that Three Men, from Three parts of the City, met at my House accidentally, just at the same time (almost to a minute) of whom, if any One had not been there, I had not gone; viz. the Coachman again to urge me, Mr. Sylvester, whom I had put off, and Dr. Coxe, who compelled me, and told me, else he would carry me into the Coach. It proved a special merciful Providence of God; for after One Week of Languishing and Pain, I had Nine Weeks greater Ease than ever I expected in this World, and greater Comfort in my Work. For my good Friend Richard Berisford, Esq, Clerk of the Exchequer, whose importunity drew me to his House, spared for no Cost, Labor o • Kindness for my Health or Service. For understanding of which, and much more in these Papers, seeing I record such things for the Notice of Students and Physicians, that other men's Health may have some advantage by my Experiences and Sorrows, I must here digress, to mention the State of my vile Body, not otherwise worthy the notice of the World.

§ 311. What is before written, hath notified, that I have lain in above Forty Years constant Weaknesses, and almost constant Pains: My chief Troubles were incredible Inflamations of Stomach, Bowels, Back, Sides, Head, Thighs, as if I had been daily filled with Wind: So that I never knew, heard, or read of any man that had near so much. Thirty Physicians (at least) all called it nothing but Hypochondriack Flatulency, and somewhat of a Scorbutical Malady: Great bleeding at the Nose also did emaciate me, and keep me in a Chachectical Atropie. The particular Symptoms were more than I can number. I thought myself, that my Disease was almost all from Debility of the Stomach, and extreme Acrimony of Blood, by some Fault of the Liver. About the Year 1658. finding the Inflation much in the Membranes of the Reins, I suspected the Stone, and thought that one of my extreme Leanness might possibly feel it. I felt both my Kidnies plainly indurate like Stone: But never having had a Nephritick Fit, nor Stone came from me in my Life, and knowing, that if that which I felt was Stone, the Greatness prohibited all Medicine that tended to a Cure: I thought therefore that it was best for me to be ignorant what it was: And so far was I from melancholy, that I soon forgot that I had felt it, even for about Fifteen Years. But my Inflations beginning usually in my Reins, and all my Back, daily torn, and greatly pained by it, 1673. it turned to terrible Suffocations of my Brain and Lungs; So that if I slept, I was suddenly and painfully awakened: The Abatement of Urine, and constant Pain, which Nature almost yielded to as Victorious, renewed my Suspicion of the Stone, And my Old Exploration: And feeling my Lean Back, both the Kidneys were greatlier indurate than before, and the Membrane so sore to touch, as if nothing but Stone were within them: The Physicians said, That the Stone cannot be felt with the Hand! I desired Four of the Chief of them to feel them: They all concluded that it is the Kidneys which they felt, and that they are hard (like Stone or Bone); but what it is they could not tell; but they thought, if both the Kidneys had Stones so big, as seemed to such feeling, it was impossible but I should be much worse, by Vomiting and Torment, and not able to Preach, and go about. I told them besides what Skenkius and many Observators say; That I could tell them of many of late times, whose Reins and Gall were full of Stone (great ones in the Reins, and many small ones in the Gall), who had, some of them, never suspected the Stone, and some but little: But while One or Two of the Physicians (as they use) did say, It could not be, lest they should (as they thought) discourage me, I became the Common Talk of the City, especially the Women; as if I had been a melancholy Humourist, that conceited my Reins were petrified, when it was no such matter, but mere Conceit. And so while I lay Night and Day in Pain, my supposed Melancholy (which, I thank God, all my Life hath been extraordinary free from) became, for a Year, the Pity, or Derision of the Town. But the Discovery of my Case was a great mercy to my Body and my Soul: For,

1. Thereupon, seeing that all Physicians had been deceived, and perceiving that all my Flatulency and Pains came from the Reins by Stagnation, Regurgitation and Acrimony, I cast off all other Medicine and Diet, and Twice a Week kept clean my Intestines by an Electuary of Cassia, Terebinth. Cypr. and Rhab. &c. or Pills of Rhab. and Terebinth. Scio. Using also Syrup of Mallows in all my Drink; and God hath given me much more Abatements and Intermissions of Pain this Year and half, than in my former overwhelming Pains I could expect.

2. And whether it be a Schyrrus, or Stones (which I doubt not of), I leave to them to tell others, who shall dissect my Corps: But sure I am that I have wonderful Cause of Thankfulness to God, for the Ease which I have had these Forty Years: Being fully satisfied, that (by ill Diet, Old Cheese, Raw Drinks and Salt Meats) whatever it is, I contracted it before Twenty Years of Age, and since Twenty One or Twenty Two, have had just the same Symptoms as now at Sixty, saving the different strength of Nature to resist. And that I should in Forty Years have few hours without pain (to call me to redeem my Time), and yet not one Nephritick Torment, nor Acrimony of Urine (save One Day of Bloody Urine) nor intolerable kind of Pain: What greater Bodily Mercy could I have had? How merciful, how suitable hath this Providence been. My Pains now in Reins, Bowels and Stomach, &c. are almost constant; but with merciful Alleviations upon the foresaid means.

§ 312. As I have written this to mind Physicians, to search deeper, when they use to take up with the General Hiding Names of Hypochondriacks and Scorbuticks, and to caution Students; so I now proceed to that which occasioned it. I had tried Cow's Milk, Goats Milk, Breast Milk, and lastly, Asses Milk, and none of them agreed with me; But having Thirty Years ago read in many great Practitioners, That for Bloody Vrine, and mere Debility of the Reins, Sheeps Milk doth Wonders (see Gordonius, Forestus, Schoubo, &c.) I had long a desire to try it, and never had Opportunity. But as I was saying this to my Friend, a Child answered, That their next Neighbor (a Quaker) did still milk their Sheep (a Quarter of a Year after the usual time, or near): Whereupon I procured it for six Weeks, to the greatest increase of my Ease, Strength and Flesh, of anything that ever I had tried.

2. And at the same time, being driven from Home, and having an Old License of the Bishop's yet in Force, by the Countenance of that, and the great industry of Mr. Berisford, I had Leave and Invitation for Ten Lord's Days to Preach in the Parish-Churches round about. The first Parish that I Preach'd in, after Thirteen Years Ejection and Prohibition, was Rickmersworth, and after that at Sarrat, at Kings Langley, at Chessam, at Chalford, and at Amersham, and that often Twice a Day: Those heard that had not come to Church of Seven Years; and Two or Three Thousand heard where scarce an Hundred were wont to come, and with so much Attention and Willingness, as gave me very great Hopes that I never spake to them in vain. And thus Soul and Body had these special Mercies.

§ 313. But the Censures of Men pursued me, as before: The Envious Sort of the Prelatists accused me, as if I had intruded into the Parish-Churches too boldly, and without Authority: The Quarrelsome Sectaries, or Separatists, did in London speak against me, for drawing People to the Parish-Churches and the Liturgy; and many gave out, That I did Conform. And all my Days nothing hath been charged on me so much as my Crimes, as my costliest and greatest Duties. But the pleasing of God, and saving Souls, will pay for all.

§ 314. The Countries about Rickmersworth abounding with Quakers, because Mr. W. Pen, their Captain, dwelleth there, I was desirous that the Poor People should Once hear what was to be said for their Recovery; Which coming to Mr. Pen's Ears, he was forward to a Meeting, where we continued speaking to Two Rooms full of People, (Fasting) from Ten a Clock till-Five (One Lord and Two Knights, and Four Conformable Ministers, besides others, being present, some all the Time, and some part). The Success gave me Cause to believe that it was not labor lost: An Account of the Conference may be published ere long (if there because.)

§ 315. Whilst this was my Employment in the Country, my Friends at home had got one Mr. Seddon, a Nonconformist of Derbyshire, lately come to the Gity as a Traveler, to Preach the Second Sermon in my New Built Chapel: He was told (and over-told) all the Danger; and desired not to come, if he feared it: I had left word, That if he would but step into my House, through a Door, he was in no danger, they having not Power to break open any but the Meeting-house: While he was Preaching, Three Justices, with Soldiers (supposed by Secretary Coventry 's sending) came to the Door to seize the Preacher. They thought it had been I, and had prepared a Warrant upon the Oxford Act, to send me for Six Months to the Common Goal. The good man, and Two Weak Honest Persons entrusted to have directed him, left the House where he was safe, and thinking to pass away, came to the Justices and Soldiers at the Door, and there stood by them, till someone said, This is the Preacher. And so they took him, and blotted my Name out of the Warrant, and put in his; Though almost every Word fitted to my Case, was false of him. To the Gatehouse he was carried, where he continued almost Three Months of the Six; and being earnestly desirous of Deliverance, I was put to Charges to accomplish it, and at last (having Righteous Judges, and the Warrant being found faulty) he had an Habeas Corpus, and was freed upon Bonds to appear again the next Term.

§ 316. By this means my Case was made much worse: For, 1. The Justices, and other Prosecutors, were the more exasperated against me. 2. And they were now taught to stop every Hole in the next Warrant (to which I was still as liable as ever): So that I had now no Prospect that way of Escape. And yet though my Charge, Care and Trouble had been great for his Deliverance, and Good People had dealt very kindly with him, my usual Back-biters (the Prelatists and Separatists) talk commonly of me, as one that had unworthily saved myself from Danger, and drawn a Stranger into the Snare; and therefore deserved to bear all the Charges: Though, as is said, 1. I was Twenty Miles off, Preaching publicly. 2. They that asked him to Preach, told him the Worst. 3. He went into Danger from Safety, by the Conduct of some Persons of that censorious humor. 4. My Danger was Increased by it, as well as my Charges. But Man's Approbation is a Poor Reward.

§ 317. Just when I came home, and was beginning to seek Mr. Seddon's Deliverance, Mr. Ross Died, the Fiercest of the Justices, who had sent me to Goal before. The other Two are one Mr. Grey, and Sir Philip Matthews.

§ 318. The Parliament being sat again, a Letter was secretly printed, containing the History of the Debate in the Lord's House the former Sessions about the Test, and it was Voted to be burnt by the Hangman, but the more desired, and read it. In which it appeareth, That when it came to be their own case, more was said by the Lord's for the Cause of the Nonconformists, than ever they were permitted to say for themselves.

§ 319. A most Excellent Book was written for the Nonconformists (for Abatements, and Forbearance, and Concord) by Dr. Herbert Crofts, Bp. of Hereford, without his Name; of which, more afterward.

§ 320. The Lord's and Commons Revived their Contests about their Powers and Privileges, and the Lord's appointed Four Lawyers to plead their Cause; and the Commons set up Orders, or Votes, to forbid them. And the Duke of Buckingham made a Notable Speech against Persecution, and desired the Consent of the Lord's, that he might bring in a Bill for the Ease of His Majesty's Protestant Subjects in matters of Religion; but while it was preparing, the King, on Monday, November 21st. Prorogued the Parliament, till February come Twelve-month.

§ 321. The Speeches of the Earl of Shaftsbury, and others, about the Test, were secretly Printed, and a Paper of Reasons for Dissolving this Parliament, and Calling a New One, which were given in the House of Lord's: And the Debates of this Test (opening a little of the Noncouformists Cause, as to the Oxford Oath) together with what the Earl of Shaftsbury hath done, with Wit and Resolution, hath alienated many, even of the Conformists, from the present prevailing Bishops.

§ 322. The other of the fierce Justices, that Subscribed a Warrant for my imprisonment, died shortly after; viz. Colonel Grey. The Death of Mr. Barwell, Sir John Medlicot, Mr. Ross and Mr. Grey, besides the Death of some Informers, and the Repentance of others, and the Death of some late Opposers of the Clergy, made me, and some others, the more to compassionate Persecutors, and dread God's Judgments.

§ 323. The Town of Northampton lamentably burnt.

§ 324. An Earthquake in divers Counties.

§ 325. My Dear Friend, Sir Matthew Hale, Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench, falling into a Languishing Disease, from which he is not like to Recover, resolvedly petitioned for a Dismission, and gave up his Place, having gone through his Employments, and gone off the Stage with more universal love and honor, for his Skill, Wisdom, Piety, and resolved Justice, than ever I heard or read, that any English Man ever did before him, or any Magistrate in the World of his rank, since the days of the Kings of Israel. He resolved, in his weakness, that the place should not be a burden to him, nor he to it. And after all his great practice and places, he tells me, That with his own Inheritance and all, he is not now worth above Five hundred Pounds per Annum: so little sought he after gain: He may most truly be called [The Pillar and Basis, or Ground of Justice ] as Paul called (not the Church,) but Timothy (in the Church) the Pillar and Basis of Truth.] His digested knowledge in Law above all Men, and next in Philosophy, and much in Theology, was very great: His sincere honesty and humility admirable: His Garb and House, and Attendance so very mean and low, and he so resolutely avoided all the Diversions and Vanities of the World, that he was herein the Marvel of his Age. Some made it a Scandal, but his Wisdom chose it for his Convenience, that in his Age he Marryed a Woman of no Estate, suitable to his Disposition, to be to him as a Nurse: He succeeded me in one of the meanest Houses that ever I had lived in, and there hath ever since continued with full content; till now that he is going to his Native Country, in likely-hood to die there: It is not the least of my pleasure that I have lived some years in his more than ordinary Love and Friendship, and that we are now waiting which shall be first in Heaven: Whither, he saith, he is going with full content and acquiescence in the Will of a gracious God, and doubts not but we shall shortly live together. O what a blessed World were this, were the Generality of Magistrates such as he.

§. 326. Part of a M. S. was put into my hand to p • ruse by a Bookseller, as Written by one that greatly valued my Judgment, and would refer his Writings to my Censure, but not consent to have them Printed: Whereupon I valuing them, did judge them worthy to be published, but made some Alterations in some phrases liable to Misinterpretation, in the Piece called, The Right Knowledge of Christ Crucified: I conjectured not who the Author was, and not long after the Book was Printed, and proved to be the foresaid Lord Chief Justice Hale's, called, Contemplations Moral and Divine, published by a Friend of his: by which he will Preach when he is dead: the Books presently all bought up for his Name, and being useful for their Spiritual, Rational, Serious, and Plain Manner of Writing, as well as Acceptable for his sake.

§. 327. When I had been kept a whole Year from Preaching in the Chapel which I Built, on the 16th of April, 1676. I began in another, in a Tempestuous time; for the necessity of the Parish of St. Martins, where, about 60000 Souls have no Church to go to, nor any Public Worship of God! How long, Lord—!

§. 328. About Feb. and March it pleased the King importunately to Command and Urge the Judges, and London -Justices, to put the Laws against Nonconformists in Execution; But the Nation grew backward to it: In London they have been oft and long commanded to it; and Sir Joseph Sheldon, the Arch-bishop of Canterbury 's near Kinsman being Lord Mayor; on April 30th the Execution began: They required especially to send all the Ministers to the Common Gaols, for Six Months, on the Oxford -Act, for not taking the Oath, and dwelling within Five Miles. This day Mr. Joseph Read was sent to the Gaol, taken out of the Pulpit, Preaching in a Chapel in Bloomsbury, in the Parish of St. Giles, where it is thought, that 20000, or 30000 Souls at least, more than can come within the Church, have no Public Worship of God, or Teaching: He is a Laborious Man, (whom I Educated, and sent to the University,) and did so much good to the Poor Ignorant People that had no other Teacher, that Satan did owe him a Malicious Disturbance. He built the Chapel in his own House (with the help of Friends,) in compassion to those People, who, as they Crowded to hear him, so did they follow him to the Justi • es, and to the Gaol to show their Affections: It being the place where I had used oft to Preach, I suppose was somewhat the more Maliced. The very day before, I had new secret hints of Men's Desires of Reconciliation and Peace, and Motions to offer some Proposals towards it, as if the Bishops were at last grown Peaceable: To which (as ever before) I yielded, and did my part, though long Experience made me suspect that some Mischief was near, and some Suffering presently to be expected from them. The forwardest of the two Justices that sent him to the Gaol, was one Parry a Soldier, one of them that was accused for slitting Sir John Coventree 's Nose, about which there was so great a stir in the House of Commons: The other was one Robinson. But since then so many have been sent to the Goals for the same cause, and so many died there, that I must forbear particular Instances and Enumerations.

§. 329. After Northampton, Blaudford, and many other Towns, Southwark was Burned (between 600 and 1000 Houses,) the People suspecting that it was done by Design: And one taken for attempting again to Burn the rest of Northampton, confessed that he was hired, and that Southwark was so Burnt; whom Sir John Munson sent hereupon to Goal.