Proceedings Betwixt the English and Narrowgansets

A DECLARATION OF FORMER PASSAGES AND PROCEEDINGS BETWIXT THE ENGLISH and the Narrowgansets, with their confederates, Wherein the grounds and justice of the ensuing war are opened and cleared. Published, by order of the Commissioners for the united Colonies: At Boston the 11 of the sixth mon • h 1645.

THE most considerable part of the English Colonies profess they came into these parts of the world with desire to advance the kingdom of the Lord Jesus Christ, and to inioye his precious Ordinances with peace, and (to his praise they confess) he hath not failed their expectation hitherto, they have found safety, warmth and refreshing under his wing to the satisfaction of their souls. But they know, and have considered that their Lord & master is King of righteousness and peace, that he gives answerable laws, and casts his subjects into such a mould and frame; that (in their weak measure) they may hold forth his virtues in their course and carriage, not only with the nations of Europe, but with the barbarous natives of this wilderness. And accordingly both in their treaties & converse they have had an awful respect to divine rules, endeavoring to walk uprightly and inoffensively, & in the midst of many injuries and insolencies to exercise much patience and long suffering towards them.

The Pequots grew to an excess of violence and outrage, and proudly turned aside from all ways of justice & peace, before the sword was drawn or any hostile attempts made against them. During those wars, & afte • the Pequots were subdued, the English Colonies were careful to continue and establish peace with the rest of the Indians, both for the present & for posterity, as by several treaties with the Narrowganser & Mohiggin Sagamores may appear: which treaties for a while were in some good measure duly observed by all the Indians, but of late the Narrowgansets & especia •• the Nianticks their confederates have many ways injuriously brokē & violated the same by entertaining and keeping amongst them, not only many of the Pequot nation, but such of them a h • ve had their • ands in the blood & murder of the English, seizing and possessing at least a part of the Pequots Country, which by right of conquest justly appertains to the English: by alluring, or harbouring and withholding several Pequot captives fled from the English, and making proud & insolent returns, when they were redemanded, and more lately the English had many strong & concurrent Indiā testimonies, from Long-Island, Uncoway, Hartford, Kinnibeck and other parts, of Miantonimo's ambitious designs, travailing through all the plantations of the neighbouring Indians, and by promises & gift, laboring to make himself their universal Sagamore or Governor, persuading and engaging them, at once to cut off the whole body of the Engl • sh in these parts. Which treacherous plots were confirmed by the Indians general preparations, messages, insolencies and outrage • against the English & such Indians as were subjects or friends to them: so that the English Colonies, to their great charge and damage, were forced to Arm, to keep strong watch day & night, and some of them to travail with convoyes from one plantation to another: and when Miantonimo in his circular travel was questioned at New-Haven concerning these things, instead of other & better satisfaction he threatened to cut off any Indians head that should lay such a charge upon him to his face.

The Commissioners by the premises observed Miantonimo's proud and treacherous disposition, yet thought not fit to proceed against him in that respect, till they had collected more legal and convincing proof.

But while these things were under deliberation, Miantonimo was brought prisoner by Uncas to Hartford, and the case being opened & cleared as followeth, he craved the commissioners advice how to proceed with him.

Jt appeared that in a treaty made with the English at Massachusetts Anno 1637. Miantonimo engaged himself not to fight with any of the Ind • ans, and particularly not to invade Uncas without the Engl • sh consent; and after in a tripartit agrement made and concluded at Hartford betwixt Miantonimo & Uncas with reference to the English An̄o 1638. in which one of the Articles runs,

Notwithstanding which, Miantonimo and his confoederates have both secretly and openly plotted and pract • sed against the life of Uncas not at all acquainting the English or advising with them, but more especially of late since the fore-mentioned plots and designs were in hand.

First, a Pequot Indian one of Uncas his subjects in the spring 1643 aiming at Uncas life, shot him with an arrow through the arm, and presently fled to the Narrowgansets or their confoederates, boasting in the Indian plantations that he had killed Uncas; but when it was known Uncas (though wounded) was alive, the Pequot (taught as was supposed) changed his note, affirming that Uncas had cut through his own arm with a flint, and had hired him to say he had shot and killed him.

Miantonimo being sent for by the Governor of the Massachusetts upon another occasion, brought this Pequot with him, and would have covered him with the former disguise, but when the English out of his own mouth found him guilty, and would have sent him to Uncas his Sagamore Miantonimo earnestly desired he might not be taken out of his hands, promising he would send him safe to Uncas to be examined and punished.

But fearing (as it seems) his own treachery would be discovered, within a day or two, he stopped the Pequots mouth by cutting off his head, but at parting he told the Governor in discontent, that he would come no more to Boston.

After this, some attempts were made (as is reported) to take away Uncas life by poison and by sorcery; these failing, some of Sequassons company (an Indian Sagamore allied unto, and an intimate confoederate with Miantonimo) shot at Uncas with an arrow or two, as he was going down Conecticot river: Uncas according to the fore-mentioned treaty 1638 complained, and the English by mediation sought to make peace, but Sequasson expressing his dependence on Miantonimo refused, and chose war. They fought, and Uncas had the victory.

Lastly, Miantonimo without any provocotion from Uncas [ •• les the dissappointment of former plots provoaked] and suddenly without denouncing war, came upon the Mohiggins with 900 or 1000 men; when Uncas had not half so many to defend himself. Uncas (before the battle) told Miantonimo, that he had many ways sought his life, and for the sparing of blood, offered by a single combat betwixt themselves to end the quarrel, but Miantonimo presuming upon his number of men, would have nothing but a battle.

The iss • e fell contrary to expectation, his men were routed, divers of considerable note slain, and himself taken prisoner.

These things being duly weighed, the Commissioners judged that Uncas could not be safe, while Miantonimo lived; wherefore they thought he might justly put such a treacherous, and blood-thirsty enemy to death, but advised him to do it in his own Jurisdiction, without torture or cruelty. And Uncas having hitherto shown himself a friend to the English, and in this and former outrages (according to the treaty) craving their advise, if the Narrowgansets or their confoederats should for his just execu • ion unjustly assault him, the Commissioners for the Colonies promised to assist and protect him.

Uncas heerupon slew an enemy, but not the enmity against him. The Narrowganset • soon fell to new contrivments. They pretended they had paid a ransom for their Sachems life, and gave in particulars to the value of abo • t 40 li. This for a while cast an imputation of foul & unjust dealing upon Uncas; but in September 1644 the English Commissioners meeting at Hartford, sent for the Narrowganset Sachems or their Deputies desiring they might be instructed to make good their charge.

Uncas came hi • self, they sent their Deputies; but after due examination it appeared, though some loose discourses had passed that for such quantit • es of wampom and such parcels of other good, to a great value, there might have been some probability of sparing his life, yet no such parcels were brought, and the Narrowganset Deputies did not allege; much less prove, that any ransom was ag •• ed, nor so much as any serious treaty begun, to redeem their impr • soned Sachem. And for the wampom and goods sent, as they were but small parcels and scarce considerable for such a purpose, so they were disposed by Miantonimo himself to sundry persons for curtesies received during his imprisonment, and upon hope of further favor.

The Narrowganset Deputies saw their proofs fell far short of former pretences, and were silent. The Commissioners promised that upon better evidence hereafter, they should have due satisfaction.

Wherupon a truce was made, and both parties were engaged that all hostility should cease till planting time 1645: and after that, they would give thirty days warning either at the Massachusetts or Hartford before the truce should cease. Yet in February last, the Narrowgansets by •••• engers sent to Boston, declared, that unless Uncas would render 160 fathom of wampom or come to a new hearing within six weeks they would begin the war.

This crossed the former agrement, and the season was such, as neither the Commissioners could be advised with, nor could Uncas travel if notice had been given. After which, about or before planting time, Tantaqueyson a Mohiggin Captain who took Miantonimo prisoner, was dangerously and treacherously wounded in the night as he slept in his wigwam: and other hostile acts were on both parts attempted, in a private and under-hand way as they could take advantage each against other.

But since the Narrowgansets have at several times openly invaded Uncas, so that Connecticot and New-haven were forced according to engagement, to send men from those Colonies for his present defense: but with express direction not to begin any offensive war against the Narrowgansets or their confoederates till further order.

Jn the mean time messengers were sent to the Narrowgansets from the General Court in the Massachusetts, signifiing the Commissioners meeting, promising their agrievances should be fully and justly heard, and requiring a cessation of war in the mean time; but they refused: and hearing probably that the English from the western Colonies were returned, they made a new assault upon Uncas, and have done him much hurt.

The Commissioners being met, sent messengers the second time both to the Narrowganset and Mohiggin Indians, minding them of the former treatise and truce, desiring them to send their Deputies instructed and furnished with authority to declare and open the grounds of the war, to give and receive due satisfaction, and to restore and settle peace.

At first the Narrowganset Sachē gave a reasonable and fair answer, that he would send Guides with them to the Mohiggins, and if Uncas consented, he would send his Deputies to the Commissioners, and during eight days hosti •• ty should cease: but he soon repented of this moderation, told the English messengers his mind was changed, sent private instructions to the Niantik Sachem, after the del • very of which, there was nothing but proud & insolēt passages: the Indiā guides which the English messengers brought with them from Pumh • m and Socononoco were by frowns and threatening speeches discouraged and returned; no other Guides could be obtained though much pressed, they knew (as they expressed themselves) by the course held at Hartford last year, that the Commissiōers would mediate & press for peace, but they were resolved to have no peace without Uncas his head; it mattered not who began the war, they were resolved to continue it; the Engl • sh should withdraw their Garrison from Uncas, or they would take it as a breach of former covenants, & would procure as many Mo •• anks as the English should affront them with: that they would lay the English cattle ō heaps as high as their houses: that no English man should step out of doors to pisse, but he should be killed. They reviled Uncas, charged him with cutting through his own arm, and saying the Narrowgansets had shot him; affirmed, that he would now murder the English messengers as they went or returned [if he had opportunity] and lay it upon the Narrowgansets.

The English messengers upon this rude and uncivil usage, wanting Guides to proceed, and fearing danger, returned to the Narrowgansets, acquainted Pesicus with the former p • ssages, desired Guides from him, he [in scorn as they apprehended it] offered them an old Pequot Squaw, but would afford no other Guides. There also they conceived themselves in danger, three Indians with hatchets standing behind the Interpreter in a suspi • ious manner, while he was speaking with Pesicus, and the rest frowning & expressing much distemper in their countenance & carriage. The English messengers not hoping for better success at that time, departed; telling Pessicus that if he would return any other answer, he should send it to the English trading-house, where they intended to lodge that night In the morning he invited them to return, and promised them a Guide to Uncas, but would grant no cessation of Arms. When they came to Providence they understood that in their absence a Narrowganset Indian had been there, and feigning himself to be of Conecticot, spake in that dialect, but could not put off the Narrowganset tone. He told Benedict Aarnold's wife (who well understands the Indian language) that the English messengers should not pass to the Mohiggins, he knew they should have no Guides, but should be destroyed in the woods as they travelled toward Uncas.

Thus the English messengers returned, and the Interpreter under his hand & upon his oath related the former passages, with others less material more laregly.

Mr. Williams by the messengers wrote to the Commissioners assuring 〈◊〉 That the Country would sudainly be all on fire, meaning by wa • r; that by strong r • asons & argu •••• s he could convince any •• n thereof, th •• was of another mind; That the Narrowgansets had been with the plantations combined with Providence and had solemnly treated & settled a neutrality with them, which fully shows their councils and settled resolutions for war.

Thus while rhe Commissioners in care of the public peace, sought so quench the fire kindled amongst the Indians, these children of strife breath out threatenings, provocations and war against the English themselves, so that unless they should dishonor & provoak God, by violating a just engagement, and expose the Colonies to contempt & danger from the Barbarians, they cannot but exercise force, when no other means will prevail, to reduce the Narrowgansets and their confoederates to a more just and sober temper.

The eyes of other Indians under the protection of the Massachusetts, and not at all engaged in this quarrel, are [as they have expressed themselves to the English messengers] fastened upon the Engl • sh with strict observatiō, in what manner and measure they provide for Uncas s • fety. If he perish they will charge it upon them who might have preserved him: and no Indians will trust the English (if they now break engagement) either in the present or succeeding generations. If Uncas be ruined in such a cause, they foresee their head, upon the next pretence shall be delivered to the will of the Narrowgansets, with whom rherfore they shall be forced to complye [as they may] for their future safety; & the English may not trust an Indian in the whole Country. The premises being duly weighed it clearly appears that God calls the Colonies to a war.

The Narrowgansets and their confoederates rest on their numbers, weapons, & opportunityes to do misch • ef; and probably (as of old, A •••• , Amalek and the Ph • listi • s with others did confoederate against Israel) so Satan may stir up & combine many of his instruments against the Churches of Christ: but their Redeemer is the Lord of Host, the M • gh • y One in battle, all the shield of the earth are in his hand, he can save by few & by weak means, as well as by many & great. In him they trust.