Defense Doubts Hopes and Reasons for Refusal of the Oath Imposed
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The source of this document is the Early English Books Online (EEBO-TCP) website. Those books were transcribed in a character for character manner and can be very cumbersome to read since there was no standard spelling during that time. Many spelling variations such as "unlesse", "vnlesse", and "vnles" regularly appear.
This project was conceived to clean up those books as much as possible and make them more accessible to the interested reader, leading to the creation of a massive list of variant spellings and their corrections. This was used to clean up the text, but is of course only as complete as the list itself. Because of the nature of the original transcription, some words have missing characters or places where the original language (e.g., Greek) was not transcribed. This effort does not change that. Be aware that the original transcription can also be faulty and in some cases entire sentences may be missing.
Although this is no substitute for a properly compared, proofed, and scholarly edition, I believe that the result is a document which is far more accessible, particularly for searching for terms using standard spelling. The document has been cleaned and presented in what I hope is a pleasing and useful format for the vast majority of Christian brothers and sisters who just want access to read these spiritually nourishing works.
However, a word of warning: The Puritans were a very diverse group of people and their age was characterized with godliness, but also much upheaval, disputation and strife. They disagreed on many doctrines and some of these works contain less orthodox or Scriptural views than others. The reader is strongly advised to read with discernment, particularly if it is unknown whether author is trustworthy.
This project took a huge amount of time and skill to bring to fruition. I would particularly like to thank David Jonescue for the initial list of Puritans he found on EEBO and the concept behind this project as well as the continuous, unceasing efforts toward seeing this complete. Without his labor, this would not be available. Alex Sarrouf was invaluable in providing the initial list of over 7,000 spelling variations he had identified and corrected, as well as continuing to review more than 16,000 additions to that list for any typos.
Logan West
(with David Jonescue and Alex Sarrouf)
www.puritansearch.org
DEFENSIVE DOUBTS, HOPES, AND REASONS, For refusal of the Oath, imposed by the sixth Canon of the late Synod. With important Considerations, both for the penning and publishing of them at this time.
By JOHN LEY, Pastor of Great Budworth in Cheshire.
— Above all things, my Brethren, swear not,
Jam. 5.12.
Falsa Juratio exitiosa est, vera Juratio periculosa est, nulla Juratio secura est.
August. serm. 28. de verbis Apostoli.
Hereunto is added by the same Author, A Letter against the erection of an Altar, written above five years ago: And a case of conscience, touching the receiving of the Sacrament, resolved.
LONDON, Printed by R. Young, for G. Lathum, at the sign of the Bishops head in Paul's Church-yard. 1641.
To the right Worshipful
- Sir William Brereton, Baronet.
- Peter Venables, Esquire, Baron of Kinderton
and
- Sir Thomas Smith.
- And To the Worshipful Francis Gamull, Esquire.
Right Wor ll . and worthy Sirs,
AS the good providence of God, and the good will of your Country have sorted you together, in the design of public service of the Church and State; so your united Interests in the cause and composer of this Book, have jointly rather claimed as a duty, then invited as a courtesy, that I should present it to public view under all your names. It proposeth and pursueth many (as I hope a judicious Reader will upon serious perusal find them) just and weighty exceptions against the late Oath of the sixth Canon; wherein it waiteth upon the wisdom and justice of your Honorable House of Commons, who have voted it, to vanish like the smoke of a Canon, without a Bullet (making a great sound, but doing no hurt) to avow your righteous and religious Act therein, against the mis-conceit of such as, either partially or perversely, misdeeme the deserved doom which you have passed upon it. And if now (by your hands) it may come to the eyes of your venerable Associates, it may haply find such acceptance in their sight, that by your common favor it may have the honor to appear before the right Honorable Lord's of the Upper House of Parliament, and to represent us (who were most exposed to the peril of the Canonical Decree) the more capable of the concurrent Grace of you all, in the full and final abrogation thereof.
And for myself (besides my general engagements, with thousands who owe you the affectionate observance of public Patriots and Patrons, in the places to which you are called) the particular favors which I have received from you in several, oblige me this or any other way (wherein I may do you any acceptable service) to express myself
Yours, most ready to attend you with humble observance, JOHN LEY.
From my Lodging at the Fountain in Paul's Church-yard, Febr. 22, 1640.
A Letter, declaring the occasion of beginning a manner of proceeding for the penning and publishing of the Discourse ensuing.
TO The Right Worshipful, and Worshipful, my very reverend and worthy Friends and Brethren,
- M r . Th. M. D. of Ch.
- D r . D. D. of R.
- M r . R. H. W. of M. and
- M r . Ch. H. R. of W.
My worthy and well beloved Brethren and Friends,
BEsides the Doubts of the Oath proposed in this Book (whereof we must wait for resolution from our Superiors) there may be some Doubts of the Book it self, to which it most belongeth to me to make answer: and therein, partly to give satisfaction to you; and partly, to require testification from you, since to many of you a good part of what I shall say is very well known: and that with the rest I shall reduce to these four particulars; whereof, most as yet have either none, or at least but a doubtful apprehension: and wherein it is meet they should be rightly informed.
1. Concerning the occasion of the discourse ensuing.
2. The presenting of it at first to you; and then to him, to whom it is inscribed.
3. The addition made in this (I may say) second edition, though yet but a manuscript.
4. The Reasons, why now I am willing to communicate Copies of it, which before I was not.
First, for the Occasion, it was this: Some of you, and divers others (myself for one) met at W. at the monthly Exercise set up, or upheld (as is confidently delivered by divers persons of unquestionable credit) with the good liking and allowance of our late learned Sovereign, as a godly and grateful memorial of his Majesty's, and the Kingdoms deliverance from the Powder Treason.
At one of the Assemblies there, the Bishop of Chester that now is, not long before he was advanced to the Episcopal Chair, bestowed his pains in the Pulpit one part of the day, and I mine the other. At our premised meeting, which was August 18. last past, the service of the day was divided betwixt you (M r . Ch. H. ) and me, and our minds and tongues united in pressing Peace and Charity, most needful Themes for these crazy and distracted times.
Our Sermons ended, and some of us invited to a place of convenient repose, the rest of our Tribe (who were a part of that Congregation) resorted unto us, every man accompanying his acquaintance, and so making, as it were, a whole chain of many links; and withal, it is not unlike, but that the most that there met in person, met also in perplexity of mind, by reason of the late Canonical Oath, and in their desires to be resolved of their Doubts: and they might have so much more hope thereof, as there were the more at that time, with whom, in such cases of conscience they might consult.
Howsoever, being so met, that which was the common talk of the Laity, and the particular trouble of the Clergy, could not but be a principal part of our discourse at that time; and of that, the most that was said, was the proposal of a Doubt, Whether the Oath were doubtful, or no? and all of us expressing but the same conceit (as I verily believe) which everyone brought with him, unanimously consented in an Affirmative answer.
Our next Quaere was, what course should be taken, either that we might not take it, or that it might be so cleared and qualified unto us, that our consciences might not be entangled by it; and for that, we resolved to propose our Doubts of the Oath to the Bishop of the Diocese, and by him to advance higher (though in the low and humble way of Petition) if there were cause. Then the Question was, Who should draw up our desires and doubts in writing; and the company assembled, presently agreed to put that task upon me, which I then undertook.
This was the worst of that days work, which some (whose place and profession promised more charity and discretion) have slandered, as a Schismaticall Conventicle, and a seditious Assembly; and have added to their calumnies of us, comminations of the highest displeasure, and danger against us.
To what height would they have raised their indignation towards us, if we should have met of purpose to make a common purse to maintain our cause, as the Clergy in Henry the thirds time did, against Boniface Archbishop of Canterbury: or, should have burnt the new book of Canons, as Luther did the Popes Bull and Decretals; when a meeting, in it self so faultless and inoffensive, is racked, to make it reach to the height of an heinous crime.
2. The second particular is the presenting of that, which upon the request of my Brethren I had performed: first, unto them; which I did the next Exercise after: (notwithstanding my burden of other business betwixt them both) and received from them such an attestation and acceptance, upon the reading thereof, as I may well take for a recompense of greater pains then it cost me; and which may embolden me to adventure it upon the view of other eyes, then of professed friends. From my Brethren of the Presbytery, it was next to be a graduate to the Bishop of Chester: But while that was in deliberation [when, and by whom to be done] I was informed, that a Letter was written by the Archbishop of Canterbury to other Bishops, both of this, and the other Province, not to press the Oath upon any, until the 13. of October: and for that time it was resolved by some of us (to whose discretion such considerations were referred) it should be reserved.
Mean while, we had assured news of a Parliament shortly to ensue: That (as many of us then conceived) so varied the case, that it invited us to betake ourselves to another course then we intended before; and then it was thought fit, neither so to solicit the Bishop, as if we did principally depend upon his favor for our freedom from the Oath; nor yet so to pass by him, as to give cause of suspicion, that he was slighted by us: and therefore about the 14. of October I brought him the Book at first, especially prepared for his reading; which I told him, I tendered not to him then as an Agent for the Clergy, but as of mine own private and particular respect unto my Diocesan: which was such, that I would not consent (though much importuned) that any should have a Copy of what I had composed, until it were first offered to his perusal, for which it was at first intended, and by joint consent concluded among us.
Thirdly, for the addition now made to it, I may say truly, and some of my Brethren can testify with me, that the most of it was penned before any part of it was sent to the sight and censure of the Ministers at W. and I therefore kept back divers sheets of it of purpose, that it might not be too long for their leisure, at their first meeting (after it was finished) to read it together.
And now, since upon notice of more they will not rest content with a part, lest they should sort me to Ananias and Saphyra (for a sacrilegious detention) I am resolved to communicate the whole first unto you, and then by you unto others.
And for this I am now in the fourth place to render some Reasons; and they are chiefly these:
First, to gratify my Brethren and Friends, who importunately press me, to make them partakers of my private Dictates concerning the Oath.
Secondly, to justify our refusal of it, which some have superciliously censured, as proceeding of simplicity; and some uncharitably, as savouring of contumacy, or of hypocrisy: as if we did but pretend a tenderness of conscience; and therefore that we would be sure to take it, rather then suffer anything for standing out against it.
Thirdly, to rectify the mistaking of divers transcripts of my Book from the first Copy (which are spread abroad in many places, either without my knowledge, or against my will) some whereof I have seen, and by them have found out a double falsehood: the one of theft, in stealing of Copies (without my consent) the other of lying, in putting their ignorant or cursory slips upon mine accompt, as if I had made them.
Fourthly, to clear the doubt of some, and to confute the mis-report of others, who give out, that I am the Author of a Book entitled, England's complaint to Jesus Christ against the Bishops Canons; wherein I was a mere stranger, for the matter of it (until I saw it in print) and am yet for the maker of it now it is printed; and though such as well know me, will no more believe it to be mine, then mine ingenuous friend would do (who with his advertisement of that mis-taking, wrote thus unto me: I am confident, you never wrote it: for, it savors nothing either of your style, spirit, or judgment. Whereupon, I have made bold in your name to disavow it ) yet for prevention of misprision in others, it will do well, that this Book be extant as well as that; and so may such, as will be pleased to compare them, see more difference betwixt them, then betwixt Menanders Andria and Perinthia, which, though they were composed in a various phrase and style, were yet so like, both in their argument and genius of the Poet, that he that knew the one, must know them both, as sister-births of the same Authors brain, which I dare confidently aver, no well advised Reader will suspect of the Book, which modestly discourseth of the Doubts of one Canon, and that Book, which peremptorily condemneth them all: and yet, if not only private fancy, but public fame should father it upon me, I should not take the matter much to heart, since the other day, The most reverend father (and for his rare learning, constant preaching, and consonant living, the most renowned Archbishop of Armagh) told me of an egregious imposture, putting his name to a late Pamphlet (whereof not so much as one line was his) which passed abroad a while as a Manuscript, but was presently by printing to proceed to more public notice, if he had not opportunely procured an Order (from the Honorable House of Commons in Parliament) to the Master and Company of Stationers to prevent the impression; whereof (giving me some printed Copies of it) he willed me, to give an Advertisement thereof to the Readers of my Book, that neither himself nor others might be anymore abused by such a fraudulent forgery, and I might say impudent also: for, what impudence was it to impose such a discourse upon his Fatherhood, a person so well, so generally known, and not more known, then honored throughout the Christian world, and yet not by death translated to another life, but alive and lively, in very good health, nor (for the present) at a remote distance in Ireland, but in England, in London, where he might be sure to be soon informed of the wrong, and find a ready way to right himself?
To conclude (for, this short digression ended) I have done with this Introductory Discourse: If while I endeavor to avoid the inconveniences fore-mentioned, I expose myself (by a more general view of this discussion of the Oath) to more variety of censures, which from some are like to be severe enough (for such as have thought us worthy to be undone, if we dare not swear, no doubt will entertain these Doubts and Reasons with distaste) I shall not need any other cordial against their mis-conceits, then to reflect first upon the integrity of mine intentions, and the fidelity of my performance of this service; and then upon the considerate subscriptions of such unto it, as for their quickness of conceit, and soundness of judgment (so far as I can judge) are as well qualified for the Criticall Chair, as I can conceive them to be, who with a dash of their pen would cancel what you and many others have confirmed with your hands. To whom, with the rest of my reverend Brethren, I most willingly remain
A most entire and affectionate Brother, to love and serve you, JOHN LEY.
From my Lodging at the Fountain in Paul's Church-yard, Febr. 23. 1640.
Die Martis, 9. Febr. 1640.
WHereas complaint hath been made unto us by James Lord Archbishop of Armagh, and Primate of all Ireland, that a certain Pamphlet hath been lately most injuriously fathered upon him, and spread abroad under the false title of The Bishop of Armagh's direction to the house of Parliament, concerning the Liturgy and Episcopal Government: It is this day ordered in the Commons House of Parliament, that the Master and Company of Stationers, and all others whom it may concern, shall take such course for suppressing of the said Book, that they shall not suffer it to be put in print, or if it be already printed, not permit the same to be divulged. And if any shall presume to print or publish the Book above-mentioned, That he, or they, shall be then liable to the censure of the said House.
H. Elsynge Cler. Domus Comm.
A Preface to the READER, written by N. E.
Showing that the Book (concerning the Oath, decreed in the sixth Canon of the late Synod) as it was penned in good season; so it is now published not out of season: since it is yet of good use, to divers purposes, of great and permanent importance, when both the Oath and Penalty be wholly suppressed.
WHen the Author of this ensuing Treatise composed it, there was (by reason of the new enjoined Oath) much doubt and distraction among many godly and learned Ministers; and (for their sakes) among the people also, whereto these Doubts, and Hopes, and Reasons ministered a seasonable remedy: for, the Doubts put many out of doubt, that the Oath, as it was framed, was to be refused: the Hopes (for all that) upheld the heart against despair of safety, from the commination of the Canon; and the Reasons gave support unto them both: and all together (with the learned ingenuity and pious modesty, diffused through the whole frame and style of the work) have so taken the hearts of divers Divines of eminent note (for their good parts and great pains in their holy callings, among whom were some, whose dignity in the Church was by the Canon to be secured from alteration) as to obtain their hands, for subscription unto it; and to cause both them and many more to importune the publication of the Book (though the Oath it self, and Penalty annexed to it, were disanulled) since the matter and manner of it are both of that kind, which may at any time entertain a discreet and religious Reader with profit and delight.
For first, albeit the Oath gave the motive to it, yet it is not the Oath that makes the measure of it: for (besides that) it compriseth many very observable matters, concerning the purity of Religion (without mixture of Idolatry) the duties of Christianity, the predominance of Prelates, and privileges of Presbyters, with many other particulars of moment, worthy of the public view, if that so offensive, and (in respect of some I may say) formidable Canon, had never been made.
And for the Oath it self, this Book will present unto the Reader very many considerable advertisements, which no distance of time will put out of date: Concerning
First, the Synod of Divines, by whom the Canon was decreed.
Secondly, those by whom it was disliked, when it was known.
Thirdly, their freedom from it, who were in danger by it.
First, for the Synod of Divines, the many & weighty exceptions against the Oath, give just reason to suspect, that it was not framed by common consultation among them, but devised by someone, or some few (at the most) who over-awed the rest, and so obtruded it upon them, without their good liking; though great fear of opposing, and little hope of prevailing; which held them from making any open resistance against it.
To this purpose hath something been said on both sides: for, on the one, it was told by a Favorite of a man of great power in the Synod (as in praise of his prudence) that he composed the Canons before the Clergy assembled: and on the other side (which belongs to the second particular, and leads us to it) some of the Synod have professed so much dislike of that Canon of the Oath, that had it been in their power to suppress it, it should never have proceeded beyond the breath that first put it forth.
And for the learned and pious Composer of these animadversions upon it, though he were a Clerke of the Convocation at York, he never heard of it, until it had obtained its final approbation, both in that and the other Province; wherein yet he was not wanting for the use of fit means, for his due information: for knowing that the Assembly at London was the Diall, that at York but the Clock, which was usually set and regulated by it: presently after his return from the first Session at York, he addressed himself towards London for intelligence at the first hand, that when the Canons were transmitted thither, he might be sufficiently instructed (upon good grounds) to give or deny his assent unto them: and so to do either, that he might not be alone in that choice, whereto his conscience did incline him.
But being on his journie, he was confidently certified (by the way) that the Parliament was dissolved, and with that he conceived, both the Convocation and his Clerkship were expired: and therefore that he was discharged of further care and pains for such a purpose; and if the cause had not been carried more by the power of some few, then the approbation of most, it might be matter of very great marvel, that so many, so great Clerks should give their assents to a thing (to be assured upon Oath) which is so many ways subject to doubtful construction.
And this may be a just ground to all judicious and conscionable Divines, to desire a Synod of another Constitution; wherein there may be more freedom, for discussion and determination of Ecclesiastical matters, then was in that, or can be expected in any of that kind.
Besides such as were members of Provincial meetings, there were many more who were offended at the Oath, not only those who were affrighted with the penalty (especially the most conscionable Clergy) but many of the Laity (of the best sort and highest rank) have petitioned, pleaded, and, as it is now commonly reported, the Honorable House of Commons have voted it down (though the right Honorable Lord's of the Upper House have not yet so far declared their judgments against it.)
To these this book may do some acceptable service, as a just and complete Apology against that Canon, which decrees for it, and so severely threatens the refusal of it) and against them, who so far favor it, as to refer all the Doubts and Quaeres about it, and Reasons against it, rather to perverse prejudice of those that find fault with it, then to any just cause of exception in the Oath it self: adding with great confidence in it, and no less contempt of such as condemned it, that, If any of the Apostles, yea, or Christ himself had penned it (a supposition of mere impossibility) such men would yet have been cavilling against it.
I can name the man that said it, & some what else (not much better to the same effect) and it may be an Apology likewise for such as dislike it, against those who have taken upon them by writing to defend it, as containing nothing in it, that may offend the conscience (if the judgment be not too weak, or the passion too strong) whose papers have been too passent, and too much prevailed with some, who have not seen this discourse, wherein the Author discovers their glosses upon it to be but as the gildings of a rotten Nutmeg, though he forbear their names, out of respect unto the common peace, and to their reputations in particular, who must needs suffer with it, so far as they are opposed as Apologists for it: since as one of them acknowledged (in the beginning of his answer to the Quaeres of the Ministers of London) that the noise against the Oath grew every day louder and louder, and that it was loaded with public and popular infamy: and so it is like he should have more need of pardon (as for a presumptuous undertaking in that cause, being but a private person) then that he could bring sufficient aide to justify the Oath, which (not without just cause) had incur'd so much condemnation.
Thirdly, if we consider their freedom from it, who were in danger by it & they were many good Ministers, who (if the swearing Canon had continued in force) must have suffered loss of their liberty, and livelihood; and very many good people, who were like to be deprived of their loving and laborious Ministers) this Book may be of very good use, as a ready memorial of such a mercy to them all, as cannot be forgotten, without wicked ingratitude: first to God, and next to those worthy and honorable persons, who have been the patrons of their present comfort, and protectours of them from the pressure of this rigorous innovation: and unworthy were they (surely) of so great a favor, if they should think, that when the Oath is condemned, they are forthwith discharged from any farther thought or consideration upon it.
For mine own part, said a worthy Divine (and I am of his mind) I shall endeavor always to keep such an impression both of the peril and disappointment of the project, for which the Canon was contrived, that the second of November (the day designed for the execution of the decree of that Canon) shall be to me as one of the days of Purim, for hearty thanksgiving for deliverance from it; and this Book shall supply me with proper lessons for the service of that day.
Whereto, as for the matter it is very pertinent; so for the style and manner of writing, it cannot but be pleasing to an ingenuous and well composed spirit, since it runs (with an equitable temper of judicious moderation) without all mixture of humor or passion, and neither mounts too high, with any strain of presumption, nor coucheth too low by any servile insinuation.
It may be, some will conceive it hath too many relishes of reverence to Bishops, because the tenure of their Authority is therein questioned, and the abuse of it deservedly disliked by the best of all sorts; but that will be no matter of exception, if they consider
1. That when the book was first penned, and openly avowed by the Author, those Canonical Dictators (who composed the Oath, and propounded it to the rest for their ratification) were at the highest pitch of Ecclesiastical Prelation: and that their power came forth armed with a new plantation of terrible Canons.
2. That they have long enjoyed, and yet are possessed of an awful preeminence over their Brethren.
3. That however their callings be accounted of, the persons of many of them, in respect of many excellent endowments in them, are in good manners and accustomed civility, to be entertained with respective terms, which have been allowed even to those who have been thought bad enough to be deposed from their Episcopal dignities; as by this learned Author, out of the Council of Calcedon upon another occasionis observed in another work (which, I hope, ere long will come to light.) The words of the Council, as we have them delivered by Evagrius, are these: It seemeth good to us, and no doubt God approveth the same, that Dioscorus the most reverend Bishop of Alexandria (if so please our Lord the Emperor) Juvenalis the most reverend Bishop of Jerusalem, Tealassius the most reverend Bishop of Armenia, should be punished, and alike deposed from their Bishoprics, by the sentence and judgment of the Council, and be at the Emperors pleasure.
To conclude (for this Book) if there were any need to commend it to common acceptance, by especial approbation, I could (had I the Authors consent to this purpose) produce many Letters of such as have read it, and are best able to judge of it; but that would be in this case a superfluous service; and it will be enough to take notice of one of them, which is as followeth:
Reverend Sir,
YOur Treatise of the Oath is a very excellent Cōmeant upon a bad Text, fit to be made public for the common good, not only for the present, but for after times. And as was said (by one) of Adams fall, that it was foelix culpa, in that it gave occasion to the manifestation of so great a mercy to mankind as followed thereupon; so may I say of the unhappy Oath (unhappy in respect of it self) that it was foelix Juramentum, an happy Oath, in respect it induced the production of such a profitable discourse upon it; very profitable doubtless, if it may become as universal as it is useful, which is the humble and hearty desire of him that professeth himself
Yours in all offices of a friend and servant, G.J.
Having had opportunity to peruse many such Letters, I have made choice of the shortest, because I would not (any longer) withhold the Reader from the principal provision prepared for him: whereto I now shall willingly dismiss him.
N.E.
CAN. 6. An Oath enjoined for the preventing of all Innovations in Doctrine and Government.
THis present Synod (being desirous to declare their sincerity and constancy in the profession of the Doctrine and Discipline already established in the Church of England; and to secure all men against any suspicion of revolt to Popery, or any other superstition) decrees, that all Archbishops, Bishops, and all other Priests, and Deacons, in places exempt, or not exempt, shall before the second of November next ensuing, take this Oath following, against all Innovation of Doctrine or Discipline; and this Oath shall be tendered them, and every of them, and all others named after this Canon, by the Bishop in person, or his Chancellor, or some grave Divines named and appointed by the Bishop under his Seal; and the said Oath shall be taken in the presence of a public Notary, who is hereby required to make an Act of it, leaving the Universities to the provision which follows.
The OATH is,
I A. B. do swear, that I do approve the Doctrine and Discipline or Government, established in the Church of England, as containing all things necessary to salvation: And that I will not endeavor by myself, or any other, directly or indirectly, to bring in any popish Doctrine, contrary to that which is so established: Nor will I ever give my consent to alter the Government of this Church, by Archbishops, Bishops, Deans and Archdeacons, &c. as it stands now established, & as by right it ought to stand; nor yet ever to subject it to the usurpations and superstition of the See of Rome. And all these things I do plainly, and sincerely acknowledge, and swear, according to the plain and common sense, and understanding of the same words, without any equivocation, or mental evasion, or secret reservation whatsoever. And this I do heartily, willingly and truly upon the faith of a Christian. So help me God in Jesus Christ.
Concerning the Oath, and Penalty thereof, imposed by the sixth Canon of the late Synod.
DOubts, and Hopes, with the Reasons of them both, for the most part delivered into the hands, and intended wholly to be presented to the prudent and religious consideration of the reverend Father, John L. Bishop of Chester, in the names of the Divines, Physicians, and School-masters of his Diocese. pag. 1.
1. General DOUBT.
- 1. Whether this Oath (if it be tendered and taken) be not a taking of the Name of God in vain, against the third Commandment. pag. 3.
- 2. Whether this Oath may be taken in faith, without which, the taking is sin, Rom. 14.23. pag. 11.
- 3. Whether the sixth Canon, as it is charged with this Oath, and Penalty, be not like to cross the chief end, whereat his Majesty aimed, in granting his Commission for a Convocation or Synod. pag. 11.
1. Particular DOUBT.
- 1. What is meant by Discipline and Government, whether the same things, or no; and, if the same, what they be. pag. 14.
- 2. What is meant by the Church of England. pag. 16.
- 3. Why the Discipline is linked with the Doctrine of the Church of England, for necessity of salvation. pag. 18.
- 4. What is meant by Popish Doctrine. pag. 32.
- 5. What establishment of Doctrine is here meant; and how far it may be said to be established. pag. 39.
- 6. whether the degrees here specified, be propounded to be allowed in the same, or in a different degree of assent and approbation. pag. 43.
- 7. What Deans are here meant. pag. 44.
- 8. What is the Authority or Government of a Cathedral Dean. pag. 45.
- 9. What is the Authority or Government of a Dean Rurall. pag. 48.
- 10. What is the Authority or Government of Archdeacons. pag. 51.
- 11. Whether we may safely take a new Oath, with an &c. pag. 55.
- 12. How far the &c. is to be extended, when it is expressly declared. pag. 56.
- 13. What Governors are included in the &c. whether the King, as Supreme, be altogether omitted, or implicitly contained in it. pag. 56.
- 14. Who, and what Governors they be. pag. 59.
- 15. Whether the establishment of the Adjuncts, or the not necessary appendences of Bishops be to be sworn unto in this Oath. pag. 62.
- 16. What the Right is, by which the Government is meant to stand. pag. 65.
- Of Archbishops and Patriarchs. pag. 71.
- 17. How far this perpetuity propounded is to be applied to the Discipline or Government of the Church. pag. 79.
- 18. Why we should swear against consent, to alter the Government of the Church. pag. 84.
- 19. Whether, if we should thus swear, we should not be entangled with contradiction to our Governors, and to ourselves. pag. 85.
- 20. Why in this part of the Oath mention is made rather of the See of Rome, then of the Church of Rome. pag. 92.
- 21. How we can swear to a plain and common sense and understanding of the Oath. pag. 94.
- 22. What willingness is required in the taking of this Oath. pag 95.
- 23. How the Doubts of the Oath may be resolved and cleared. pag. 96.
- 24. Why the sons of Noblemen are excepted and privileged from taking this Oath, when they take the degrees of Masters of Arts. pag. 103.
- 25. Concerning the difference, betwixt the command and commination of the Canon. pag. 106.
Our HOPES.
Our Reasons, and Grounds of them are four:
- 1. Reason grounded on Piety. pag. 112.
- 2. The second on Charity. pag. 116.
- 3. On Equity. pag. 120.
- 4. On Policy. pag. 122.
Concerning the Oath and penalty thereof, imposed by the sixth Canon of the late Synod.
Doubts, and Hopes, with the Reasons of them both, for the most part delivered into the hands, and wholly intended to be presented to the prudent and religious consideration of the reverend Father, John L. Bishop of Chester, in the names of the Divines, Physicians, and School-masters of his Diocese.
THe imposition of an Oath (being regularly made to be a seal of faith to those that impose it) doth reasonably presuppose as much satisfaction and confidence in him, that doth take it (touching the manner and meaning thereof) as by such a sacred attestation, may be set upon the mind of him that doth tender it. For, as the imposer expecteth thereby to be assured of the intention and integrity of the taker of the oath; so he that taketh it (that he may the better imprint that persuasion in him) should first be assured himself, that with a safe conscience it may be taken. An hypocritical oath (we confess) may beget a belief, but it is not lawfully begotten by any that doth not swear in sincerity.
The due consideration hereof hath taken up our most intentive thoughts, which in their issue have arrived at this resolution of our reverend brethren the Professors of Aberdeen: We ought (say they) to judge of those things we are to swear to, with the strict and inquisitive judgment of verity, and to ponder duly, and to propound particularly and fully to others (especially to those who require our oath) to satisfy our consciences there anent, and to answer all the Doubts and Reasons, which make us unwilling and afraid to give our assent thereto.
And for this purpose especially, we are to make our address to your Lordship, by direction of our late learned Sovereign, and of the Fathers of our Church, in these words, For as much as nothing can almost be so plainly set forth, but doubts may arise in the use and practice of the same, to appease all such diversity (if any such arise) and for Resolution of all doubts concerning the manner how to understand, do, and execute this book (scil. the book of Common Prayer) the parties that so doubt, or diversely take anything, shall resort to the Bishop of the Diocese, who by his discretion shall take order for the quieting and appeasing the same—and if the Bishop himself be in doubt, he may send for resolution thereof to the Archbishop.
What is here expressly prescribed (touching the explanation and practice of that book) we conceive doth virtually belong to our present case, concerning the Oath by the sixth Canon lately imposed: and thereof we make bold to present to your Lordship these doubts ensuing; which if you please not to answer yourself, we humbly beseech you to transmit them to an higher Judge, with your favorable testimony of us that move them, as of men (for a good part) well known to you to be studious of the public peace, and no way affected to faction or novelty, which you may charitably conceive of the rest, whom you know not; since all of us agree (not only as brethren among ourselves, but as sons to the reverend Fathers of the Church) to keep both the Kings and the Churches high-way, in a gradual promotion of our scruples towards due satisfaction; which thus we propound, beginning first with the general doubts, and so proceeding to doubts in particular.
THE OATH. I A.B. do swear, that I do approve, &c.
1. General Doubt. Whether this Oath (if it be tendered and taken) be not a taking the Name of God in vain, against the third Commandment?
THE REASON.
BEcause, as we suppose, there is no need of it (in respect of Ministers especially) for security either of Doctrine or Discipline against Innovation: for Doctrine (as against the Papists, the principal enemies unto it) the Laws of the Land, and Constitutions of the Church (without this Oath) sufficiently provide, if they be answerably executed: and for such, if they be conscionable, they will not take it; if unconscionable, (though they take it) they will not keep it: for they will easily be persuaded to slight this Oath, as they do the oath of Allegiance, whereof some of them show how the cautions of it against equivocation, mental reservation, and Papal dispensations may be eluded, and say, that the Oath, as unjust (so soon as it is taken) is presently nullified ipso facto.
But for Ministers especially, it seemeth unto us to be altogether needless; since they, having according to the Canons of the year 1603. subscribed to the Kings Supremacy, the Articles of Religion, and the Book of Common Prayer, and of Ordination, with all their contents (wherein the order of Bishops, and degree of Archbishops is contained; and which is compass enough for a well composed conscience) are sentenced (if they revolt from their subscription) first, to Suspension; secondly, to Excommunication; thirdly, to Deposition from the Ministry. Rigour enough for verbal commination, and (in respect of some degrees of offense recorded in the Canon) somewhat too much for real execution; so that there is no need of more security by assent to the things required, then the subscription to the three Articles of the 36. Canon, and the severity of the 38. Canon against such as revolt from that ratification.
And, by that we read in the Archbishops late reply to A.C. it seems confession and subscription are enough (for that we profess in point of faith) to give satisfaction and assurance of our sincerity, even to a professed adversary; for, when A.C. had said, that it is not fufficient to beget a confidence, in this case to say we believe the Scriptures, and the Creeds, he returneth him this answer:
But if we say it, you are bound in charity to believe us; for I know no other proof of faith, but confession of it, and subscription to it: and for these particulars, we have made the one, and done the other; so it is no bare saying, but you have all the proof that can be had, or that ever any Church required.
If his Lordship had remembered this, at the late Synod, it may be he would not have thought it meet to require us to swear beyond our confession and subscription formerly made; for why should he, or the rest of the Synod, have less faith and charity to entertain our testification, then we may justly expect from our Popish opposites, or require more of us then any Church ever did hitherto?
Long before these Canons were set forth, and soon after the reformation of Religion by Queen Elisabeth, there were (we confess) certain protestations to be made, promised, and subscribed by them that were afterwards to be admitted to any office, room, or cure in any Church, or other place Ecclesiastical.
But we conceive (besides other differences to be touched under another title) that neither these protestations are equivalent to such a solemn oath, as now is required of us, nor that there is such need of it now, as there was of them at that time.
Object. If it be said, that in these times there is such division and distraction among us, that there is need to fasten us together by such a sacred bond as that of the Canon:
Answ. We think it reasonable to reply, That neither the want of such an oath was the cause of the distemper of the times, nor that the urging of it will be a convenient cure thereof; but rather the contrary: since there is more agreement betwixt peace and love, which may best be preserved where offensive things are not urged; then betwixt love and compulsion, especially, if (as of this oath it is conceived) it encroach upon the conscience, without any great need (as from them that require it) or without sufficient ground to satisfy such as should receive it.
And we see by the operation of it already, daily producing more and more dislike of it, that it is not like to be a remedy against any malady already discovered; but rather a means to exasperate the disease (though this be besides the intention of them that propound it) whereof there was the less need: because, as our learned and religious brethren the Divines of Aberdeen have observed, There be other means more effectual for holding out of Popery (and so of any other unlawful Innovation) in which we ought to confide more then in all the vows & promises of men: yea also, more then in all the united forces of all the subjects of this Land: to wit, diligent preaching and teaching of the word, frequent prayer to God, humbling of our selves before him, and amendment of our lives and conversations, and arming ourselves against our adversaries, by diligent searching of the Scriptures, whereby we may increase in the knowledge of the truth, and in ability to defend it against the enemies of it.
These have been the chief means to advance both the Doctrine of truth, and the Discipline of manners; and they will be the best means to hold them up still: with them there will be no need, without them none aide by oaths of this kind.
There be some that say, This Oath was framed for trial how men stand affected to the present government, and whether they be inclined to such a change in the Ecclesiastical state for Doctrine or Discipline, as tendeth to disturbance of the civil government also, especially to derogation from his Majesty's Authority: this is partly implied in the Preface of the Oath, which beginneth thus; This present Synod, being desirous to declare their sincerity and constancy in the profession of the Doctrine and Discipline established in the Church of England, and to secure all men against suspicion of revolt to Popery, or any other superstition, decrees, &c. —and in this respect they conceive the Oath is of necessary use. To such as thus plead for it, we think it meet to make this answer,
1. Concerning the venerable Synod, that though some persons in it, being suspected of unsound Doctrine, of a Popish strain, might do very well to give all due and probable satisfaction, to acquit themselves of that imputation (wherein we are persuaded of some that they have been untruly traduced) yet we conceive this Oath not so pertinent to that purpose, as is alleged; because the third Canon, which insisteth much in the discovery and pursuit of Papists, and none else, importeth more opposition to Popery then this sixth Canon doth, which requireth the Oath; since (as we shall manifest in another place) it cometh with a deeper charge against those who are the greatest Adversaries of Popery, then against Papists themselves.
Secondly, for the other part of the Oath concerning Discipline, or the government by Archbishops, &c. we apprehend no need of an Oath, to declare the sincerity and constancy of the Synod in that respect; for who maketh doubt, but Archbishops, Bishops, Deans, and Archdeacons (who carry most sway in all our Synods) are willing enough to maintain their dignity and authority, and unwilling to subject either of them to Papal usurpations. He is a man of little faith who will not take their bare word for that, without an Oath, or will require so much; for no reasonable man can think otherwise of them, though they say nothing.
For we cannot imagine, if it were but for the Archbishops own sake, that he (sitting as President of the Synod) would ever submit to any usurpations of the See of Rome; since he knoweth, and would have others know from him (for he hath published it in print) that the Pope hath acknowledged Anselm, a worthy Predecessour of his in the See of Cant. for his own compeere, the Apostle and Patriarch of the other world.
And he showeth himself willing enough to take his Holiness at his word, and to keep him out from all command over the Britain Church, alleging that it was never subject to the See of Rome, having a Primate of its own; and that Primate for the present is himself.
Thirdly, for others, this Oath can be no good Criterion, to try men's sincerity to either Doctrine or Discipline; for many things by divers may be believed, liked, and preferred, before any other of that kind (so that they would be loath to change them) and yet may they be unwilling to take an Oath for constancy to them.
For instance, we believe kneeling at prayer to be lawful, laudable, and the best gesture wherein to present our devotions to God; yet we would not be put to swear never to consent to a constitution for standing at prayer, since for it there is, first, Scripture; secondly, a Decree in the first Nicene Council; thirdly, a continued practice of it in the Church for many hundred of years together.
Fourthly, many of those who, in regard of the manifold doubts involved in the Oath, are afraid to take it, have given better evidence of their sincerity concerning the state, both ecclesiastical & civil, then can be expected of most that take the oath (without any doubt or examination at all) & if yet there be doubt of them, they may be put to the trial of the first Canon concerning the Kings Authority, and the eight made for preaching for conformity, both decreed by this last Synod, which may be sufficient for full satisfaction without an Oath; and yet they that dare not be peremptory in every particular (in those Canons determined) may for all that be as far from all disposition to trouble either Church or State with any Innovation, as they who would set the seal of an Oath to every line of them.
Fifthly, though we doubt not, but divers who have taken the Oath be very learned, grave, and godly persons, and have done it (as they conceive) with due consideration, and good conscience; yet it cannot be denied, but many may be too forward to swear, without any care or use of either: either out of hope to be held very heartily affected to those who have means to promote them (the hope whereof, as Aeneas Silvius observed, made more to adhere to the Pope, who gave preferments, then to the Council, who had none to give) or out of fear of their dis-favor, who have power to lay heavy pressures upon them.
And in respect of such the Oath is of no use or force, since the same affections (not regulated by Reason and Religion) will incline (with the alteration of times) to quite contrary effects.
Lastly, so many of all sorts, both of the Clergy and Laity; yea, many of those who hold Episcopal imparity the best government of the Church, and are no way addicted to the Presbyterian Discipline, dislike this Oath so much, that howsoever this Canon may discover some difference betwixt those, whose lot the wise man showeth may be alike ( viz. betwixt him that sweareth, and him that feareth an oath, Eccles. 9.2.) yet not that difference which may be cause either of assurance of them that take it, to the doctrine or government of the Church, or of just jealousy or suspicion of them that refuse it.
2. General Doubt.
Whether this Oath may be taken in faith, without which the taking is sin. Rom. 14.23.
THE REASON.
BEcause it comprehendeth so many things of several kinds (and divers of them unknown unto most of us) that though we be ready to believe, and receive some of them fingle, our faith cannot fathom them altogether; and so we cannot swear without doubting: and if doubtful swearing be as dangerous as doubtful eating (as we conceive it is, and so may fear we may be damned for it by the doom of the Apostle in the fore-cited place) we can neither with confidence nor safety take this Oath, until we be better resolved of the true meaning thereof; and so (as it seemeth to us) a superfluous Oath, it may prove to the takers a perilous Oath.
3. General Doubt.
Whether the sixth Canon, as it is charged with this Oath and penalty, be not like to cross the chief end whereat his Majesty aimed in granting his Commission for a Convocation or Synod.
THE REASON.
BEcause in his Royal Declaration (which he was pleased to prefix before the late Canons) he faith he giveth leave for Ecclesiastics to assemble, and being assembled, to confer, treat, debate, consider, consult, and agree of, and upon Canons, Orders, Ordinances, and Constitutions, as they should think necessary and convenient to this end, viz. for the honor and service of Almighty God, and for the good and quiet of the Church, the end and purpose by his Majesty limited and prescribed to the Convocation or Synod; and how this Oath sorteth to this end, we appeal to the public report of most Counties in the Kingdom, wherein (besides the Ministry) the people neither of the worst sort for condition, nor for conversation; nor the fewest for number, express much discontent and trouble of mind at the proposal of it.
Hereby we impute no disobedience to the reverend Prelates and Clergy assembled; for we conceive they had no thought of opposition therein, to the pious purpose of his sacred Majesty; nor any imprudence, since, as they believed themselves of the Oath, they might probably hope of acceptance with others, and (if generally accepted) that such effects might follow as they projected.
But if they do not, their discretion will direct them to vary their course as times and occasions require. For, if the Church in this world be like unto a ship upon the sea (in which respect it is likened to Noah's Ark ) their Acts, and aims of Government of it, may be sometimes disappointed by the indisposition of the people to comply with them; as the purpose of the Pilot by the distemper of the weather, who, when he reasonably thinks it meet to hoise up sails, may be soon after induced to strike sails, for the avoidance of inconvenience or danger: of this prudent accommodation of the Acts of Authority to the times, and their uncertain inclinations and events, we find manifold examples, both in the Civil and Ecclesiastical estate. Thus much of the Doubts in general.
The Doubts hitherto proposed touch not upon any branch of the Oath in several, or of the appurtenances to it, but reach to the whole, as taken together; those that follow arise out of particular consideration, first, of the parts of the Oath; secondly, of the explication of it; thirdly, of the persons that are to take it; fourthly, of the penalty attending upon it.
1. Of the first part of the Oath.
I A.B. do swear, that I do approve of the Doctrine, Discipline, or Government of the Church of England, as containing all things necessary to salvation.
WE are not desirous, without just ground ministered unto us, to multiply Doubts upon the Text of the Oath; and therefore we take it for the present, that by Doctrine is meant that to which the Clergy are required to subscribe by the 36. Canon, especially the 39. Articles of Religion. But for Discipline or Government, our Doubt may be
THE DOUBT.
What is meant by Discipline or Government, whether the same things, or no; and, if the same, what they be?
THE REASON.
BEcause in divers Authors we find them many times distinguished; but there they seem to be the same. The word Policy is taken with them into society of the same signification by his Majesty, in his late large Declaration.
And all three signify (with reference to the Church) Ecclesiastical callings, ordinances, and the exercise and application of them, to such as are subject to them both: wherefore they that are best acquainted with them all, style their books of them indifferently, of Ecclesiastical Discipline, Church Government, and Ecclesiastical Policy: and in a large sense the term Discipline containeth them all. And so it is taken by Archbishop Whitgift, where he reduceth all that concerneth Religion to Doctrine and Discipline; and so it seemeth they do who composed the Oath, as appeareth by their entrance into it.
And though sometimes that word be strictly taken for the censure of manners, or correction of offenders (as in the Preface of the Communion Book usually read upon Ashwednesdaies) yet in a large sense (and that very familiar) it is put for the whole policy or government of the Church: whether Presbyterial, as in Geneva; or Episcopal, as with us; a principal part whereof is Hierarchical Imparity: in that sense it was said by Master Montague, That the Synod at Dort in some points condemneth the Discipline of the Church of England, meaning especially the Government by Bishops; and so also did the Bishop of Landaffe take it, when in answer to him, and confutation of him, he repeated the defense made by himself, for the Hierarchy of the English Church, in that Synod, noting in few words, concerning the Discipline, That the Church never had a parity of Ministers, no not in Christ's time, wherein there were the twelve Apostles, superiors to the 72. Disciples, which he showeth was not contradicted by that Synod. In the same sense it is used by others, who are not of the same mind in the point of Episcopacy.
The observation of this imparity, in giving precedence to Superiors, is called Discipline, in the thirteenth Canon of the Milevitan Council: the Ceremonies also in rule and practice, are reduced to Discipline in the prefatory Declaration before the Communion Book, under this title [Of Ceremonies, why some abolished, some retained] where it is said, that some of them do serve to decent order, and godly discipline: and again, without some ceremoni • s it is not possible to keep any order, or quiet discipline in the Church; which implieth both the constitution and observation of them: and to this acception of the words Discipline and Government in this Oath we rather incline; but cannot of ourselves so certainly resolve it, as that we dare swear it.
THE REASON.
BEcause of the ambiguity of the term Church, which is variously distinguished; but especially, because the new Canons bring in a new acception of that word (new in respect of the language of Protestant Divines) for in the fourteenth Canon, where caution is given concerning commutation of penance, by the Bishop, or his Chancellor, there is this proviso, That if the crime be publicly complained of, and do appear notorious, that then the office shall signify to the place from whence the complaint came, that the Delinquent hath satisfied the Church for his offense.
The satisfaction is by the payment of a pecuniary mulct, that is made to the Bishop, or his Chancellor; either of them then, or both together seemeth to be called the Church in that Canon: and that contraction of a word of such a large comprehension (as the right acception of it requireth) might breed some suspicion of symbolizing with the Popish Dialect (though the sense be not Popish) wherein by an intensive Synecdoche, that which is most extensive, and diffused all over the world, is shrunk up into the person of one man, the Pope. But because the matter of commutation in that Canon, is of a narrower compass then either Doctrine or Discipline in this, we may take the word Church in a larger acception; and that may be either for the Clergy in general, when it is used by way of distinction from the Laity, or as the 139. Canon decreeth it [The Church representative in a Synod which Papists restrain to Episcopal Prelates] Or as the 19. Article taketh it, A visible congregation of faithful men, in which the pure Word of God is preached, and the Sacraments duly administered: Or as in the 35. Article, it may stand for the place where the people are assembled, and holy offices performed; but which of these, or whether any other sense of the word [Church] be meant in this place, we leave it to those, who have authority to interpret the Oath, to resolve.
DOUBT 3.
Why the Discipline is linked with the Doctrine of the Church of England for necessity of salvation.
THE REASON.
BEcause it seemeth to us, to coast somewhat towards the conceit of Franciscus à Sancta Clara, Provincial of the minorite Friars, who holdeth, That where Bishops do not rule, there are no Presbyters: where no Presbyters, no Sacraments. He excepteth (according to the tenet of his Church) Matrimony and Baptism; the former as a Sacrament, the later as a Sacrament, and (more then that in the Popish opinion) as necessary to salvation; and he so far enforceth this necessity, as to say, That to deny the necessity of Episcopacy, is nothing else, but to bring in the irritation of the passion of our Lord, and to evacuate the virtue of his redemption; which is in effect (as Doctor du Moulin wrote to Bishop Andrew's ) to damn the Reformed Churches of France and other Countries, to the pit of Hell: which being brought in (as a consequence of the Bishops Tenet of the Authority of Bishops) that reverend Prelate very wisely and religiously shunneth, saying, He wants his sight, that seeth not Churches standing without that Discipline: and hath an iron heart, that consenteth not that they may be saved: and therefore our late learned Sovereign King James, (lest he should be mistaken in some of his speeches, of some of those, who had no good conceit of the Discipline of the English Church) when his monitory Preface (wherein he toucheth most upon such matters) was published in Latin, that he might not be thought to condemn the Churches, whose Discipline is different from ours: he expressly professed, That by that he had said, therein he intended neither reproach nor reproof to the Reformed Churches, or to their form of Government—but left them free to their Christian liberty: And when the Bishop of Landaffe asserted the Ecclesiastical Imparity of the Church of England (at the Synod of Dort) he did not seek to obtrude it as necessary to salvation; but used this caution in the conclusion of his speech, This I say (said he) not to give offense to these Churches (scil. those whose Clergy assembled at that Synod ) but for the defense of our Church, the Church of England. And the Church of England surely at that time was far from the conceit of the Franciscan Friar fore-mentioned, when he and other learned Divines were sent to that Synod (the most general Synod of the Reformed side, that hath been held since the reformation of Religion) to assist with their consultations, and to confirm with their suffrages and subscriptions, the Decrees of that Synod, wherein (among many Presbyters) there was but one Bishop, and he not President of that Assembly. And when he who hath pleaded for Episcopacy, not only as a pinnacle of honor, but as a pillar of support to the Church, wrote thus against the Brownists, I reverence from my soul (so doth our Church, their dear Sister) those worthy foreign Churches, which have chosen and followed those forms of outward government, that are every way fittest for their own condition. It is enough for you to censure them, I touch nothing common to them with you; which we allege not against the government of Bishops, In a meet and moderate imparity (as the same Author stateth their preeminence) but only against the necessity of their superiority to salvation, which is the point we have now in hand.
Whereto agreeth that of Epiphanius, who conceived more necessity of a Deacon to a Bishop, then of a Bishop to a Church, saying, That where there was not a man of sufficient worth to be a Bishop, the place might be without one; but it is impossible (said he) that a Bishop should be without a Deacon. And the fifth Canon of the second Council of Carthage decreeth, That those places which never had Bishops, shall have none at all; and those that had them, should have them still: which they would not have done, if they had conceived Episcopacy to be of necessity to salvation, or of necessity to the being of a Church.
Quest. But is there any cause to conceive, that any of the late Synod imagined a necessity of Bishops, either to save a Chrisian, or to constitute a Church?
Answ. We take not upon us, confidently to impute that opinion to any, nor can we acquit the chiefest of them from such a conceit: for the Archbish. in his reply to A.C. having brought in a sentence out of Saint Jerome, which is this [ where there is no Priest, there is no Church ] he taketh the word Sacerdos, for one who hath the power of ordaining: which in Jerome's own judgment, is no mere Priest, but a Bishop only; and thence concludeth so, even with him [no Bishop, no Church] which he so approveth, as if some, who profess more good will to Bishops, then Jerome elsewhere doth, should say somewhat more, or the same that he did with more confidence; which to us seemeth little less, and not much better, then that we have noted of the Minorite Friar. For the saying of Jerome, That it is not a Church that hath not Sacerdotem, we that are Presbyters may as well conceive, that he meaneth a Presbyter, as he (a Bishop) that he meaneth a Bishop; and Jerome a Presbyter, as we are, if he were alive, would (as we verily believe) give sentence on our side: For,
First, it cannot be denied, that though there be more dignity in a Bishop, the is more necessity of a Presbyter; that is, of one to officiate in preaching the Word, and administration of the Sacraments (whereof there is continual use) then of a Bishop to ordain (if none could do it but a Bishop) which is required but sometimes: and though a Bishop perform the same acts, yet he doth them not as a Bishop, but as a Presbyter.
Secondly, if Jerome meant that there is no Church without an ordaining Bishop, and that is his opinion (as his Lordship expounds him) it is his error, an uncharitable error; which casteth not particular Christians only, but many Orthodox Churches out of the communion of Saints, and consequently out of the state of salvation; whereas, if some Bishops had been as remote non -residents from their Bishoprics, as the Pope from Rome, when he resided at Avinion in France: or had meddled no more with the Churches under their charges, then the Italian Priests did when they had Benefices in England, and knew only the names of them, and received tithes from them; but did nothing for them, or in them: yet there might for all that be true Churches, and salvation in them well enough. For, of what use is such a Bishop, or such a Priest either to the being of a Church, or the well being or salvation of a Christian?
Thirdly, if his words were true in that sense (wherein his Lordship taketh them) it would be necessary there should be as many Bishops as Churches; and so, that Bishops should be rather Parochial, then Diocesan.
Fourthly, if the place in Jerome be impartially perused, it will not make much for the necessity of Bishops: for Jerome (in his Dialogue against the Luciferians (whence the quotation is taken) speaketh of one Hilarius (a schismatical Deacon) who died in the schism, and his sect with him: because being but a Deacon, he could not ordain a Clerke to succeed him; upon this, saith Jerome, It is not a Church, which hath not a Priest.
The word is [Sacerdotem] which seemeth to be of the same sense with the word Clericum (a little before) and that is there meant of him who is next above a Deacon; and he is a Presbyter (not a Bishop) whose office in administration of the Sacraments is there particularly noted, which belongeth to a Presbyter, ut sic, as he is a Presbyter, not to a Bishop as he is a Bishop.
Object. But he speaketh of ordaining, and that in Jerome's judgment was proper to a Bishop.
Answ. 1. Jerome knew well enough, that of old (though it were otherwise in his time) Bishops alone did not ordain Church Ministers, but the Presbytery with them, 1 Timoth. 4.14. if not without them; for many hold, that at that time there were no Prelatical Bishops above their brethren; & even to this day there is a shadow of that sociable power (in ordination of Ministers of the Church of England) retained in practice, by the imposition of the hands of Presbyters with the Bishop; and required by constitution in the 35. Canon of the year 1603. And some learned Papists are of opinion (though it come too near the truth, to be common among them) that Bishops may delegate their power, both of Confirmation and of Ordination, to Presbyters or Priests.
Secondly, though (where there were Bishops anciently and usually) ordination was not conferred without them; yet where there were none, without them it might be lawfully and effectually done (as we shall note in another place) and therefore no such necessity either of them, or of ordination by them, as is pretended. And though the over-high exaltation of Prelates hath depressed Presbyters so far below the right and power of their order, that it is made (in some men's conceits) a strange thing, and a kind of presumption in any case to take upon them the ordination of Ministers; yet Jerome surely was not of their mind, when he gave them the honor (which some Episcopal parasites appropriate to Bishops) to be accounted the successors of the holy Apostles; as he doth in the first of all his Epistles, which is written to Heliodorus.
Thirdly, from Jerome's words in this place we may rather collect, that a Presbyter as well as a Bishop may ordain, since he denieth that faculty but to a Deacon; then that by the word Priest, a Bishop must be meant, and ordination peculiarly derived from him.
Fourthly, howsoever where he saith, that it is not a Church that hath not a Priest, he is in reason to be understood not of one that hath power to make a Priest, but of a Priest already made: for, such a one a particular Church cannot want; but of a Bishop unto it there is no such need.
Fifthly, if Jerome in this place, being zealous against schism, spoke somewhat too freely in favor of Bishops, which yet is doubtful (though more probable that he spoke on the Presbyters side, then of the Bishops.) It is certain, that in other places (which we shall observe afterward) he expresseth himself far from such fondness of affection to Bishops, as his Lordship deduceth out of his words. So much for the Testimonies of Jerome, wherein we crave his Lordships patience and pardon for our boldness, since his explication and application thereof for the necessity of Bishops, to the being of a Church; and so (by consequence) to salvation, hath put a necessity upon us, seriously to examine what he said and meant.
Object. There be some who, to assert a necessity of Discipline, say, that Discipline comprehendeth a preaching Ministry, and that's necessary to salvation.
Answ. 1. There is nearer affinity betwixt Preaching and Doctrine, then betwixt Preaching and Discipline, which is exercised more in matter of conversation and practice, then of preaching: and therefore a preaching Ministry is comprehended rather under the head of Doctrine, then of Discipline.
Secondly, the necessity of Discipline here meant, is not in respect of a preaching Ministry, but of a ruling Episcopacy; as is evident by that we now observed of the Speech of the now Archbishop of Canterbury, the most authentic Interpreter, because the most Architechtonicall (if not the only) composer of the late Canons.
But for the Adjuncts and Appendences to the calling of Bishops, which Bishop Hall calleth not necessary, for many particular Canons and Ceremonies, in constitution or practice (which yet come under the name of Discipline or Government, as hath been shown) they stand at a far greater distance from necessity to salvation: and therefore they are denied by the Doctrine and Liturgy of our Church, to be necessary to be in all places, and at all times, one and utterly alike: and if General Councils shall decree things to be necessary to salvation, which cannot be so declared by Scriptures, the same Doctrine teacheth, that they are not to be received: for that would conclude damnation on such Churches as are without them.
There be degrees of necessity we grant, as where it is said in the Catechism of the Communion book, That there be two Sacraments as generally necessary to salvation; Baptism, and the Lord's Supper [only two] Sacraments in a proper sense, though in a large acception there may be (as the Papists say) five more; as one saith, seventeen; as another, twenty seven [generally necessary] that is, necessary for the state of the Church in general; without which it cannot be a true saving Church; not necessary for every member of it in particular, or necessary for particular persons, if God give convenient opportunity for them: not that God cannot, or will not save without them, where his ordinance is by himself denied, not by men despised or slighted. Thus we avoid the acception against our Catechism, made by some mistaken (though wellminded) brethren; and so also shun the Popish necessity of that Sacrament which is injurious to the salvation of little children, departing this life before they have received the Sacrament of Baptism. But thus we cannot salve the necessity of Discipline: for, though Discipline be necessary for the Church, yet the particular Discipline of our Church is not necessary to salvation; so that they cannot be true Churches, and salvation in them, which have it not. For where there is a defect of Bishops, or Bishops make a defection from the faith, there an ordination by Presbyters is confessed to be valid, by those who are no friends unto the Presbytery: an Ordination not only of Presbyters, but of Bishops, as Doctor Field hath determined: For (saith he) in cases of necessity, as in revolt from the faith, or where Bishops will not ordain, but such as consent to their Heresies; when there is no hope of better, Presbyters may choose out one among themselves to be chief, and so add others to their numbers, by the imposition of his and their hands; which giveth us occasion rather to admire, then to believe, That Priests made at Rome or Reims, revolting from their Popish Religion, should be admitted to Benefices in our Church, without a new ordination: and that they who were made Ministers in Transmarine Churches, should not be admitted, unless first they were by Bishops ordained Deacons and Presbyters, as Didoclavius reporteth out of Johnson the Brownist. And some of us remember, that some of those who preferred Episcopacy above the Presbytery, as gold above silver, did yet allow it to be maintained in the Divinity School, That the ordination of Ministers in Outlandish Churches is lawful, though without Bishops. There was then no necessity, that they should be ordained again, to make them capable of Benefices (unless some positive Constitution of our Church required it) much less was it necessary to salvation, either their own or others, that Bishops should confer any new orders upon them. Doctor Willet mentioneth another necessity of the distinction of Bishops and Priests, and so of Episcopal Government, or Ecclesiastical Discipline; and that is for the avoiding of Schisms: for else (as Jerome saith) there would be as many Schisms as Priests; but this necessity will not serve to make the Crosier-staff of Discipline equal to the Marble Pillar of Doctrine, for support of salvation.
There is yet another necessity conceived of a contrary Discipline: For (in Scotland) a parity of Ministers is preferred (as God's ordinance) to Episcopacy, an human consuetude: and this ordinance of Discipline (without Bishops) was conceived by the Divines of Geneva as everlastingly required by the Law of the Lord of lords, against whose Statutes there is no exception to be taken: and of this we may suppose Master Cartwright spoke, when he said, The things that he and his party stood for were such, as that if every hair of their head were a life, they should lay all down for the defense thereof: And there are some so rigid to such Churches as want it, as to hold, they want a principal means of their salvation.
In opposition to these, it may be the meaning of the Oath is, That as for Doctrine, so for Discipline, our Church wanteth nothing that is needful to salvation; but because (by such an expression) the Composers of the Canon may seem to assume that necessity of Episcopal preeminence (such as it is in England and Ireland) which they condemn in the Discipline of Geneva, and other Reformed Churches, we fear a snare in these words of the Oath.
Object. But did not an Apostolical Council decree forbearance of things of different natures; as of meat offered to Idols, of things strangled, of blood, and of fornication, calling the abstinence from them all necessary thing? Act. 15.28, 29. yet was there more necessity of forbearance of the last, then of all the rest: for, to abstain from them, was not necessary, but in respect of the state of that time, that the Gentiles and the Jews might live more peaceably together, with less occasion of quarrel: but to forbear fornication, was and will be always necessary to salvation.
Answ. All this is true, yet many ways different from our case: For,
First, we are bound to embrace the Decrees of an Apostolical Council, without all doubt or suspicion of error; but we are not so to entertain any Constitutions of men, since their time, whether single, or assembled in Synods Diocesan, Provincial, National, or Ecumenical; since, as our Church resolveth in the 21. Article, they may err, and have erred in things pertaining to God: which the Apostles never did, nor could do in anything they taught, or decreed, to be received by the Church.
Secondly, the Apostles leave the word [necessary] at large, to be distributed by distinction and due application (according to the different nature of the things contained in their Apostolical Decree.) Of which, though they say they are necessary, yet do they not say, they are necessary to salvation, as this Oath hath it, both concerning Doctrine and Discipline.
Thirdly, the Apostles by their Decree required no Oath of such as were subject unto them, as the sixth Canon doth.
Fourthly, they laid no new burden on the consciences of Christians, but rather took off a great part of the old, Ver. 28. but this Oath is a new burden, and (if it should be urged) the heaviest (in respect of imposition and penalty to some) that ever was laid on the English Church, since it left off to be Romish: which the Imposers (though prudent) might the less apprehend, and take to heart, then their inferiors (in place and policy) because it was not like to be their own case, to be troubled at the taking, or to be censured, even to undoing, for the refusal of the Oath; since they liked it so well themselves, as to propound it to others.
If to mollify the rigor of this combination of Doctrine and Discipline for necessity to salvation, there be found out other distinctions, then such as have been touched, either concerning Discipline, or salvificall necessity, they may haply serve to salve an objection in Scholastical dispute, rather then to satisfy the conscience against all doubt, so as is necessary to the due and safe taking of an Oath; though Discipline in particular (as hath been shown) be not necessary to salvation: and if it be not, it seemeth to be set in the Oath as an Associat with the Doctrine (as to that effect) like Bibulus with Caesar in the Consulship, when Bibulus, as a single Cypher (standing for nothing) did nothing as a Consul, but Caesar did all; so that the saying was, Julius and Caesar were Consuls, not Caesar and Bibulus. And if so, it is too near a nonens, and so a kind of trifling, unmeet (as we think) for so serious and sacred a matter as an Oath.
THE OATH.
And that I will not endeavor by myself, or any other, directly, or indirectly, to bring in any Popish Doctrine, contrary to that which is so established.
THE REASON.
BEcause it is not yet determined in any satisfactory way (at least not so determined, that we may swear to it) what opinions are to be esteemed Popish, either for Doctrine or Discipline. Luther (as some report of him) was wont to say, That himself, and almost every man else, had a Pope in his belly, yet few have it in their heads, to tell what Popery is.
Many hold, that divers of the Arminians Tenets are nothing else but Popery, blanched over with a specious subtlety; and for holding them, have some been publicly censured as Popish: & there are, that make the Arminians brothers to the Socinians, in divers dangerous and damnable positions. On the contrary, it is affirmed by far higher Authority, That their Tenets could not be accounted Popish, concerning which (or the chief of which) as learned Papists as any in the world (viz. The Dominicans and Jesuits) did as much differ, as the Protestants did; and that those, who adhere to the Augustan confession, did hold that side of these Tenets, which the Arminians do hold: and therefore far from being Papists, being the first Protestants: and therefore it was against all sense, to condemn that for Popery, which was held by many Protestant Churches, and rejected by many learned Papists. And whereas the Socinians are severely, and that deservedly condemned by a particular Canon, there is nothing at all decreed against the Arminians, either in that or any other Canon of that late Synod: whereof they that make conjecture of the causes, bring in such as these:
It may be the Synod thought that it was a better way, for preservation of the Churches peace, to make no Decree concerning Arminian opinions; or that they were slandered, and made worse then they are, though the Socinian be not: or that enough was done against the Arminians at the Synod at Dort; and (if anything at all) a great deal too little against the Socinians: or that it was not for the honor of a Synod of Bishops, &c. to come after a Synod of mere Presbyters (one Bishop only excepted) and by their own Canons, as it were, to subscribe to Presbyterial determinations.
And this last Reason haply prevaileth most with some Episcopal Divines, who (conceiving the summoning, presiding, and voting in Synods by Presbyters, to be a presumptuous usurpation of the peculiar privileges) have in deep indignation and disdain called that Synod not the Synod of Dort, but the Synod of Dirt, as some of us have heard: which in part may give answer to the doubt, how it cometh to pass that, King James having been so zealous in the procuring and promoting the happy proceeding of that Synod, for the suppression of Arminianism, it hath for all that prevailed and advanced higher in England, then it did before that Synod had condemned it: which may be, because dis-affection disposeth many to contradictory Tenets, as we see in Maldonado the Jesuit, who taketh up a new Interpretation of his own (against another, which he confesseth to consist with most probability, and Saint Augustine's Authority) because it is more contrary to the sense of the Calvinists. But this by the way.
Proceeding directly forwards, we may further observe, that the Compilers of the pious Homilies (prescribed to be read to the people in the room of Sermons, when they are wanting) condemn pictures in Churches, as Popish and perilous: And in our days there be many of another mind, who profess the contrary, and would take it very ill to be taken for Papists. Our chief Protestants (with our English Solomon, King James ) have held the Pope to be Antichrist; and the principal Papists endeavor to defend the contrary; and their Apology is esteemed, by most, a main point of Popery.
But of late there have been some, who make themselves the Popes Compurgators against that criminal charge, and yet with many go for very good Protestants; and in divers other particulars (reputed Popish) Papists glory in our approaches towards them, and stick not to say of our Church, That Protestantism waxeth weary of it self, and that Calvinisme is accounted Heresy, and little less (and if we believe a late Author of some note, nothing less) then treason. In sum, these points of Images, and Antichrist, with others, as the lawfulness of some kind of prayers for the dead, the estate of the Fathers soul before Christ's ascension, free-will, predestination, universal grace, the possibility of keeping God's Commanments, which (for the most part of them) have been held as a partition wall betwixt Protestants and Papists, are taken by some (who show themselves in print as opposite to Popery) but for adiaphorall Problemes, disputed without breach of charity among Protestants themselves. And, as some of our learned Divines have shown, that divers of our Protestant Doctrines have been taught by some writers of the Romish Church: So on the contrary, have some Papists endeavored to retaliate, and to quit the objection, by bringing in a list of Doctrines accounted Popish; yet held by such as are reputed and acknowledged (by some Antipapists) for Protestants; and as of Doctrine, so concerning Discipline, there is doubt, what opinion may be reputed Popish: For Archbish. Whitgift, Bishop and Bishop Downham conclude Popery upon the Presbytery; and the Presbyterian Disciplinarians on the contrary condemn all Episcopal Jurisdiction as Papistical.
Here, though we conceive, that that should be held a Protestant or Popish Doctrine, which is carried by the common consent of allowed Divines of each Church, rather then the particular opinions of private men (which are to the other but as whisperings in the care, to a loud cry in the air) we cannot resolve of ourselves what they, who composed the Oath, did intend to discard as Papistical Doctrine.
Object. But the abjuration of Popery in the Oath is general, and so the fitter for such as are zealous Protestants to take it.
Answ. It is true, if zeal without knowledge were sufficient; but it is necessary, they should first know what Popery is, and what is not, before they renounce it by swearing: and the forswearing it, without knowing it, hath made some to abjure all Episcopacy, as taking (and therein mistaking) it, (as we conceive) to be no other then the Government of Popery.
Object. But do not the next words clearly discover what Doctrine is meant, viz. [contrary to that which is so established?]
Answ. We make no question but by these words, the mind of them who made the Canon, was to bring our Protestant Doctrine within the verge of the Sanctuary, and the circle of subscription; so that nothing should be received as Protestant, or not as ours, or not as necessary to salvation, which is not either expressly, or by consequence contained in that compass: And also to leave a latitude sufficient for particular opinions, wherein men might use freedom of judgment, without infringing of charity; and we think it a meet means to preserve the Churches peace, that the Doctrines be not too many, which are to be received and believed of all: and that these Doctrines are established in the Church; but what Tenets are rejected as properly Popish, doth not as yet appear unto us, and withal, we doubt.
DOUBT 5.
What establishment of Doctrine is here meant, and how far it may be said to be established.
THE REASON.
BEcause we conceive that the 35. Article, at least virtually, establisheth the Doctrine of the two Books of Homilies (the one set forth in King Edwards the sixth, the other in Queen Elizabeth's reign) as godly, wholesome, and necessary Doctrine; and as fit to be preached to the people in a Sermon, as read to them in an Homily.
But on the contrary, he that hath taken upon him to analyze the Articles into several propositions, and to confirm them by Scripture, and otherwise ( and this by allowance of public Authority, as the title page of his book doth testify) setteth this Note upon that Article, Touching this Article, the greatest matter (saith he) is not, Whether these Homilies meant and mentioned, do contain Doctrine, both godly, wholesome, and necessary: but whether Homilies, or any Apocrypha writings at all, may be read in the open Church, and before the Congregation: Whereof (in reason) there needs no more refutation then the reading of the Article, and the several Titles and Contents of the Homilies annexed to it.
And though we like it well enough, that his Testimony is sometimes excepted against, as proceeding from a private man; yet since his gloss upon that authentic Text, hath commonly passed in the name, and without the note of dislike of Authority, it induceth us to doubt, what Doctrine in those Books may be said to be established in our Church; and we are the more unsettled in our conceit thereof, because we see the Homily of the peril of Idolatry so little heeded, and so much liberty of late taken to control it, with new Pictures in Churches, that if the Homily were read in some of them, it might be doubted (by such as consider no more then what is presented to their senses) whether there were not one Religion for the ears, another for the eyes: or whether the Laymens books, or the Clergy men's were published with greater privilege: which hath been an occasion of Papists bragging, That our Churches begin to look with a new face, and their walls to speak a new language; the face out-facing, and the language contradicting the Doctrine of the Homilies.
We do not mean hereby to charge those with Idolatry, who have made it their care, and have been at great cost, to add the beauty of henour in the walls and windows of God's house, to the beauty of holiness in the Communion of Saints (who resort unto it, and perform their solemn devotions in it) we doubt not but they are too wise to worship the work of the pensill, or any work of man's hand: yet we beseech their wisdom to consider, that the world groweth old, and with age (according to the Proverb) becomes childish; and children delight more to look upon Babies, then on the letters of their books, or to learn their lessons: and so that which by them was meant but for adorning, the illiterate (with the mutilation of a letter) may turn to adoring; and what was intended but to be a memorandum of History, may be turned by some, and taken by others, as a memorial of the mystery of Iniquity: whereby the subtle may draw the simple from spiritual piety, to sensual superstition; which was the evil effect feared by those grave and godly Divines, who composed the Homily: and for which cause they so zealously contested against all Images in Churches: They had read, no doubt (with due regard) the saying of St. Hilary against Auxentius, Your love is fondly set upon fair walls; you do ill to make your respect of the Church, by the outward splendor or stateliness of structure: know you not that Antichrist will set his Throne in such as these? But this is his Quaere, none of ours; we go on.
We had thought, it had been the established Doctrine of the Church of England (in the Homily of the time and place of prayer) that it is a necessary and perpetual duty (by the fourth Commandment) to celebrate one day in seven with religious observances; but we find that Doctrine publicly gain-said by divers, and the Doctrine of the Popish Schoolmen as publicly maintained against it, in divers Treatises in print. And for the Articles of Religion themselves (wherein chiefly we conceive the Doctrine of our Church to be contained, and by Authority, both Civil and Ecclesiastical, to be established) they are much impeached in the power and vigor of their stability, by leaving such liberty for the points of free will, predestination, and possibility of keeping God's Commandments (as before hath been noted) which by the 10.15. and 17. Articles are resolved, against the opinions of the Papists: and much more are they wronged by him, who hath written a Book, and therein hath labored with much subtlety and diligence, so to mince them by manifold distinctions; and to wrench them from their proper, to a Popish construction; as if the Convocation that concluded them, had had no mind or meaning to contradict the Council of Trent: and that now our 39. Articles were patient, yea ambitious of some sense, wherein they may seem Catholic (i. in their sense, Popish ) as a late Papist with great boasting hath upbraided unto us: So in the book called Charity maintained.
By expounding and applying of these Articles in a new way, hath Franc. à Sanct. Clara trodden out a new track (though with many intricate turnings and windings) in which men of equivocal consciences may send their faith to Rome, while their affections keep close to their Interests in England; and hath taught them to play fast and loose (as to their Orthodox and Protestant sense) so that as Aristotle said to Alexander concerning his Physicks, they were published, and not published; their words being read, and their meanings not rought; the Articles might be said to be established, and not established: established as a sacred Text, but not established by means of an ambiguous Comment, turning the Interpretation (like a nose of wax) as easily to the left hand, as to the right: And how far this cunning stratagem hath prevailed with some, we cannot tell; but, as in charity we hope well of those of whom we know no ill; so in godly discretion, we dare not be so confident in our good opinion, as to swear what we but think, and wish to be true.
But, though we cannot make faith upon Oath, how far our Doctrine is established, as in opposition to Popery, we do not deny but that our reverend Fathers and Brethren of the Synod might intend hereby, more firmly to establish that Doctrine, which is most repugnant to such opinions as they believed to be properly Popish: and the rather, because we have been credibly informed, that the Oath was first proposed, and so passed in the house of Convocation, as an abjuration of Popery only.
But a second time tendered (as in a second edition) it was augmented, but (as we conceive) not amended, when the Discipline or Government was intwisted in it, as it followeth in the next words.
THE OATH
—Nor will I ever give my consent to alter the Government of this Church, by Archbishops, Bishops, Deans, Archdeacons, &c. as it stands now established, and as by right it ought to stand.
WHerein are observable many particulars, and each of them questionable; which we will propose in that order, which may best conduce to make our Doubts capable both of right understanding, and due satisfaction; it is this:
-
1.
The degrees of Government,
- 1. Expressed.
- 2. Concealed under the &c.
- 2. Their state, as it now stands.
- 3. Their right, as it ought to stand.
- 4. Their perpetuity not to be changed.
- 5. Our Constancy, that though they should be changed, we should not consent.
1. Of the degrees of Governors expressed, viz. Archbishops, Bishops, Deans, and Archdeacons.
DOUBT 6.
Whether the degrees here specified be propounded to be allowed in the same, or in a different degree of assent and approbation.
THE REASON.
BEcause there is no distinction of them in the Oath, but in title and order; and yet there is so much difference betwixt them (in respect of approbation) that Deans and Archdeacons (before now) were never by attestation, or subscription so far approved, as Archbishops (but especially as Bishops) have been: how then can we be so certain of them, as now to give them (as it were per saltum ) the highest degree of ratification at once, viz. a solemn Oath, when hitherto we were never required to give our hands, or pass our words on their behalf: and if the assent be intended in a different degree, how can we compose our consciences in one and the same act of swearing, to approve further of the one, then of the other, the words of the Oath sounding the same degree of assurance to them both? If then we take them together, we cannot find how we should avow their approbation, in one joint and indistinct asseveration; especially upon Oath. But for Deans and Archdeacons we have particular Doubts.
THE REASON.
BEcause in the whole Canon law there is no title of the degree of a Dean (saith Azorius ) and in divers Authors we find the name Dean of a different acception; for (besides the Military sense, wherein it signifieth a Captain of ten men, as Lindwood hath it: the Monastical sense, as it is taken and explained by Saint Augustine for him, who hath the Government of ten Monks: the Academical sense, whereby it signifieth the same, in some Colleges, which the word Censor doth in some others) there is an Ecclesiastical Dean, and ambiguity also in the word, with that restriction: for (as Duarenus, and others from him do distinguish) there is one sort which are called urban, another Vican: to speak in the phrase of the present age, the Urban we may call Cathedral Deans; the Vican, Deans Rurall: the more ancient name of such was Archipresbyter, that is, as the word importeth (and Onuphrius expounds it) the chief or principal Presbyter: and such a one is the Cathedral Dean, among the City Presbyters; and a Rurall Dean, among the Presbyters of the Country.
Whether Cathedral, or Rurall Deans, or both be intended in this Oath, is somewhat doubtful: That Cathedral Deans are meant, it is probable; because they are placed next after Bishops, and before Archdeacons: and though the Archdeacon be said to be next after the Bishop, and his Vicar (i. General, ) it is with reservation of the right of the Dean, in respect of the Cathedral Church: And that Rurall Deans should not be excluded, is probable also; because Bishop Downham brings them in as Church Governors, with those that are named in this Oath: and for that they are called Archipresbyters (which is a title above Archdeacons) and in some places have had more jurisdiction (as in this Diocese) until a very few years last past, then the Archdeacons have had. And if both be here meant, then first concerning the former sort.
THE REASON.
1. BEcause Deans Cathedral and Rurall (being both comprehended under the title of Archipresbyters ) their office is so described by Lindwood and others, that it is difficult to discern what is proper or peculiar to them in several.
Secondly, where they are more distinctly set down, the Cathedral Dean is brought in as President of the Canonical College, for the government of the Cathedral Church, according to the Constitutions of their foundation; and so is said to be an assistant to the Bishop at home (that is, in the Cathedral City, as the Archdeacon is abroad in the Country;) but there cometh in much doubt and ambiguity, what Government is meant: for the Bishops and Deans are often at difference about their Authority; which is more or less, according as the Charters of their foundation do vary: which to some give a larger, some a lesser power and preeminence. For the Deans of Westminster and Windsor (as we have heard) have Episcopal Jurisdiction, which other Cathedrals (for the most part) have not. Some have Statutes, by which they govern; and some (as the Dean and Canons of Christ Church in Oxford) are leges loquentes, speaking laws; and therefore are very fitly called Canons, or Rules, governing according to the dictate of their own discretion and conscience; and so we cannot (in respect of such) apply Bishop Halls distinction betwixt Rules of government, and Errors of execution, to accept the one, and reject the other; nor can we swear to their Government, though with distinction (for that is uncertain to us both for rule and practice) much less with confusion, as in the Canon it is contained.
Thirdly, the Jurisdiction of Deans and Chapters may be much augmented by Synodical Constitutions: for in the late Grant of the Benevolence to his Majesty by the Provincial Synod at York (and we doubt not, but it is so also in that of the Province of Canterbury, though yet we have not seen it) during the vacancy of any Bishopric, they have granted unto them Authority to exercise the Ecclesiastical censures of suspension, excommunication, interdicts, and sequestration against such as deny, or delay to make payment of the Benevolence there concluded.
Fourthly, some Deans and Chapters have had so much Authority within themselves, as to be out of the reach of Archiepiscopall power; and therefore have refused to be visited by the Archbishop.
It was so betwixt the Dean and Chapter of Durham, and the Archbishop of York many years ago, which exemption (by some reluctant contestation of the Clerke sent from them to the last Convocation) seemed neither forgotten, nor forsaken by that Dean and Chapter.
Fifthly, in the Book of Reformation of Ecclesiastical Laws, made by King Henry the eighth, and King Edward the sixth (which appeareth to be yet in force, and was very lately reprinted for better Information touching the Government of the Church) there is this rule set down for Cathedral Churches, They shall keep their Statutes of their foundation pure and entire, so far as they shall not be found adverse to the Word of God, nor to our Constitutions of Religion, either already published, or hereafter to be published.
Where (to conclude this Doubt) we see so much diversity, and in some respects contradiction, touching the Government of Cathedral Deans and Churches (for some have Episcopal Jurisdiction, some have not, some have Statutes, some have none;) and besides all, the doubt of that which already is in use, so much uncertainty of what may be hereafter (according to this Constitution) that we can find here no solid ground for a sacred Oath.
THE REASON.
BEcause (under the name and title of Archpresbyters ) they have had much Authority in Government of the Church in former times; whereof the most observable particulars are collected by a very learned Doctor of our Church, and they are chiefly these:
These Archpresbyters, or Deans Rurall, were to be chosen by the Clergy, and not to be deposed by the Bishop; without the consent of those that chose them; they were to assist the Bishop in Government, and that of such necessity, that he must not be without them: Their office was to admonish both Laity and Clergy of their duty; and to see that they did it: They were to visit the Churches of their Precincts twice a year; and if any of the Laity were willfully minded against their admonitions, they were so long to be excommunicated out of the Church, until they were reformed. They were to have a Chapter of Parish Ministers, who (within a year after they were possessed of their Livings) were to swear to the Dean, and so to be admitted as brethren, to sit in the Chapiter with him and to be bound to come to the yearly Chapiter, and otherwise also, when upon urgent cause the Dean should call a Chapiter (which was ordinarily four times in the year) and to bear part of the charge. In these Chapiters, the Archipresbyters were to publish the Decrees of Provincial and Episcopal Synods; and to urge the execution of the same. The limits of their power in Government were, to suspend Laymen from the Sacrament, and Clergy men from execution of their office: hitherto they might proceed, but no further.
But in practice, partly by the connivence, partly by the corruption of the Bishop, they lashed out beyond their line: for, as a zealous Preacher complained in the Council of Reims, The Archipresbyter went about in visiting of his circuit, selling all sorts of sins, Murder, Adultery, Incest, Sacrilege, Perjury, and thereby filling his purse, the fame whereof coming to the ear of the Bishop, he sends for him, that he may have a share with him; upon demand he denieth, upon denial they wrangle: but at the last, he knowing that if the Bishop be against him, he must forgo his gain; he yieldeth him a part: and so, saith that Preacher, are Herod and Pilate reconciled against Christ.
In later times, especially in most Dioceses of England they have had less to do, and done less evil; Doctor Cousins the Civilian, setting down the Dean Ruralls office, maketh it to consist in little else, then in calling Classical Assemblies (that is, those who are to assemble within his Deanry) to signify the mind of the Ordinary, according to the tenor of letters received from him; and in absence of the Archdeacon, to induct into Benefices.
But in this Diocese, the Deans for many years past have had a great part of Episcopal Jurisdiction shared among them; and this by Patent for lives or years from the Bishops, allowing sometimes larger, sometimes less Authority unto them: Some have had power to censure all offenders, and offenses of the Laity; the crimes of Incest and Adultery alone excepted. And some have been limited to the correction of some few faults specified in their Patents; and of late, about (or not much above) three years since, have most of the Deanries been compounded together into one Patent, or two at the most: and assigned to the Archdeacons by your Lordship, and by them resigned for execution to the Chancellor (as their Officiall) for that Jurisdiction.
Now, if Deans Rurall be meant in the Oath (and considering what authority and power, both in former times, and of late they have had in this Diocese, and it may be, by the Constitutions of the Church yet in force ought to have, we know not why they should be left out of the Government of the Church; nor why they should not be contained under the title of Deans ) how can we, without being over-bold with our consciences, take them into such an Oath, there being so much diversity and uncertainty of their Authority?
THE REASON.
BEcause Deacons are inferior to Presbyters (so far inferior) that a Deacon, though dignified, should not presume to sit before a Presbyter, by the sixth Council of Constantinople; and so an Archpresbyter (as a Dean Rurall is usually styled) should be superior to an Archdeacon: but as Doctor Field observeth, notwithstanding all the Canons to the contrary (& they were many, as we may have occasion to note elsewhere) and the violent opposition of Jerome, and other Worthies of those times: they were lifted up, not only above Presbyters, but above Archpresbyters also, and that came to pass (as he observeth) for divers causes.
First, because there were fewer Deacons then Presbyters; and so paucity made the one sort to be honorable, and multitude the other rather contemptible.
Secondly, because Deacons had the charge of the treasure of the Church, which kind of employment is usually much set by.
Thirdly, because they were often used by the Bishop for viewing of such parts of his Diocese, as he could not conveniently visit himself; and we may conceive the reason of that to be, because the Deacon was a close adherent to the side of the Bishop, and that so necessarily, as Epiphanius conceived, that (as before we have noted under another title) he said, It was impossible for a Bishop to be without a Deacon; whereupon in tract of time, as the Cardinals by their propinquity to the Pope, overtopped the Bishops (who at first were so far inferior to them, That a Bishop would not be a Cardinal, because he would not submit to a diminution of dignity ) so the Archdeacons, by their nearness to the Bishops, came to be exalted above the Presbyters; which (as Doctor Field conceiveth) was in Saint Jerome's time.
But, though there were then an Archdeacon above the Deacons (who did not only officiate himself, but prescribed unto others what they should do) yet an Archdeacon, with allowed Jurisdiction over Presbyters, was of a later Institution. Bishop Andrew's saith, an Archdeaconship is a new degree, which (I suppose he would not have said if it had been authorized in Saint Jerome's time; when, if it were in use, it was without the approbation of the best, as hath been noted: we may well conceive then, that Saint Stephen the Protomartyr was not an Archdeacon, as he is called in the Decree of Pope Lucius.
For the Archdeacons Jurisdiction, it is so diversely set down in Ecclesiastical Constitutions, that it is very hard to tell, what by rule their Office or Government is, as will appear to him, who will take pains to peruse the quotations in the Margin; so that from Constitution their Authority flieth for refuge to Prescription: of which Doctor Field saith thus, The Archdeacons (which at first might not sit in the presence of a Presbyter, but being willed by him so to do) in the end became (by reason of their employment by the Bishop) to be greater, not only then the ordinary Presbyters, but then the Archpresbyters themselves; and therefore it is confessed by all, that the Archdeacon hath none Authority, or power of Jurisdiction, by virtue of his degree and order, but by prescription only: nor can he claim more then he can prescribe for; and it may be, he may prescribe for that which is not commendable haply, not lawful: as for that which the Council of Challons severely condemneth, It is reported by some (saith the Council) that Archdeacons use domination over the Presbyters and take tribute from them; which smelleth rather of tyranny, then of order.
Prescription and Custom may prevail against Right and Truth, as many times they do, as Tertullian saith, Whatsoever is set up against that, is Heresy, though it be an old custom. In this Diocese the Archdeacons have for the most part been but titular, since the foundation of the Bishopric, into which were incorporated two Archdeaconries; the one of Chester, the other of Richmond: and of late some Rurall Deanries (as before we have observed) were assigned unto them; and some of us have heard your Lordship say, That their Jurisdiction is such, and so much, as you are pleased to permit unto them: and what that is, who can tell but yourself? how then may it be safe to swear to the Government of the Church by Archdeacons, when we cannot know what their Government is; since the rules of that Office are very uncertain, and the prescription by practice more uncertain to us (especially) who have had no such Jurisdiction in use among us: and it may be, if we had, we should find more cause to except against it, then to swear for it; which we desire may not be interpreted to the prejudice of any worthy person of that denomination: and we doubt not, but there are many such, and some well known to many of us, for men of very eminent endowments, both intellectual and moral; whom we acknowledge for such, and so desire to enjoy them, as our dear brethren and friends.
Of the &c.
Our Doubts hitherto have been of the Governors expressed; our next Inquiries are to be made of the &c. and of such Governors as are concealed under it: and thereof our Doubts are divers, and so counting on, our
THE REASON.
BEcause in a new Oath we cannot be certain, without some express direction (which in this case we find not) how far the sense of the &c. reacheth: and so we cannot swear unto it in judgment (as the Prophet Jeremy directeth, Jerem. 4.2.) but at the most in opinion: There is no man would willingly seal a Bond with a blank for the sum, so that the Obligee might make the debt as large as he listed; and we conceive we should be more cautelous in engaging our souls by an Oath, then our estates by a Bond: since in this the tie is more vigorous, the breach more dangerous, then it is in that; and we verily think, that if we should return our deposition with some terms of the Oath, as I A. B. do swear, that I do approve the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England, and presently break off with an &c. (though what followeth be well enough known) it would not be allowed for a lawful Oath, which yet seemeth to us more warrantable, then that which by this Canon is tendered unto us.
THE REASON.
BEcause of the variety of opinions, which have been conceived of the Contents of it; some (who suppose they understand the Oath so well, as to be able to expound it to others) have said, that the Governors of the Church are expressed before the &c. and that under the &c. are implicitly comprised the Rules or Constitutions of Government, especially the Book of Canons of the year 1603. but most conceive this to be an impertinent interpretation; because the &c. importeth somewhat of the same sort that went before; and thus to expound it, is to make a groundless transition à personis ad res; but if we agree (as most do) that persons are meant under the &c. and those persons Governors (which is most probable) our Doubt is, what Governors they be.
DOUBT 13.
What Governors are included in the &c. whether the King, as Supreme, be altogether omitted, or implicitly contained in it.
THE REASON.
BEcause we do not know, why he should be wholly omitted; since he is supreme Governor over all persons, or causes, both Ecclesiastical and Temporal, and so to be acknowledged by all Preachers in their prayers before their Sermons, by the 55. Canon: nor can we conceive any just cause, why he should be but covertly implied in an &c. when inferior degrees are formally expressed.
Object. If it be said, that there is a peculiar Oath for his Supremacy to be taken at the Ordination of Ministers, and at other times by other persons, upon several occasions,
Answ. We conceive that should be no let to the asserting of his Sovereign Right in this Oath; because that Oath of Supremacy is expressly made (as the title of it showeth) to shut out the usurpation of foreign powers and Potentates; and so giveth no such security against those popular diminutions of his Ecclesiastical Authority: the jealousy whereof occasioned the reverend Prelates of the Church in the late Synod, to propose this Oath, as a Bond of assurance of their Episcopal preeminence.
They have shown themselves zealous (we confess) in pressing his Royal Right, both ecclesiastical and civil, against all popular, as well as Papal impeachments: and have annexed a penalty against such, as shall by word, or writing publicly maintain, or abett any position or conclusion, in opposition to their explication of the Kings Authority.
But yet there is no Oath required, to oblige any subject to a perpetual approbation of his Regal power, as supreme Governor of the Church, as there is for Archbishops and Bishops: nor is the penalty for public opposition thereof so dangerous, as for a private forbearance of the Oath (though with a timorous and tender conscience.) For, for not taking of the Oath, a Minister may forever be deprived of all he hath within three months; but for public opposition against the Kings power, he shall not suffer so much, unless he continue contumacious two years together, as they that read and mark the Canon shall observe.
It may be his Majesty's Supremacy was left out by accidental oblivion; or if by resolved intention, it was perhaps upon supposal, that the caution of the first Canon made it superfluous: and it may be, there may be some secret mystery in this omission, which (if we may not presume to know) some haply will imagine, it is to give some better color to the Bishops proceedings, in sending out the Processes of their Ecclesiastical Courts in their own names, which hath been often reproved by their opposites (as very prejudicial to the Royal Prerogative) though (of late years) for that particular there hath been an award procured and published on the Bishops behalf, according to the request of the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury that now is.
Object. But howsoever if the mention of his Sovereign Authority be omitted, there is the less to swear to; and so the charge of the Oath is more light, and may for that the more heartily be taken.
Answ. It is true, if the omission give no occasion of timorous surmise; but to some it doth, and if in charity we hope the best of it in this case, there is cause yet to doubt of the &c. and therefore we further demand of the subordinate Governors implied in it.
THE REASON.
BEcause (in the title of the seventh Canon) there is mention of Archbishops, and Bishops, with an &c. and in the body of the Canon, Deans and Archdeacons are added to them, and the next words are [and the rest that bear office in the same] that is, in the Government of the Church of England. And those that bear office, besides these that are named, are Guardians of Spiritualties, Suffragans, Chancellors, Vicars general, Commissaries, Officials, Surrogates. For the first:
Guardians of Spiritualties are those, to whom the spiritual Jurisdiction of any Bishopric, or Archbishopric is committed, during the vacancy of the See.
Suffragans are titular Bishops, ordained to assist the Bishop in his function, whose turn they supply now and then in Ordination of Ministers and Deacons, dedication of Churches, confirmation of children, that have been instructed in their Catechism.
Chancellors, who exercise ordinary Jurisdiction in the City of the Episcopal See, next to the Bishop, and by Authority derived from him.
Vicars general in some Dioceses are the same with the Chancellors, as we may see by the style of their Processes; but if the office be considered of it self (as some describe it) it is very large: for thus we find it in Azorius.
A Vicar general may excommunicate, suspend, interdict, confer Sacraments, or give faculty to others for that purpose, he may collate Benefices, visit, inquire, institute, elect, confirm, present, correct, punish, change vows, and dispense with Oaths.
Commissaries are such as exercise Jurisdiction afar off, over those who cannot well come to the Bishops Consistory in the City.
Officials are properly such as exercise Jurisdiction under Archdeacons, and are simply called Officials, without addition: and if the Commissary be called by that name (as many times he is) it should not be simply, but (as in Lindwood) with the addition of Foraneus.
Surrogates are such as are substituted by Chancellors, Commissaries, and Officials.
To which we may add Canons, or Prebendaries of Cathedral Churches, who are joined in Government with their Deans; and are with them to be à consiliis to the Bishop, Clerks of the Convocation: and, it may be, Parsons also may be reckoned among Ecclesiastical Governors: for they are called Rectors of their Churches, and Vicars; and other preaching Pastors may be so called, governing their Flocks as they do. And it may be, Registers, Proctors, and Apparitours of the Consistory Courts, and Church-wardens, and Sworn-men in particular Parishes may be brought into the Oath, by the Explication of the seventh Canon. And if no Officers be comprehended in it, but Governors; no Governors, but such as have a coercive or compulsive power, there are yet so many several sorts of them, so much diversity among them, and so great difficulty to know their Government what it is, and how far it reacheth, that very few, not only of the Laity, but of the Clergy also (who are not professed Civilians with all) can tell what he sweareth to, when he sweareth to them under their express titles, much less when under the ambiguous Intimation of &c. These are our Doubts of the degrees of Government; the next particular is their present state.
2. Partic. —As it now stands.
The 15. DOUBT.
Whether the establishment of the Adjuncts, or the not necessary Appendences of Bishops be to be sworn unto in this Oath.
THE REASON.
BEcause with them they now stand: Episcopacy is now honored and assisted by Baronries, and the Ecclesiastical Government by the high Commission; now there are but two Archbishoprickes: above the Archbishops no Patriarchs, and the Archbishops (of Canterbury especially) have many privileges and prerogatives; all which stand by the support, or fall by the weight of Royal Authority, from which their Jurisdiction is derived.
For first, as Bishop Godwin observeth, when Rich. Clifford was made Bishop of London by the Popes provision, against the Kings mind (it was King Edward the fourth) he denied to give him his Temporalties, and so made him desist from pursuit of that spiritual promotion; and the same power will be (we doubt not) confessed by all our Bishops, to be in all our Kings successively.
Secondly, for the high Commission, it was first set up (as some Lawyers have told us) but in the beginning of Queen Elisabeths reign; and is not so established, but that by Regal power it may be demolished.
Thirdly, there may be more Archbishops then two, if it please the King: for, by the same right, or better, that Offa King of Mercia erected a new Archbishopric in Lichfield (leaving to the Archbishop of Canterbury for his Province only London, Winchester, Rochester, and Sherbourne ) may his Majesty that now is erect new Archbishops in what Diocese he pleaseth, and may restore the old; and so not only Lincoln shall be an Archbishopric, but London and Glamorgan, or Saint David's: and for London, it continued so from the year 300. or thereabout (though Stowe say it was the same Archbishopric with Canterbury, only locally changed) until Gregory his time, who was Pope about the year 600. and the King may limit their Jurisdiction, as he shall conceive to be most convenient.
Fourthly, over the Archbishops of his dominions (for the calling and governing of a National Council) he may place a Patriarch; and King James shown himself well enough inclined to such a superiority, when he said, Patriarchs, I know, were in the time of the Primitive Church, and among them there was a contention for the first place: and for my self if that were yet the Question (and Papal Innovation in Religion put down; for that is his meaning, though he do not plainly express it) I would with all mine heart give my consent, that the Bishop of Rome should have the first seat: I being a Western King, would go with the Patriarch of the West, as the Churches of great Britain of courtesy, not of duty, in former times were wont to do.
And for each particular Prelate, whether Archbishop, or Bishop, he is to be regulated for his Courts, and other Jurisdiction, by Royal Authority: and how far they stand established in the Kings favor, purpose, or promise, we cannot tell, nor dare we swear; much less dare we be so peremptory concerning the power of Deans, or Archdeacons: for to Deans, which have not Episcopal Jurisdiction, he may grant as much privilege as the Deans of Westminster, or Windsor do enjoy; and by the same Authority that some may have more, may others have less.
And for Archdeacons, the doubt is more, since their establishment consists in prescription, as before hath been observed; and that prescription in some respects may be a prevarication, fitter to be abolished, then established: as appeareth by that of Spalatensis, saying, That the Archdeacons placing above the Archpresbyters is to be imputed to their pertinency, and to the Bishops connivence.
But in this Diocese (for many years past) Jurisdiction hath not been so much, as an unnecessary appendance to Archdeacons; (since all that while) it hath been no appendance at all: for until very lately they had no Jurisdiction at all; we cannot then say, much less swear, their Government is established, since it was but newly erected, and made up out of Rurall Deanries, which is a fabric, like a Tent or Tabernacle newly set up, and may be quickly taken down again.
3. Partic. As by right it ought to stand.
THE REASON.
BEcause there be some, that think these words a limitation or restriction of the former: as if the meaning were, that we ought to approve of the establishment of this Government, so far as of right it ought to stand, and no further: but concerning that, they that framed the Oath, could make no doubt of any ones dissent, and therefore in that sense would call for none assurance upon Oath.
It is more consonant to reason to conceive, that they meant to have an acknowledgement, not only that the Government de facto is indeed established, but that de jure also, of right it ought to be so; but then, Quo jure will be the Question, whether the same, or a diverse right? If the same, whether shall Bishops come down to Deans and Archdeacons, and claim no better warrant for their dignity then they? or shall Deans and Archdeacons advance the Tenure of their Authority as high as Bishops do, to claim their preeminence and power by divine right? that as in the case of the Boemians (concerning the use of the Communion cup, at the Council of Basil, but more justly then so) may be denied to them all, when under some other title, preeminence may be allowed unto them.
Some conceive the word Right was left at large in favor to Deponents, that there might be a latitude for such as are of a scrupulous conscience, to conceive such right as they could best approve of: and especially that right which agreeth to them all, to wit, a Positive and Ecclesiastical right by human constitution or prescription. But those that have better means to know the minds of the Composers of the Canons, will have the Right diversified, according to that to which it is applied; as, that Bishops stand by divine Right, the rest by Right Ecclesiastical.
To this purpose we may bring in the saying of our Savior, Lo, Lam with you to the end of the world, Mat. 28.20. which is not to be understood in person, but by assistance (for neither he, nor they his Apostles, to whom he spake, were to be in the world, until the worlds end) and this assistance is divers: infallible, as to the Apostles, but sufficient only to their successors; so the Right may be conceived to be divine in respect of Bishops; but human to all the rest. But of this tenet of divine Right, though it be held by very great Prelates of our Church, and by some said to be the Doctrine of our Church, such a Doctrine, and so fully delivered by the Apostles, That there is not the tenth part of the Plea for the Lord's day from their writings, which Bishops have for their Episcopacy (which comparison, God willing, shall be examined else-where) and that there be divers points of faith (weighty points) which have not so strong evidence in Scripture; so strong evidence, that heaven may as soon fall, as that fail the Bishops.
And though some (who have been approved for their very great and faithful labors in the Church, and for extraordinary zeal against all Popish opinions) have acknowledged somewhat in the calling of Bishops to be Divine and Apostolical; yet there is much said on the contrary side: which, if it serve not to induce a denial of that high and holy claim, may occasion at least a doubting thereof. And very doubtful it was (in the Council of Trent) by reason of the diversity of opinions there proposed: for though the superiority of Bishops over Presbyters were de facto confessed, de jure it was doubted, whether it were by a Divine, or by a Pontifical right; that is, whether by a right derived from the Scripture, or from the Pope? and we may add (according to the Augustan confession) or neither: for that alloweth no difference betwixt a Bishop and a Presbyter, but by custom and constitution Ecclesiastical; and so doubtful was their Tenure, that some (in that Council) were willing to avoid the discussion of that doubt; and the chiefest of the Prelates (the Cardinal of Loraine) when he discoursed of that Question, spake still ambiguously; and at last concluded, That the Question was boundless: and though they made it more intricate, then with us it can be, by their erroneous opinion of the Papal power and prelation over Bishops (whereof we conceive no scruple at all, since we reject it, as a Paradox in our Church) yet there is doubt for all that of the Authority of Bishops by divine right; and just ground for that doubt: for
First, Saint Paul in his Epistles useth the words Bishop and Presbyter in a promiscuous manner; as Chrysostom, August. Jerome, and others have observed: and all three have spoken somewhat to bring Presbyters nearer to an equality with Bishops, then the Tenet of such superiority (by Divine Right ) as is pleaded for, will admit: for, Chrysostom speaking of Saint Paul's naming of Bishops and Deacons, without mention of Presbyters: as to all the Saints which are at Philippi, with the Bishops and Deacons, Phil. 1.1. giveth this reason of their omission, Because (saith he) there is in a manner no difference betwixt a Bishop and a Presbyter: only in Ordination Bishops have the preeminence: the same saith Jerome in his Epistle to Evagrius; and commenting upon S. Paul's Epistle to Titus, He would have Bishops to know, that they are greater then Presbyters, rather by custom, then by truth of any constitution or disposition of the Lord; and that they ought (in common) to govern the Church. Saint Augustine to the same purpose saith, That the phrase of the Church makes Episcopacy greater then Presbytery, which Bishop Jewell rendereth thus: The office of a Bishop is above the office of a Priest (not by authority of Scriptures) but after the names of honor, which the custom of the Church hath now obtained.
The Parenthesis is his, brought in to make up the sentence of Saint Augustine; and as now the distinction of Bishops and Priests is received, it cannot (as some, who yet approve of Episcopal preeminence, have written) be directly proved out of Scriptures: and whereas Archbishop Whitgift saith, the reason why Bishops and Presbyters are taken for the same, is, because every Bishop is a Presbyter; but not on the contrary, every Presbyter a Bishop: that reason for the Affirmative part is contradicted by divers Instances; and for the Negative, it will not pass without exception, at least for the Apostles time: of which Saint Jerome saith, that a Presbyter is the same with a Bishop, and so was taken, until by the Devils instinct some turned Religion into faction.
And though Arius (when his ambitious desire to be a Bishop was disappointed) in emulation and anger fell to contemptuous comparisons of Bishops with Presbyters; and therefore was noted by Epiphanius in his Catalogue of Heretics: and since him Michael Medina made it material heresy, to deny the distinction of Divine Right betwixt Bishops and Presbyters, and the Council of Trent formally decreed it, with an Anathema to those that deny it. Yet was not Jerome (though a vehement Advocate in the behalf of the Presbyterial dignity) much less Chrysostom and Augustine for such sayings as these ever taxed for heresy. Nor is Arius left without a probable Apology, which may serve with some, not only to expunge his name out of the Catalogue of Heretics, but to enroll it in the Register of Orthodox Doctors.
And for the Tridentine Decree, it is the less to be regarded, because we may say, as Bishop Jewel doth of Leo, The words of the Bishops of that Council are of no great weight, because they make a Decree in their own cause.
But Chrysostom and Augustine were Bishops though Jerome was none; and yet they spake of Bishops and Presbyters so equally as hath been said; and if untruly, indiscreetly also: because both against the truth, and themselves. We may say the same of Bishop Jewel, whose judgment is plain against the opinion of Divine Right, by his exposition of Saint Augustine fore-alleged. Besides, Panormitan and Pacianus (very famous men in their faculties; the one for a Canonist, the other for a Civilian, and divers more, to say nothing of the learned men of the Reformed Churches in foreign parts) will not admit of any preeminence of a Bishop above a Presbyter by Divine Right. All which we allege not to contest with the reverend Prelates in point of Authority, but to show, that if an acknowledgement of Episcopal preeminence (as of Divine Right) be required in this Canon (and by that we have shown, we have cause to suppose it) it is too problematicall an opinion for such confidence as should accompany an Oath.
Of Archbishops.
Of Archbishops, though their Authority be greater, yet as touching the Tenure by Divine Right, our belief is lesser: for they that hold Bishops to be superiors to Presbyters by Divine Right (as the Apostles were superiors to the 72. Disciples) do not for the most part (unless they be Papists) allow of Archbishops in that sacred Episcopacy; and even he, who was an Archbishop himself, and highly advanced in print the Episcopal degree, hath out of Ignatius observed (and thereby affronted the Papal usurpation) that the twelve were all equal as an Aristocratical College, no Prince or Monarch ruling over the rest, as the Romanists pretend and assume in the name of St. Peter; wherein Saint Chrysostom is directly opposite unto them, observing how Saint Peter, in an assembly of the Disciples, doth all by their common consent, nothing by his own authority, nothing in a lofty or a Lordly manner. For, that Authority (which they take up as Saint Peters right) his Master and ours thought too much for him, or any one man else; fore-seeing, as the Archbish. of Split noted, That a Monarchy in a Church-man would be apt to break out into a tyranny over the Church. And for the tenure of Archiepiscopall authority, we may believe Bishop Jewel, where he saith in answer to Master Harding, that though Primates or Archbishops had authority over the inferior Bishops, yet they had it but by agreement and custom, neither by Christ, nor by Peter, nor Paul, nor by any right of God's Word.
Object. If it be objected (as by some it hath been) that though the Apostles had no Archbishops among themselves (who had a priority of Order, and a majority of Rule above the rest of that fundamental Function:) yet (in respect of other Bishops constituted by them) they were all Archbishops to those that were under them; It may be answered,
Answ. 1. That the right of Episcopacy hath not been so well cleared by Scripture, that it should be taken for an undoubted ground, whereon to erect an Archiepiscopall power: for, there is so much difficulty and dispute about that, as makes it to us uncapable of the assurance of an Oath.
Secondly, our Protestant Divines (when the Papists plead for Peters Episcopal, or Archiepiscopall supremacy at Rome, to maintain the usurpations of the Pope upon all other Churches) answered that (as we conceive, according to the truth) that to be a Bishop, or Archbishop, and an Apostle, imports a repugnancy: for both Bishops and Archbishops were confined to a certain compass for their Authority; but the Apostles were of an unlimited liberty and power, both for planting and governing Churches all over the world: wherein they had everyone of them such an equal and universal interest, that no Apostle had any part of the world to himself, wherein the rest had not an Apostolical and Pastoral right as well as he; which is not, nor can be so in Episcopal, or Archiepiscopall callings.
Object. If the opinion of Estius be interposed, viz. That Archiepiscopacy was founded, when Timothy was made Bishop of Ephesus, the Metropolis of Asia, wherein he had many Bishops under his Jurisdiction: that (to say nothing of what is said of the unbishoping of Timothy and Titus, in a particular book of that title) being brought in without proof, will be as readily denied by some, as it is easily affirmed by any: and if we should say, that until Pope Zepherinus (in the third Century) named himself an Archbishop, or until the reign of Constantine (as a very learned Writer hath observed) there is no mention of an Archbishop: it will not be easy (perhaps) for any (by legitimate Testimony) to bring in an instance, to disprove the observation in the Eastern Church; and for the Western, it came later thither, as the Sun-setting cometh after the Sun-rising. And Filasacus a Divine of Paris saith, It is not used in these parts, until the first Matiscon Council, scil. anno 587.
Which may be to us the more probable, because we have had experience (in our own time of a principal point of now-Archiepiscopall Government, the Presidentship of a Provincial Synod) without an Archbishop. So was it in the year 1603. when the Bishop of London was President of the Synod then assembled: Archbish. Whitgift (against Master Cartwright ) endeavoreth to maintain, That the office of an Archbishop was in use in the Apostles time, and by their appointment in an Apostolical Canon; and that Titus was an Archbishop over Crete; and Dionysius Areopagita (the Scholar of S. Paul ) Archbishop of Athens. But his proofs (as some of us upon examination have found them) are too low, and too flat for the height and compass of the Arch of his Asseveration, especially as applied to the state and authority of Archbishops in the Church of England, the prelation particularly, opposed by Master Cartwright, who (conceiving both the authority and title of an Archbishop by Scripture to belong peculiarly to Christ, and not finding the name Archbishop there) taketh up the title Archshepheard, 1 Pet. 5.4. as equivalent to it.
The greatest Antiquity, and best Authority that we find for that title, is that which Archbishop Whitgift citeth out of Master Fox, viz. That in the time of Eleutherius, an. 180. there were in Britain 28. head Priests, which in the time of Paganism they called Flamines; and three Archpriests among them, which were called Archiflamines, as Judges over the rest: these 28. Flamines (upon the conversion of the Britain's) were turned to 28. Bishops, and the three Archiflamines to three Archbishops: which, if it be true, yet it is far below that which is alleged for the calling of Archbishops; and yet more ancient then honorable, for the conformity to Pagan preeminence.
Nor will it serve to say (as Pope Eugenius the fourth said of the name Cardinal ) that though it were not expressly mentioned in the beginning of the Christian Church, yet the office was instituted by Saint Peter, and his successors. For, not to insist upon the name Cardinal, of which the saying of the Pope is an unprobable fiction, superiority among Bishops is to be reduced rather to a secular, then to a sacred Original. For our Archbishop of Canterbury that now is, saith, It was insinuated, if not ordered, that honors of the Church should follow honors of the State; as appeareth by the Canons of the Council of Chalcedon, and Antioch. It was thought fit therefore (though as Saint Cyprian speaks) there be one Episcopacy, the calling of a Bishop be one and the same; that yet among Bishops there should be a certain subor dination and subjection: the Empire therefore being cast into several divisions ( which they then called Dioceses) every Diocese contained several Provinces, every Province several Bishops: the chief of a Diocese in that large sense was called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and sometimes a Patriarch, the chief of the Province a Metropolitan, next the Bishops in their several Dioceses (as we now use the word.) Among these there was effectual subjection grounded upon Canon, and positive Law, in their several Quarters; all the difference there was but Honorary, not Authoritative. So far he; where, though he name the title Bishop, Patriarch, and Metropolitan, he doth not mention the title Archbishop.
And though he grant, that the Church of Rome hath had, and hath yet a more powerful principality, then any other Church; yet he saith, she hath not that power from Christ. The Roman Patriarch by Ecclesiastical constitutions (saith he) might perhaps have a primacy of order; but for principality of power they were all equal, as the Apostles were before them: and he might have said so much as well of Bishops, as of Patriarchs; for, except for Ecclesiastical Constitutions, and positive Laws, they are not subordinate one to another: neither the authority nor title then of Metropolitan or Archbishop is taken to be so ancient, or warrantable by the Word of God, as that of the Bishops, in the judgment of such as are the dearest friends to Prelatical dignity. Yet, as we deny not, but that an inequality betwixt Bishops and Presbyters is (as Chamier confesseth) most ancient, and very near the Apostles times; so we yield it as probable, that Archbishops are very ancient also, and as certain, that there have been, and are very many, as worthy to be Archbishops, as others to be Bishops: and that there have been of that elevation men of as eminent desert for learning and devotion, both in ancient and later times, as any that have lived in the same Ages with them; but in regard of more doubt of their Authenticke tenure, then of that of Bishops (though that also be very much doubted of) we have the less heart to swear to Archiepiscopall preeminence.
Object. If it be said, that Archbishops were set up for the keeping out of Schism among Bishops, as Bishops for that end were set over Presbyters, we do not gainsay it; but say, that our Doubt is not now of the political end, but of the original right of their exaltation: and withal we may note, that this Argument, drawn from the prevention of Schism, may climb too high, and indeed it hath done so; for, at the next step, it lifteth up Patriarchs above Archbishops; and at the next after that, a Pope above Patriarchs: and all this upon the same pretence of preventing of Schism; but the further it hath advanced, the worse it hath succeeded for the welfare of the Church, both in respect of Heresy and Schism: for Bellarmine saith, All the Patriarchal Churches (except the Roman) for a long time have had Bishops which were manifest Heretics.
If his observation be as true for the most (which for a great part we may believe, though we dare not take it upon his bare word) as his exception is false for the Roman Patriarch: for he is the most Heretical and Schismaticall Prelate in the world, we can have no great confidence in the end [the keeping out of Schism] unless the means, the raising up of Bishops to that height, be found to be warranted by the Word of God; yet we make great difference betwixt the Popes claim of universal and unlimited Supremacy upon this ground, and that of Archbishops and Patriarchs confined within the reach, and under the check and restraint of a temporal Potentate.
For the other offices of Government named in the Oath, or involved in the &c. there is none that pleadeth a Divine Right; and we may say of most of them, as Bishop Downham doth of some of them, As for ordinary Vicars (that is, Vicars which are Ecclesiastical Judges in ordinary ) Chancellors, or Commissaries (scil. of the Laity) the Bishops in these times (i. of Saint Augustine and Ambrose ) had none, not so much as the Steward of the Church might be a Lay-man. They neither did then, nor rightly could they claim a Divine and Apostolical right for their callings: which we may the rather say, for the saying of Anacletus, who (about the year 103. being Bishop of Rome) hath in one of his Epistles written, That there were but two orders ordained by our Savior, viz. of Bishops and Priests, nor were anymore either orders or degrees, either appointed by God, or taught by the Apostles: whereof though many doubt, in regard of that he affirmeth of the original of Bishops; yet they will easily assent to his denial of the rest, and what their right is, either by custom, or human constitution, we are very doubtful: and, while we doubt, we dare not swear.
4. Partic. Their perpetuity not to be changed.
The 17. DOUBT.
How far this perpetuity propounded is to be applied to the Discipline or Government of the Church.
THE REASON.
BEcause, as before hath been observed, Discipline and Government seem (at the beginning of the Oath) to be the same; and in this part of it, we find no cause to divide them: and then our Doubt is, Why, a great part of the Discipline and Government consisting in Constitutions concerning Ceremonies, and other things of alterable nature (as Archbish. Whitgift acknowledgeth) we should swear to a perpetuity: whereby we conceive we shall cross, at least the intent of the 34. Article (to which the Clergy have subscribed) which saith, Every particular, or national Church hath authority to ordain, change, and abolish Ceremonies or Rites of the Church, ordained only by man's Authority, so that all things be done to edifying: and withal, shall much impeach the freedom of future Synods: for they that are forestalled with an Oath against change, cannot be so free to change (when just occasion requireth) as they should be.
It is an exception made by the Divines of Aberdeen, against the Oath of the Covenant in Scotland, That it taketh away all hope of a free Assembly or Parliament, to judge of the matter presently debated: for how can those (say they) vote freely of any matter propounded to decision, and deliberation of the Church and State, who have already sworn to adhere to one part of the Question.
And our dread Sovereign in his large Declaration showeth, That points of Discipline, Government, and Policy of the Church (even in Scotland) are declared by Act of Parliament, Act. 20.21. to be alterable at the will of the Church it self, and so repealable by succeeding Acts, if the Church shall see cause. And our Church to this day doth profess a purpose and desire of alteration of Discipline; for, in the beginning of the Commination in our Service Book, these are her words: Brethren, in the Primitive Church, there was a godly Discipline, that at the beginning of Lent, such persons as were notorious sinners, were put to open penance, &c. Instead whereof, until the said Discipline may be restored again (which thing is much to be wished) it is thought good, &c. the same desire appeareth in the Synod at Challons, decreeing an entreaty to be presented to the Emperor, That the ancient Discipline may be restored again; and that they who sin publicly, may be brought to public repentance, and every man (according as he deserveth) may either be excommunicated, or reconciled.
And for Excommunication (in particular) which is a chief point of Discipline or Government (of which King James propounded an alteration both for the name and thing, &c. we conceive it not only alterable from that which is now, but (being more frequently inflicted for non-appearance, then for the foulness of the offense, when it doth appear) meet to be altered and reformed, according to the Constitutions and Orders published by King Henry the eighth, and King Edward the sixth; and in the last Synod the case is much altered with Bishops in their Government: for, whereas formerly they were free to propound what Articles they thought good in their visitations, Now (to prevent just aggrievances, which may be laid upon Church-wardens, and other Sworn-men, by impertinent, inconvenient, or illegal inquiries) this last Synod hath caused a summary, or collection of Visitatory Articles (out of the Rubric of the Service Book, and the Canons, and warrantable Rules of the Church) to be made: which Bishops, and other Ordinaries, are to follow in their Visitations, and none other. And in divers particulars the Authority of Chancellors is altered, as may appear by the 11, 13, 14, 15, 17. Canons of the late Synod. And why another Synod may not (if there be cause) make other alterations, we know not, and we believe they may; and that there may be need they should do so: and therefore that we may not take an Oath that we will not consent to alter that, which is of an alterable nature.
Object. If it be said, that Government is here taken as distinguished from Discipline; and that Discipline may be altered, while the Government is not: we say,
Answ. 1. That we find no ground in the Oath for that distinction; and we have shown before, that in the former part, they signify (as Synonyma ) the same things.
Secondly, if we take the Government for that of the Bishops preeminence over the Presbyters, though Bishop Hall aver with a confidence belonging to the Creed, That the Government by Bishops is both universal and unalterable: and so was intended by the Apostles in their ordinance of them; and therefore is utterly indispensable, and must so continue to the worlds end: yet some, who have been more exercised in the controversy of Episcopal Authority then he (if we may make our comparison by what is published in print) and who think so well of that Prelation, as to hold it as of Apostolical Institution, confess, That the Government by Bishops is not generally, perpetually, and immutably necessary: and it may be that which the Archbishop of Canterbury that now is, hath said of Government in general, may have an application to this point in particular (though he meant it not so) This (saith he) I shall be bold to say, and your Majesty may consider of it in your wisdom, that one way of Government is not always fit, or safe, when the humors of the people are in a continual change.
Thirdly, there is an alteration in Government, when they that govern have less Authority then they have had, as by the last Canons we have observed, both of Bishops and Chancellors.
Fourthly, there may be yet a further alteration for the better, without digression from the old way to Novelty, or from the high way (the right road way of such as are truly religious) to Schism; which (if the reverend Fathers will give us leave) we will undertake to show by such evidence, as in this case is of greatest weight.
We dare not then take an Oath against alteration, lest therewith we should forswear a meet Reformation of the Church; which any Church may need, that hath less assistance of the Spirit then the Prophets of the Old Testament, and the Apostles of the New; and of all of them we must hold, as the Archbishop hath very well said in his answer to the Jesuit, Such an assistance of Christ and the holy Spirit, the Prophets under the Old Testament had, and the Apostles under the New; as neither the high Priest with his Clergy in the Old, nor any company of Prelates or Priests in the New (since the Apostles) ever had.
5. Partic. That though there should be an alteration, we should never give our consent unto it. The words of the Oath. Nor will I ever give my consent, &c. Of these words we have a double Doubt.
THE REASON.
BEcause so the Government seemeth to be preferred before the Doctrine: for, for the Doctrine we must swear only, that we will not bring in, or be the Inventers or Leaders in the promoting of Popish Doctrine; but for the Government, we must swear, that we will not consent, though but as followers, for what others bring in: Now, as it is a less offense to be a Follower, then a Captain in whatsoever is evil; so it seemeth to show a greater care of preservation of the Government of the Church by Archbishops, &c. then of the Doctrine of Religion; by requiring as strict an Oath, not to be second in the change of the one, as not to be first in corrupting the other.
The other DOUBT is,
Whether, if we should thus swear, we should not be entangled with contradiction to our Governors, and to ourselves.
THE REASON.
BEcause, first, for our Governors, we are bound in duty to yield our consents to their lawful Constitutions, though with some alteration of Government, which we can have no heart to do, if we have sworn to the contrary.
Hereto some except and say, If they alter, we may alter with them; but this we conceive to be too much fickleness and levity, and liker to the Gipsie play of fast and loose, then to the grave and solid Asseveration, which belongeth to an Oath; which is neither lightly to be taken, nor to be slighted, when it is taken: for, so it would give none assurance to those that tender it, who meant (as we see in the Preface of the Oath) to give security by Oath for constancy to the Doctrine and Discipline established against Innovation: but there would be little assurance of that, if their meaning were this, That they that swear should not change, till their superiors had changed before them.
Besides, the chiefest of them hold the Discipline and Government by Bishops immutable; and therefore some of them have said, they would rather die, then yield to an alteration of Episcopal Government: but we believe it would be more easy for a Logician to convince them, that Episcopacy is not of Divine Right (but of an alterable nature) then for a Rhetorician to persuade them to change life for death, this world for the next, rather then to consent to an alteration of that Government.
There be that tell us (and we must not take their saying for a Papal dispensation, which opens so wide a window, that it is in vain to shut the door) of many cases of conscience, wherein though we have sworn, we may be discharged of our Oaths; and show us a postern gate for an out-let of perjury: but we cannot come to that gate, but by the wicket of inconsiderate swearing; and if we apprehend any probable occasions of change beforehand, we must not make Median or Persian Protestations, that we will not change.
Object. But we have in effect done as much already (say some) in subscribing to the Book of Common Prayer, wherein we promise to use the form in the said Book prescribed, and none other, Can. 36.
Answ. 1. To which we may answer many ways: as,
First, that it is not put upon us, as of Divine Right; and being but human, it is implied to be changeable.
Secondly, the fore-cited Preface concerning the Ceremonies, and the 34. Article profess a mutable condition in such Institutions.
Thirdly, experience hath divers times explained that clause: for, other forms of prayer have been imposed upon especial occasions.
Fourthly, to leave us at more liberty, if there should be a change, our word is taken without an Oath; for which Master Rogers commendeth the moderation of our Governors.
Object. But in refusing of the Oath now, for fear of future disobedience, we disobey for the present. To which we say:
Answ. 1. That our not swearing is no present disobedience; because our consciences cannot consent to swear; and they that require the Oath would not have us to swear against our consciences, nor against our good wills: for, one condition expressed in it is, That we do it heartily, and willingly: nor do we conceive, that, the premises duly considered, they would have us to swear.
Secondly, our not swearing in this case, is rather an obedience to our Superiors; because we have already sworn to their Authority and Power for such alterations, both for the present, and for their heirs and successors: and so our promissory Oath in this case (if we should take it) would be with certain prejudice to another man's right; and consequently could not be attended with justice: and the prejudice would be more unjust, because done to the right of public and sovereign Authority, as Bishop Hall observeth in his Irrefragable propositions.
And thirdly, for ourselves, we doubt it is not safe to swear that we will not consent to any alteration in Government; since we cannot but like it well enough, if in some particulars it were more conformable to the condition of the ancient Church: as if it should please his sacred Majesty, in the election of Bishops, to have respect to the suffrage of the Clergy of the vacant Diocese, as the Emperor Charles the Great had, when he published a Decree to that purpose, according to the ancient practice of the Church.
And if, when Bishops are elected, that either love, or some law of Authority might restore Presbyters to their ancient Rights, and participation of the Government of the Church, which they had in the Primitive times: whereof St. Jerome saith, That the Church was governed by the common Council of the Presbyters: which Baronius acknowledgeth, and Bishop Downham saith, no man denieth; and this, not only until there was a Schism, and the people divided themselves, under the names of Paul, Apollo, and Cephas; but afterwards, as is plain by several testimonies of Saint Cyprian (besides others) for he (writing to the Priests and Deacons) calleth them Brethren, and telleth them, That it is his desire, for those things that concern the government of the Church, that (as the public benefit requireth) they treat of them with common Counsel: and in their absence he professeth, That he did nothing, but what was concluded before by their common advice: and that it was his resolution from the first time of his being Bishop, to do nothing of his own private conceit, but by their counsel.
Bishop Downham bringing in a sentence of Ambrose sounding to the same sense, maketh this answer unto it, Ambrose, and others thought it needful, that a Presbytery of grave and ancient Ministers, should with their counsel, advise and assist the Bishops in cases of doubt (as Doctor Bilson saith) in cases of danger and importance; when as yet neither Synod could assemble, nor Christian Magistrate was found to assist the Church.
But when Synods were assembled, then Presbyters were assembled with the Bishops; and, as Presbyters had decisive voices with them, as Doctor Field confesseth: observing withal, concerning the number of Bishops, and those that were not Bishops in such Ecclesiastical Assemblies, that in a Council of Lateran, there were present 482. Bishops, and 800. Abbots, who (saith he) have less to do then Presbyters in the government of the Church.
Wherein he implieth, that there should be many more then two Convocation Clerks in a Diocese, to advise and vote at a Synod: And in our Diocesan Synods, which are yearly called (according to the ancient Canon and Custom) we are all summoned to appear in the Consistory, as in the name of a Synod. But when we come thither, we have so little power and liberty allowed us, either for discussion or determination of any matter (wherein Presbyters, both in right and fact, have had a freedom heretofore) that most of us appear rather as Delinquents, standing at the Consistoriall Barre, or (at the best) as Clients, or Tenants paying a tribute of suit and service at the Courts of their Landlord. So that we may take up the complaint of Duarenus the famous Civilian, O fold Synods were called, that the Bishops and Presbyters should treat of the Discipline of the Clergy, of Ecclesiastical causes, and of divine Doctrine: for there was no matter of any great weight, which the Bishops without that Senate would determine: but now (saith he) we can scarce discern so much as a shadow of that most honest institution.
In the fourth Council of Carthage, about the year 401. (besides many other Constitutions in the behalf and in honor of Presbyters) it was decreed, That a Bishop should not determine any man's cause, but in presence of his Clergy: That the Bishop, though in the Church, and in the Assemblies of the Presbyters, he should sit in an higher place; yet privately should use his Presbyters as Colleagues: and sitting himself, should not suffer a Presbyter to stand.
And as Presbyters were not to be disdained by the Bishops, but to be taken into a respective society with them (for the name of a Bishop was anciently rather a name of labor, then of honor; rather of duty, then of dignity; ) so were they so much to be honored by the Deacons below them (as subordinate to them as well as to the Bishops) That a Deacon might not sit among those that were Presbyters, as was decreed in the first Council of Nice: And so it was observed at Rome (as Jerome hath noted) until vice increased; And then (saith he) in the absence of the Bishop, I have seen Deacons to sit in the presence of Presbyters.
And though in later times one Bishop hath had power enough to undo many Presbyters for small matters; yet heretofore, in a criminal cause, A Presbyter could not be condemned by fewer then six Bishops. A Bishop indeed, as an elder brother, had a double portion to censure him; (for twelve were requisite for a doom against a Bishop: and the Deacon (as a younger brother to a Presbyter) had but half so many to give judgment of him as the Presbyter had.
Now, if with security of the public peace, and the favor of our Superiors, there should be any alteration in the Ecclesiastical Government; wherein we might be assured to be dealt withal, if not as Brethren (as some of the Episcopal order have professed, and pleaded on our behalf) yet rather as sons to reverend Fathers, then as servants to imperious Lord's, we dare not be such hypocrites, as to forswear a consent to that which we conceive to be our right, and cannot but be willing to enjoy.
THE OATH. —Nor yet ever to subject it to the usurpations and superstitions of the See of Rome.
The 20. DOUBT is,
Why in this part of the Oath mention is made rather of the See of Rome, then of the Church of Rome.
THE REASON.
BEcause, though an ordinary Reader observe no material difference betwixt them, yet we are taught by a judicious Lawyer, that there is as much difference betwixt the See of Rome, and the Church of Rome, as betwixt treason and trespass: and he proveth his position by the 23. of Eli’s. cap. 1. where it is said, That to be reconciled to the See of Rome is treason; but to be reconciled to the Church of Rome is not treason: For then (saith he) every Papist of the Church of Rome should be a Traitour (being a member of that Church, and therefore reconciled to it.) Now the See of Rome (saith he) is nothing else but the Papacy, or Supremacy of the Pope, whereby, by virtue of the Canon [unam Sanctam] made by Pope Boniface the eighth, he challengeth a superiority of Jurisdiction and coercion over all Kings and Princes upon earth; and those persons which take Juramentum fidei contained in the Council of Trent, (which acknowledgeth this Supremacy) are said to be reconciled to the See of Rome.
But the Church of Rome is nothing else but a number of men within the Popes Dominions, or elsewhere, professing the Religion of Popery. So the meaning of the Oath in this clause of it, as he conceiveth, may be this, You must not subject the Church of England to the See of Rome; but you may subject it to the Church of Rome.
That there might be some such subtle meaning in the choice of that phrase, I have some reason (saith he) to imagine, since I find in their late Books, that they say the Church of Rome is a true Church, and salvation to be had in it.
Because this Doubt hath Law for its ground (the knowledge whereof properly belongeth to another profession) we would not take upon us to deliver it in our own names, but in the name of that learned Lawyer, to whom we are beholding for the distinction of those terms; and if they should not be rightly applied to the words of the Canon, or to the meaning of those that made it (wherein he engageth himself no further, then probable conjecture; and so far reacheth the reason he alledgeth for it) yet that may be unto us a further occasion of doubt; and the more we doubt, the less warrant we have for the taking of the Oath.
THE OATH. And all these things I do plainly and sincerely acknowledge, and swear, according to the plain and common sense of these words, without any equivocation, or mental evasion, or secret reservation whatsoever.
THE REASON.
BEcause we do not find the words plain, but very ambiguous, as is already evident by the precedent Doubts: nor do we know, what sense or understanding of them we can call common; since the Oath is new, and is in many particulars so variously expounded, that yet it is not apparent to us, what construction beareth away the plurality of voices. The Oath then must be well expounded before it can be taken, else equivocation will hardly be avoided.
THE OATH. And this I do heartily, willingly, and truly, &c.
THE REASON.
BEcause the words [heartily, and willingly] in conformity to the form of subscription, set down in the 36. Canon, import a plenary consent, without any grudging or reluctancy of the heart, or will: as, when a man hath a mind to take it, with a freedom to refuse it; according to the saying of Seneca, If you would know whether I be willing or no, leave me at liberty to be unwilling: but we conceive it cannot be so in this case, at least with many of the Ministry, who would by no means take it, but for fear of the penalty annexed to the not taking of it: and so their willingness is no more then such as this, I am willing to take the Oath, because I am unwilling to be deprived of my Ministry and Means; and so to be undone for refusal of it: As a man casts his goods into the Sea in a Tempest, lest himself and they should perish together.
And then, whether should we not rather be absolved from such a timorous Oath, according to the Canon Law (if we had taken it) then pressed to take it, when having no heart or good will unto it, we cannot say we swear heartily and willingly in any other sense then hath been said, without hypocrisy: and consequently, not without perjury also.
Thus much of the first part proposed, which concerneth the Oath it self; the second part is of the Interpretation of the Oath.
2. Part. Of the Interpretation of the Oath.
THE REASON.
BEcause in this case it will not satisfy to say, as the Casuists on both sides (we mean Protestant and Popish) resolve, That the words of an Oath must be taken (as this Oath conformable to the Oath of Allegiance hath it) according to the plain and common sense, and understanding; for what that is, is not yet discovered: And we believe the Divines of Aberdeen said well, That the words of an Oath should be clear and plain; and if they be any way ambiguous, the true sense of them should be so declared and manifested, that all may know it.
As to satisfy the Doubt, which many made concerning the sign of the Cross in Baptism: Or (as Bishop Morton more warily writeth) the Cross after Baptism was a particular Canon set forth for declaration thereof, and for removal of all such scruples as might any way trouble the consciences of them, who are indeed rightly religious.
Some think it sufficient, according to the dictate of charity, to take the words of the Oath in the most favorable sense, which is expounded by some, as having reference to those who impose it, of whose intention we are bound to make the fairest, and most favorable construction.
Some take the favor to themselves, and make such a sense of them, as may most conduce to their own Interests, whether for advantage, or for avoidance of damage or danger: and so cometh in the Collusion of the Jesuits by equivocation, or mental reservation, to save themselves from being discovered in their dangerous designs.
This is somewhat like that, which some say of Manna, that it was that to every man's taste, wherewith it was most delighted. So that shall be the meaning of the Oath, which best pleaseth any that is to take it.
Azorius, a famous Casuist of the Ignatian order, determineth, That in a Judicial Court an Oath must be taken according to the common sense of the words: but in the Court of conscience all men hold (saith he) that it must be understood according to the mind of him that sweareth: as if Justice and Conscience held contrary Tribunalls in the soul, as Justice and Equity in the state; and the same Oath might be right in the one, and wrong in the other.
An absurdity like that, which our dread Sovereign derideth in his large Declaration, viz. That the same confession of faith, consisting of the same words and syllables sworn without Authority, if it shall be commanded by Authority, becometh a new and different confession of the faith.
There is a third opinion (concerning the sense of an Oath) to augment the doubt, though so much less doubtful, as it bringeth with it the better Authority; and the Authority for it is no less then Royal, the sentence of a great and gracious King (and, which is more to us, our King) who resolveth, That an Oath must be either taken, or refused, according to the known intention of him that doth minister it, especially, if it be a new Oath.
To the same sense, though in different words, say the Aberdeen Divines: An Oath is to be given according to the mind and judgment of him that requireth it: which words [ministereth and requireth] make up the meaning to be, That he that ministereth an Oath (who may be some subordinate Officer) must give it in that sense, which he that requireth (that is, he from whose Authority and Power it proceedeth) doth intend.
That construction we are taught to make, by the explanation of the Oath in Scotland, published by the right Honorable the L Marquess Hamiltoun his Majesty's high Commissioner there, in these words: Oaths must be taken, according to the mind, intention, and commandment of that Authority which exacteth the Oath: For (as we conceive) it rests not in the power of an inferior (whether he be the taker or minister of the Oath) to put his private conceit for the sense (which is the soul) of a public constitution: and if he do so, we cannot but doubt of it (though it seem never so plausible) unless it be allowed by the Authority, which chargeth the Oath upon the conscience: For,
First, as Bishop Hall well saith, The Church (which makes the Canon, and by the Canon decrees the Oath) as it is a collective body, so it hath a tongue of her own, speaking by the common voice of her Synods, Confessions, Articles, Constitutions, Catechisms, Liturgies: a tongue not only to speak the text of her determination; but to make a Comment (if need be) to clear it: and, if any single person shall take upon him to be the mouth of the Church, his insolency is justly censureable: So he.
Secondly, Oaths are imposed for matter of caution and security to those that impose them, that they may rely upon them without doubt or distrust: and how can that be, when we take them in another sense then they that require them do mean, or will admit of. The old rule (which is a maxim) saith, He offends against the law, who cleaving to the words of the law, leaveth the will of the law, that is, of the Law-maker: For, the law it self is a dead letter, and hath no will at all.
There are some of our Brethren, who (in good will to themselves and us) have undertaken to expound the Oath so as that they and we, without scruple, may take it: and we take kindly their good intention, and, in good will to them again, request them to consider, That a private interpretation of a public act can give no satisfaction, unless it be either expressly, or virtually allowed by the highest Authority that doth impose it; and then it is made public: but why they should expect such an approbation of their private opinions, we cannot imagine; and if that would serve the turn, we could find in our hearts (and it may be in our heads too) to make as mollifying a gloss on the Oath, as they have done: and such a one, as might be more satisfactory to our consciences, then theirs can be.
But the Authority of interpretation of any doubt (in such a public act) belongeth properly not to private, but to public persons, especially, if they be Authorized by the Synod for such a purpose: as in the late Synod we see, where the Doubts concerning the benevolence of the Clergy granted to his Majesty, are ordered, to be determined by the Archbishop of York, the Bishop of Durham, the Bishop of Chester, and the Bishop of Carlisle, or by two of them at the least, whereof the Archbishop is to be one: and in other Doubts (whereof there is no certain rule of Resolution set) it is probable, the decision should be given by the sentence of the same, or such like Judges.
For private men, though learned, if they take upon them the Interpretation of public Dictats, may be more like to light on mutual contradictions of each other, then on the true and proper construction of the Text they interpret. So did Vega and Soto, Soto and Catherinus, who wrote against each other contrary Comments upon the Council of Trent. In which respect it was a wise advice given to the Pope by the Bishop of Bestice, viz. To appoint a Congregation for the expounding of the Council; and well followed by him, when he forbade all sorts of persons, Clerks, or Laics (being private men) to make any Commentaries, Glosses, Annotations, or any Interpretation whatsoever upon the Decrees of that Council.
Doctor Burgess indeed made an Interpretation of his own subscription; but there had been no validity in it (as we conceive) unless it had been allowed by the superior powers; and so it was: for (as he saith) It was accepted by King James, and the Archbishop of Canterbury affirmed it to be the true sense and meaning of the Church of England.
And if we should take the Oath, and a Notary public record it, unless our exposition of it were publicly and lawfully (for favourably is not sufficient) both allowed and recorded also, we may haply be charged with the crime of perjury: and unable fairly and effectually to free ourselves from that charge, unless by Authority we were permitted to conclude our Oath with the ancient clause of limitation, viz. so far as agreeth with the sacred Scripture, with the Civil and Ecclesiastical Laws of this Kingdom, and as far as our abilities will afford.
The third Part. Of the Persons that must take the Oath.
THey are Archbishops and Bishops, and all other Priests and Deacons in places exempt, or not exempt: So in the Prefatory Speech before the Oath, and in the direction that followeth it, it is imposed on all that are Beneficed, or dignified in the Church, all Masters of Arts (the sons of Noblemen only excepted) all Batchlours, and Doctors in Divinity, Law, or Physic, on all that are licensed to practice physic, on all Registers, Actuaries, and Proctors, all Schoolmasters, all such as being Natives, or naturalized, come to be incorporated into the Universities here, having taken degree in any foreign University, on all that take holy Orders at the time of their Ordination, and all that receive collation, institution, or license to preach or serve any cure; that is, briefly, on all who by Ecclesiastical or Academical subordination to the Synod, or to the chief persons assembled, are most subject to imposition, and penalty, which answereth the Doubt of some, demanding why Judges are not to be sworn as well as the Bishops, and why not Students of the Inns of Court as well as Students of the University. The reason may be, because they are not in such a degree of subordination to Bishops, or others, who are members of the Convocation or Synod, as those who are particularly rehearsed in the Canon.
The 24. DOUBT.
Why the sons of Noblemen are excepted, and privileged from taking this Oath, when they take the degree of Masters of Arts.
THE REASON.
BEfore we render it, we profess that we take this Doubt to be of a different kind from those which hitherto we have proposed, since it is without the compass both of the words and explication of the Oath, from whence all our scruples of conscience hitherto have been derived.
Yet because we have heard this Quaere put forth by many, and not well answered by any, we crave leave to propose it, and to deliver some probable conjectures upon it; leaving the certain Resolution to those who are better acquainted with the true causes thereof.
Object. That exception of the sons of Noblemen hath been excepted against by some for this reason:
Reas. Because their example in swearing to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church, would be of great moment to the maintenance of both: and therefore they think it more meet, that they should begin this sacred attestation (whom others would be most ready and forward to follow) then that they should have a particular exception to free them from it.
Object. If it be said, When others take Oath, they take none, but make their protestations and promises in verbo honoris:
Answ. That is true, but neither is so much required of them in this case; or, if it were, two particulars would be returned by way of reply: The one,
That Archbishops and Bishops are to take the Oath, who take place of their right Honorable Fathers, both Earls and Lord's; and so it can be no dishonor to their sons, to do as such reverend, and so much honored Prelates have done, especially, since Bishops have been matched with Kings in the prerogative of irrefragable regard and belief of their words without an Oath: The other,
That as the sons of Noblemen were to be believed, when they testified anything in verbo honoris; so were the Clergy to be believed, when they did the like in verbo Sacerdotis. And by Justinians Code (if we may take it upon the word of a Popish Priest; for we have not met with it in the original) The word of a Priest was rated to the Testimonies of twelve of the Laity. But the privilege of the Nobility yet remaineth, and that of the Clergy now is lost: which may give us just occasion to examine, whether they have not been more true to their honor, then most of us to the sincerity of our sacred Profession; and if they have, they may be privileged from the taking of this Oath, though we be not.
It is probable also, that they were exempted upon especial respects, both of ingenuity and prudence: of ingenuity, by those Clergy men, who were bound to all honorable observance of such noble Families, as had been means to prefer them; and of prudence, in preventing a repulse to their purpose: for it was not like that the Nobility would suffer their sons to be entangled with such an Oath, as is prejudicial to the conscience: and (as many Lawyers allege) to the obedience due to his most excellent Majesty, and his Royal Successors.
That which we read in the Conference at Hampton Court, gives us just occasion so to conceive; which is, That when there was speech of the Oath ex officio, one of the Lord's compared it to the course of the Spanish Inquisition; and if the Nobility had distasted it, and renounced it, it would have given the greater encour agement to others to stand out against it.
Howsoever, God's providence hath most wisely ordered their exemption from swearing; for, since the Nobility are not required to take this Oath, their desire and endeavor to have the aggrievance of it removed from others (as their petition to his Majesty before the Parliament showeth) doth evidence their noble, religious, and charitable minds towards all such, as by their mediation may be secured from suffering in their consciences by taking, or in their liberties and estates for refusal thereof.
For which pious compassion many thousands, especially we of the Tribe of Levi, are deeply obliged to praise God for their Honors, and to pray to him for his vigilant providence and potent protection, both over them and their honorable Progeny.
The fourth or last part is, Of the penalty of the Oath.
The words of the Canon.
IF any man Beneficed, or dignified in the Church of England, or any other Ecclesiastical person, shall refuse to take the Oath, the Bishop shall give him a months time to inform himself: and at the months end, if he refuse to take it, he shall be suspended ab officio, and have a second month granted; and if then he refuse to take it, he shall be suspended ab officio & beneficio, and have a third month granted him for his better information: but if (at the end of that month) he refuse to take the Oath above named, he shall by the Bishop be deprived of all his Ecclesiastical promotions whatsoever, and execution of his Function, which he holds in the Church of England.
Of this, our 25. DOUBT is,
Concerning the difference betwixt the command and commination of the Canon.
THE REASON.
BEcause, where a law is rightly grounded, and a penalty for breach of it imposed, there the offenders are legally censured, with an equal and impartial justice; but here it seemeth to us to be much otherwise: for, of all those persons of several callings, professions, or degrees, before rehearsed, and required to take the Oath, only Clergy men are upon their refusal of it to be punished: and that, though gradually, yet with as much severity as any Ecclesiastical Authority can inflict: for, they within three months are to be put out both of their ministry and means; while all others (though they refuse the Oath as well as they) are by the Canon not to be the worse for their refusal.
It may be, the Bishops may prohibit some to practice Physic, others to teach School, that will not swear; and they that will not take the Oath, perhaps shall take no orders at their hands: and for Registers, Actuaries, and Proctors of their Courts, if they refuse it, it may be they will refuse them, and put them out of their offices; but the Canon concludeth nothing against any one, but Ecclesiastics, especially Beneficed Preachers; which, whether it may more incline such to love, or fear those who lay these heavy penalties upon them, there is none so simple, but may soon perceive; nor is any so wise, as in this to see either the compassion of the reverend Prelates, as their fathers; or the charity of inferior Clerks, as their brethren: for, by this Canon they are necessarily cast upon one part of this dangerous Dilemma:
If they take the Oath (besides the scruples of conscience before observed) their taking of it (as we have touched before) must be recorded by a Notary public; and then, if they do anything, which they that are their Judges will call a breach of the Oath they have taken, they may be called in question for the crime of perjury.
About the year 1164. Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury, was at a Council (held at Northampton) accused and condemned of perjury; because he had sworn to the English customs, and had not observed them. And it is an easy matter (out of an Oath of such copious contents, as this of the sixth Canon) to frame an accusation against him that hath taken it; especially, if what lieth in ambush under the &c. be brought into the charge: hereof our fear may be the more; because some of us have observed, how forward some of our superiors have been to lay an imputation of perjury upon the inferior Clergy; because (having taken the Oath of Canonical obedience) they have not been so ready (as they would have them) to perform what they imposed by uncanonicall Commands.
On the contrary, if they take not the Oath, and thereupon the penalty of the Canon be laid upon them, they must take leave of their Pastoral charges; and no more be allowed to feed their Flocks, nor to be clothed with their fleece: which is like (in respect of many Parishes) to be a great calamity both to the Pastors and People.
Thus much for our Doubts: which if any think too much, it may be he thinks too little of the peace of conscience, the price of our Ministry in danger to be lost, and the pressure and misery, which by many may be felt by occasion of that Oath: which, though we dare not take, yet we dare swear, and can do it heartily, willingly, and truly, that (as yet we conceive of the Oath) we cannot with sound faith, and safe conscience yield unto it.
And if most of these Doubts, before proposed, should be found to be frivolous (which we do not conceive of any one of them) and but one of them contain a just ground of ambiguity, (which some that have taken the Oath, and some that have written for the Oath, have since confessed: and not only by speech, but by their handwriting have acknowledged) that one is enough, while we are in suspense concerning the meaning of the Oath, to suspend our assent from the taking thereof: For, the comparison (brought in by the prudent Composer of the History of the Council of Trent) we take to be true, and of much importance to this purpose, which is, As one particular maketh false the contradictory universal; so one ambiguous particular, makes the universal to be ambiguous.
If any man, but of a private condition (like unto ourselves) have a mind to make answer to our Doubts or Reasons, we wish him to consider at what he aimeth in that undertaking: If to engratiate himself into the favor of those who approve of the Oath; we desire not to cast in any prejudice to his expectation: If to satisfy us, we fear his endeavors are like to be fruitless; since he cannot advance his discourse above probability, and for that we may return upon him with like topicall Arguments: and so the consistence of the cause (at the best) will be but a problem; which will administer but weak encouragement for a sincere, willing, and hearty taking of an Oath.
Our HOPES, and the REASONS thereof.
First, our HOPES.
OUr Doubts and Reasons hitherto handled, we hope, will assure your Lordship, that our not taking of the Oath, ought not to be ascribed to contumacy, but to conscience; and then, we hope again (the case standing as it doth) that you will neither press upon us to take it, nor oppress us with the penalty, if we take it not.
Our REASONS.
FOr this, we conceive, we have both solid Reasons, and sacred Examples; and those such, as we presume your wisdom and goodness will not disesteem.
Our Reasons are grounded on
- 1. Piety.
- 2. Charity.
- 3. Equity.
- 4. Policy.
1. On Piety.
For the first: As your Lordship and the rest of the reverend Prelates are men of God, you stand especially engaged (as much as in you lieth) to secure your inferiors from the peril of sin, whether Preachers, or People: and first, for Preachers, to take care that they do not take any dangerous Oaths.
For which cause, Saint Basil was very zealous in behalf of Bishops (as Baronius showeth) that they might not be put to swear, in respect of the peril of an Oath: and he prevailed so far as to free them from that peril. And the Council of Challons was as respective of Presbyters, decreeing thus; It is reported of some, that they compel the persons who are admitted (in time of their Ordination) to swear that they are worthy, and that they shall do nothing repugnant to the Canons: and that they shall be obedient to the Bishops, who ordained them; and to the Church, into which they are ordained: which Oath, in regard it is perilous, we all inhibit, and discharge.
And the Triburiensian Council, having a respect both to their credits and consciences, made a cautelous Constitution, That a Presbyter should not be compelled to swear; but, instead of an Oath, he should be questioned upon his holy consecration (i. as it is probable) in verbo Sacerdotis; because (as the Reason is there rendered) our Lord forbade his Disciples to swear.
Object. But say some, Did not all, both minister, and people in the City of Geneva (which many magnify as the Metropolis of Piety ) take an Oath for shutting out of Popery, and setting up of the Presbytery without all this ado?
Answ. They did indeed swear to banish the one, and to establish the other (as Master Hooker observeth) but
First, Is it any good Argument, that because they have sworn against the Prelacy, that we must swear for it? men by law are not allowed to take contradictory Oaths; and if there be any Authority in their example, it may serve rather to make us doubtful, then resolute to swear: though we think it might be more reasonable to require Geneva to receive some Doctrines from us, then we Discipline from them.
As concerning the Sabbath, they of Geneva might have learned founder Instruction from our Homilies, then we from Calvin's Institutions (though otherwise an excellent book) or from the common practice of that City.
Secondly, their Oath was not in ambiguity like ours, nor is ours (as theirs was) regulated by Scripture: For,
First, they sware in plain terms, never to admit of the Papacy among them again; and among them it was not so ambiguous, what points should be reputed Popish, as with us it is.
Secondly, to live in obedience to such orders (concerning the exercise of their Religion, and the form of Ecclesiastical Government) as the true and faithful Ministers of God's Word, had, agreeably to Scripture, set down for that end and purpose.
Thirdly, for the abandoning of Popery, they might safely and heartily swear; and so could we (if an Oath were tendered against it, which were not otherwise liable to exception) and for the Discipline or Government, the Clergy made no scruple of it: for, they propounded it as a certain preservative to the purity of Religion; and the people were induced to receive it, because it made them partakers of a new privilege; and that a great one: for, to one Pastor were joined two Lay-elders in the Government of the Church; and so their swearing was (as the taking of this Oath) by Archbishops, Bishops, &c. a confirmation of their own Interests.
Fourthly, as they made no doubt of the lawfulness of the Oath, so were they not urged unto it by any commination of danger: and so their swearing might be with a free will, not mixed either with reluctancy of conscience, or with fear of penalty.
Fifthly, the Discipline of Geneva is said to be a new-fangled Discipline, of Calvin's devising: and it is further delivered, as an undoubted truth, That no man living, no record of History, can show any Laypresbyter, that ever was in the whole Christian Church, until this present age. But the Government by Bishops is held (by those who propound this Oath) to be of divine right, and to have continued in the Church, ever since the time of Christ, and his Apostles, until this present age.
If so, they of Geneva had need of an Oath, to give strength to their new invented Government; and we (without an Oath) might be confident of the continuance of ours, according to the sound resolution of the renowned Doctor of the Law, Gamaliel, in the fifth of the Acts of the Apostles: If this counsel, or this work (said he) be of men, it will come to naught; but if it be of God, you cannot overthrow it, lest haply ye be found even to fight against God, Act. 5. v. 38, 39.
Pope Clement the seventh, upon this ground (though mistaken as in application to the Papacy) grew very confident against the fear of a future Council, as the Author of the History of the Council of Trent reporteth, in these words: There was a fame spread, the Pope would have no Council, for fear his Authority should be restrained: areason which maketh no impression at all in him, having his Authority immediately from Christ, with promise, that the gates of Hell should not prevail against it: and the experience of former times hath shown, that the Papal Authority hath never been diminished by any Council; but according to the words of our Lord, the Fathers have ever confessed it to be absolute and unlimited, as it is indeed.
In word rather, or in conceit at the best: and it was conceit, and no more, that upheld his heart against all oppositions of his power; And our reverend Prelates have so much less cause to fear their state (though it be not supported by swearing) as they have more warrant to build their hopes upon the oraculous sentence of that famous Doctor.
The other particular more especially respecteth the piety of the people, whose consciences are like to be carefully guided by such Divines, as are chary of their own. Of whose Ministry (if they should be deprived) it is not like, that generally there would be found a supply to countervail the loss of their religious labors, and exemplary practice, the two chief helps to holiness of life: and we conceive it a point of Piety, and a case of conscience, worthy of the grave and godly consideration of the reverend Prelates to resolve, whether, because in this case we dare not swear, God will reject our service in his Sanctuary; if not, why should they?
The saying of Wycliffe (though condemned as heretical in the Popish Council of Constance) may (as we conceive, with a little correction) be made a very Orthodox position, and pertinent to this purpose: Thus, None should be excommunicated by any Prelate, unless he know him (or rather thus, unless he conceive him) excommunicated by God: And if so, while God is pleased (as we hope he is) to accept our endeavors to glorify his Name, and edify his Flock, we trust it will not be held any part of godliness with the Pastoral staff, to drive any faithful Pastor from the fold of Christ.
2. On Charity.
Secondly, we ground our Hopes upon your Lordships Charity, whereof the fundamental Rule in the Affirmative part is, To do unto all men as we would they should do unto us: and in the Negative, not to offer that to others, which in the like case ourselves would not suffer. And we doubt not, but your Lordship would be loath that your fear of offense against God, and your conscience, should be so severely punished, as by the Canon is threatened to such as are afraid to take this Oath: and if you look but upon us without reflecting upon your Lordships, we trust that for this, after our long and studious endeavors in the University, wherein some of us have spent our Patrimonies (which might have maintained us in another course, without Ecclesiastical means) after our constant and painful employment in our Pastoral charges (even to the tyring out of our strength) after our families are increased beyond our abilities to support them, without the means we receive from the Church (and for many of us, we may say but poorly with it) you will not by the discharge of this Canon upon us, put us upon the poor refuge of the Canon of the Council of Carthage (made for inferior and single Clerks) to labor in husbandry, or manufactures (which your Canons precisely prohibit) for our maintenance; swear we dare not, dignity we cannot: we were no Fishermen, nor Tent-makers, or other Artificers, before we entered upon this holy calling, and to beg we are ashamed: and we may be also afraid, since by the Law, begging Scholars are no better then Rogues, and so to be severely punished, rather then charitably relieved; what then shall we do?
It is a good Rule given to Visiters by Gavant (saith a reverend Writer of your own rank) that they should be sparing in making Decrees: and no less profitable to spiritual Governors, which Erasmus relates (out of Gershon ) that they should not rashly throw about the Thunderbolts of their censures, lest they should not take time sufficient to distinguish betwixt such as are more capable of pity, then of severity; and those who are more worthy of the rod, then of the spirit of meekness, to spare the one, though they punish the other: And we look for no less moderation and mercy from your Lordship, since a Council adviseth you thus: It becometh them, who are in eminent rooms, to deal mercifully with their inferiors, knowing that they are brethren.
And while we accompt you (in regard of the gravity, and eminency of your parts and places) Fathers, we cannot but hope that you will deal with us as with your sons, with a fatherly moderation, and not think us worthy to be dis-inherited, or cast off, while we desire and endeavor faithfully to hold on in our course of the service of God, and his Church: And we doubt not, but you will remember the godly and gracious words of your own Ordination, That you have your Authority not to destroy, but to save; not to hurt, but to help: And that you are to be to your Flocks shepherds, and not wolves; to be so merciful, as not to be remiss: so to administer Discipline, as not to forget mercy: and to be so far from oppressing of us, that if we were oppressed by others, you should be ready to succor us. This is one end of Episcopal Visitations, for which there is a Decree in a Council of Arles to this effect:
Let every Bishep visit his bounds once every ye are, and if he find the poor to be oppressed by the violence of the mighty, then let him with wholesome admonition exhort them to desist from such oppression: and in case they will not desist from their violence, then let the Bishop bring the cause to the ears of the Prince.
Nor do we conceive our different persuasion concerning this Oath, doth represent us unto you, as unworthy of your fatherly Compassion, since he that of late hath shown himself a most zealous Patron of Episcopal preeminence, expresseth a pitiful affection towards the Divines of the Reformed Churches (notwithstanding many greater differences then this of the Oath) in this sort, We heartily pity (saith he) the incompetent provision of our foreign brethren, whose parts are as eminent as their maintenance is poor.
He whose charity reacheth so far off, in commiserating the poverty of foreign Divines, would not surely (and we trust, many of the reverend Prelates are as pitiful as he) be a means to make such miserable objects here at home, by depriving of so many conscionable Ministers, as make scruple of the Oath, of the due provision whereof they are lawfully possessed: especially, if he remember the Canon of the Matiscon Council, which saith, That a Bishops house is purposely appointed to afford hospitality to all that need, without respect of persons.
And that other Canon of Charity, which goeth under the name of the Apostles, in these words: If any Bishop or Presbyter do not minister to the necessities of a Clerke that is in want, let him be debarred from the communion: and if he persevere in his want of pity, let him be deposed as guilty of his brothers death, in withholding from him brotherly relief. Which not only by the general duty of Christianity, but by especial promise, the Bishops of England are bound in conscience to consider and beware of, since at their consecration the Archbishop asketh them, Will you show yourself gentle, and be merciful for Christ's sake to poor and needy people, and to all strangers destitute of help? and their answer is, I will so show myself by God's help. Wherein their bare word for beneficence to strangers is virtually a double bond of security to their own, against such excessive severity, as by that Apostolical Canon is condemned.
3. On Equity.
Thirdly, we are confident in the Equitable Justice of our reverend Governors, that the Commination in the words of the Canon is more severe, then the execution of it will be: for, if we do offend in forbearing of the Oath, distinction must be made by the Decree of a general Council, betwixt those that of set purpose offend, and those that offend by a kind of necessity: as, where our consciences put in exceptions as bars, at least as demurs to obedience: and if we deserve any censure in such a case, it is not deprivation, which our Ecclesiastical Laws call cruel, and an horrible weapon, which destroyethor undoeth the whole man: for, that is reserved for heinous crimes of greatest and foulest guilt: which in particular are noted by Duarenus the Civilian to be these, Simonaicall ambition, Incontinency, keeping of a Concubine so pertinaciously, that the offender being duly admonished, will not forsake her; Perjury, Murder, Treason, or some other grievous offense (as herefie) which is followed by infamy: where, by Infamy, he meaneth not that, which ariseth from the mis-cenceipt of men, but that which proceedeth from the sentence of the Law: None of all which can (with any color of truth) be imputed to our doubting, or final denial of the Oath, while the dictate of our consciences induceth us to do so; and, if we should confidently affirm (which some of us believe) that a Presbyter is equal with a Bishop by God's Law, we could not for that incur the condemnation of Heretics: for, though Augustine and Epiphanius accounted Arius an Heretic for that, yet (as D r . Whitaker saith) few of the ancient Fathers (besides them) did so: and therein (saith he) was Jerome altogether of his mind.
Besides, we presume your goodness will take notice, that in Equity and Justice they should not suffer most, who offend least against a penal law; and they least, or rather nothing at all, who are most refractory to it: which would come to pass, if the penalty should proceed, as in the Canon is expressed; for, all Papists, who are adverse to our Doctrine in general (except some few egregious Ecclesiastical hypocrites) may pass unpunished, notwithstanding this Canon: while Protestant Ministers may be undone, for refusing to swear to some particulars of Discipline.
But that we shall not fear, if you please to look upon the most reverend and religious Bishops of the Primitive times, who (as your own Apologist hath testified of them) were made all of meekness, humility, and patience: if you be like unto them (and while you take them for your Ancestors, you should not be unlike them) you will never make us feel the rigor of this ruinating Canon.
4. On Policy.
Fourthly, in religious Policy you may (with as much advantage to yourselves as to us) forbear the urging of this Oath; for, give us leave, we beseech you, to tell you the truth (though such, as hope to help forward some ambitious design by your favor, say otherwise) the Bishops (if they have not added to the number of the enemies they had before) have yet lost more friends by proposal of this Oath, and Penalty, then by any Act that is known to be theirs: and withal, have thereby raised a suspicion, that themselves do doubt their dignity is not set upon a sure foundation. It is cause of jealousy to many, when such as are reputed political, are too cautelous in their own cause; and for that was Novatianus, the father of the Puritans (though a Bishop) the worse thought of (for good Bishops used to exact no such unreasonable security for themselves) because he caused his Adherents to put their hands betwixt his, and to swear by the body and blood of the Lord, they would not forsake him, and turn to Cornelius: And this he did, before he would give them the Sacrament; but besides that, such a forced confederacy is but frail: By this his Episcopacy was the more suspected, to be both unlawful and schismatical. It hath fallen out so (whether justly, or unjustly we will not say) in many men's conceits of the Right and Authority of Bishops, both since, and by occasion of this swearing Canon. And they cannot more readily redeem their reputation, then by a speedy procuring of a repeal or revocation thereof (as we doubt not but they may) by public Authority.
Wherein, if they appear and prevail, they need not fear any disparagement to their prudence, by withdrawing that they have decreed, since the wisest Statesmen, and greatest Governors have used many times, to comply so far with popular dispositions, as to vary their own Acts with relation to their liking, as the Pilot doth his sails, to comply with the winds.
And you cannot have a more Authentic example, both to induce you to this, and to defend you in it (from all imputations) then that of our sacred Sovereign; who, rather then he would give any color of complaint for aggrievances to his people, was pleased to dispense with the five Articles of Perths Assembly, and to discharge all persons from urging the practice thereof upon any, either Laic, or Ecclesiastical person whatsoever: and to free all his subjects from all censures and pains, whether Ecclesiastical, or Secular, for not urging, practicing, or obeying any of them: though they were established, both by a general Assembly, and by Act of Parliament, as this Canon was not.
And for his own Acts (for these Articles of Perth were propounded and ratified in the reign of his Royal Father) he imposed the Service book, the book of Canons, and high Commission, upon his subjects in Scotland; and upon their humble supplication, was content graciously to grant a discharge from them, passing his Princely promise, that he would neither then, nor afterwards press the practice of them, nor anything of that nature; but in such a fair and legal way, as should satisfy all his Majesty's loving Subjects.
Wherein, wise men (who judge of Consultations and Acts by their probable effects, and not by unexpected events) cannot but highly commend his Majesty's mildness and clemency; which, we doubt not, would condescend to your requests, for a removal of this great aggrievance, if you would be pleased to interpose your mediations to so acceptable a purpose: and upon our humble suit (which in all submissive manner we tender) to your Lordship (and, by you, to the rest of your reverend order) we hope you will do so, since we have it upon his word (his Royal Majesty's word) which neither in duty, nor discretion we may distrust, That the Prelates were their greatest friends (i. of his Scottish Subjects) their counsels were always counsels of peace, and their solicitations vehement and earnest, for granting those unexpected favors, which we were pleased to bestow upon our people.
Bestow (we beseech your Lordship) some of these vehement and serious solicitations on our behalf in this cause, and you shall not more free us from the fear of this Canon, then bind us in love, the best love (which casteth out fear) to remain
Your Lordships in all due observance