Works
Were it not fit therefore that we should tread in their steps, and frame our Confession or Symbolum in like manner? to wit, not making the Form of our Confession wholly new, but taking the former Creeds or some of them for our ground, to enlarge their Articles with such further additions and explanations as the state of the Times requires; that so our Confession might be the Creeds of the Ancient Church specified only to the present condition of the Churches, and no other. Thus we should both testify to the world our communion and agreement with the Ancient Catholic Church, (a matter of no small moment, that we may not seem to have made a new Church or Religion, as we are charged,) and yet withal distinguish ourselves from the Sects, Heresies and Apostasies of the Times.
To which end it were fit the words of the Ancient Creeds should be retained as much as could be; and for the more easy reception thereof, that the additions and insertions should be made in the express words of Scripture, as near as the nature of the composure would suffer it, and not otherwise. As for the meaning of them, their application to the several Articles would specify it as far as were needful to the end aimed at by such a Confession.
Compare the Creeds of Nice, Athanasius and Chalcedon with that of the Apostles, and you will understand my meaning. And consider that in such a business as this we must not be too much in love with Methods of our own devising, (though perhaps they seem better,) but follow that which all the Churches will most easily yield unto, and cannot except against. I believe our own (as may by some passages be already guessed) would hardly be brought to subscribe to any other Form than of such a mould.
Take this also before I conclude; That my meaning is not, we should do as the Council of Trent hath done, by adding Twelve more Articles to the Creed: but that our Additions should be inserted into the several Articles of the Ancient Creed, as subordinate to them, and farther Explanations of them. Which those of Trent indeed could not well do, those which were added being the most of them incompatible and inconsistent with the former Articles according to the true and original meaning of the same, and therefore not to be incorporated with them.
I send you home the Consultation; I will keep the Discursus a while longer. For Comenius his Praeludium I thank you, but I have not had leisure to consider so much of it as were needful to give a censure. I believe such a thing is fecible; but for the way, Hic labor, hoc opus est.
Christ 's College, Aug. 14. 1637.
Your assured Friend, Ios. Mede.
EPISTLE LXXXIX.
Mr. Hartlib 's Letter to Mr. Mede, for a sight of his Papers about the Millennium.
Worthy Sir,
—I Had occasion to exchange some Letters of late with Dr. Twisse: In his last he writes thus unto me; [As for Regnum Sanctorum & Christi in terris, Resurrectic prima, &c. Passages there have been between me and Mr. Mede thereabouts, and I am but his Scholar therein: and I know full well, you are so well acquainted with him, that you may have anything from him, who is my Master in this. I have yet no liberty to take into consideration the matter of Fundamentals, neither have I any affection to it, as finding no sure footing in that argument.] Thus far he. I pray let me reap the fruit of his confidence in the enjoying of those Papers which have passed between you on the fore-mentioned Subject. Truly I shall count it a great favor, if you shall be pleased to communicate them; and having perused them, I will be careful to return them safely into your hands with my hearty thanks. Thus craving pardon for my freedom, I take my leave, remaining always, Worthy Sir,
London, Octob. 19. 1637.
Your most assured and willing Friend to serve you, S. Hartlib.
EPISTLE XC.
Mr. Mede 's Answer, with his judgment upon a Discourse arguing from some Politick Considerations against the composing a Fundamental Confession.
Mr. Harlib,
I Answered not your first Letter, because I had not wherewith to satisfy you. For that which Dr. Twisse says he had of me concerning the Millenary opinion, the grounds and stating thereof was only in Letters between him and me, whereof I kept no Copies; and now it would be tedious to me to renew what I then wrote. In conference I could do it with ease, but writing is very tedious to me; and my notions and wit too die presently, when I intend my mind to express them by writing.
Concerning the Paper you now send; what judgment should I give but that I like it not? It favors methinks of too much averseness from that business. I believe you think so. The Gentleman (whosoever he be) seems himself to be one of those he speaks of, that hath in his eyes to preserve his own opinions from iudemnity: But if every man do so, what hope of conciliation?
Besides, the matter aimed at in this business is not that either side should presently relinquish their opinions of difference; but only take notice that, notwithstanding these differences, both sides do so far agree in other Points, that they may and ought to acknowledge each other as Brethren; that so their Affections being united, and exasperation abolished, they might be the better disposed and fitted to judge of the Points of difference between them. And whereas he objects, That such Points being declared not Fundamental, would lose part of their strength, and be shaken, this inconvenience would be recompensed, in that the Opinions of the opposite party will suffer as much; and so what we lose at home, we should gain abroad.
Howsoever it seems to me no very warrantable policy, That for the better strengthening and propagating a Truth, men should be born in hand that the belief thereof is Fundamental, when it is not; that is, that a Truth should be maintained by a Falsehood. I cannot believe that Truth can be prejudiced by the discovery of Truth; but I fear that the maintenance thereof by Fallacy may not end with a blessing.
I would know whether the Author of this Letter thinks that the Lutherans and Calvinists agree not in so much as is necessary unto Salvation. If they do, would not a Confession composed of such things wherein they agree contain all things necessaria cognitu ad Salutem; and yet no necessity that this or that particular Tenet should be defined by such Confession to be or not to be Fundamental?
I would know also whether he thinks it fit that particular Churches should have particular Confessions, whereunto their Members should profess their assent. If so, I would have it considered, whether some of his Inconveniences be not as incident to such Confessions towards the members of a particular Church, as would be from a general Confession towards the members of several Churches.
All such Inconveniences are per accidens, but the good and benefit is per se; yea prevents far greater evils, with which such contingent and casual Inconveniences may not stand in competition. What greater evil can befall the Church than Schism and breach of Charity between her Members, and the woeful effects that do inevitably follow thereof? Shall we then to avoid the lesser, and such as perhaps may not be, cherish the greater, which threaten ruin to the whole Body? that I say nothing of the danger of the spiritual estate of those who are engaged therein, if they are not so much as willing to be at Unity. This is a great piece of Practical Divinity, and to be more considered than it is.
Moreover it is to be considered, that many of the Evils he supposes would follow of such a Confession are already in being in most Churches, whilst there is no such Confession: Therefore the declining of such a Confession is not the means to avoid them; they will be whether there be any such or not. Those who will seek for pretences to do amiss, will always find them.
Some of the Evils he alleges are such, as the contrary to what he fears seem every whit as like to follow. For why should not such a declaration and limiting of Fundamentals rather introduce a greater liberty and indulgence in particular Churches to think what men list in other points, than an oppression or further bondage to be imposed upon the Members thereof? Yea a Confession cannot descend far in particulars, but some men's Consciences or other will be wronged by it: And a man in this case should not have respect to his own Conscience only, but as well to other men's who may scruple the contrary to his.
He seems to me to confound Points of Faith with matters of Practice and Manners. But the question is not, what is Licitum or Illicitum in Practice, or what is Necessarium factu; but what is Necessarium creditu ad Salutem.
Lastly, the whole Discourse, methinks, moves rather upon the hindges of Policy than of Divinity; as is too manifest in that he would have the foreign Churches to labor such a Confession, and ours to lie at the advantage to approve or not to approve is, as we shall find it makes for or against our particular Tenets.
All this I write tumultuously and confusedly, without order, without deliberation. It is sufficient if you can guess my mind thereby, or get any hint to think more accurately how such Objections are to be answered. To show it anybody I would not; it is not fit: If anything be to purpose, make it your own. So with my best affection I rest
Christ's College, Ian. 22.
Yours, I. M.
EPISTLE XCI.
Mr. Hartlib 's Letter to Mr. Mede, touching the Manuscript decyphering the Number of the Beast, 666, and other Books newly set forth.
Worthy Sir,
I Thank you for your Answer and solid judgment which you have returned to the enclosed Paper: you need not fear the miscarrying of these your Notions. Mr. Dury will easily smell them out, though I should convey them in my own name unto him. By these enclosed you will see a fuller character of that Gentleman, and what entertainment some Extracts out of your Letters concerning Fundamentals have found with Mr. Dury. You do not tell me the name and your opinion concerning the Anonymous Book in folio, called Bestia Apocalyptica. There is great commendation of a Manuscript decyphering the Number of the Beast, 666. I would fain learn of you wherein the excellency of that Treatise principally consisteth. I hear Cluverius, a very profound Historian and Divine of Denmark, hath written an excellent Commentary upon the Revelation, which is not suffered to come forth, by reason of many Paradoxical passages which the Times cannot brook as yet. I make no question you have seen a Book which Dr. Brochmand of Denmark hath written, which is not unfit for our Times, wherein he answereth the Motives for which the Administrators of Hall did fall off from Protestancy. It was published Regio jussu Hafniae, 1634. One writes that this Book doth answer largely many of the particular Arguments which are used in Mercy and Truth against us, and doth it solidly and well in most of them. He wishes also that it were more common amongst our Court-Divines.—
Return the Copy of the Order of the Knighthood, when you have sufficiently perused it. Thus I rest
London, Ian. 24. 1637.
Your most affectionate and willing Friend to serve you, S. Hartlib.
EPISTLE XCII.
Mr. Mede 's Answer, with his judgment of Mr. Potter 's Discourse of the Number of the Beast, 666.
Worthy Mr. Hartlib,
I Received yours with the Ordo Beatae Virginis, which with the rest I will send back next week; for now I have no time to make them up.
That Discourse or Tract of the Number of the Beast is the happiest that ever yet came into the world; and such as cannot be read (even of those that perhaps will not believe it) without much admiration. The ground hath been harped on before; namely, That that Number was to be explicated by some 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to the Numbers of the Virgin-Company and New Jerusalem, which types the true and Apostolical Church, whose Number is always derived from XII. But never did any work this Principle to such a wonderful discovery as this Author hath done; namely, to make this Number not only to show the nature and property of that State which was to be the Beast, but to design the City wherein he should reign, the figure and compass thereof, the number of Gates, Cardinal Titles or Churches, S. Peter 's Altar, and I know not how many more the like. I read the Book at first with as much prejudice against such Numerical Speculations as might be, and almost against my will, having met with so much vanity formerly in that kind; but by the time I had done, it left me as much possessed with admiration as I came to it with prejudice. He meddles with no more of the Apocalypse than what concerns this Number. 'It is a Mathematical ground he builds upon, and will not be so well understood by one that hath not been a little versed in Arithmetic, in that part which is called Extraction of Roots.
If the Scrivener, whom I hired to write me out a fair Copy thereof, had not disappointed me, I could ere this have lent you a Copy, it may be, as good as the Authors; I believe somewhat more distinct, by such directions as I gave my Scribe. If it were in Latin, it would make some of your German Speculatives half wild.
Bestia Apocalyptica I saw and had above a dozen years since; but some 6 or 7 years after it came first out, our London Stationers, to make it the second time a New Book, (because some of them lay upon their hands) printed the Title-leaf anew with the then present year of our Lord at it, and at Delph, as before. This knavish trick I observed, and compared the Books at that time. But the Author I never heard, nor know who it was, but I believe a Laic Gentleman, and so I think I have heard.
By your last piece, that Divine whose it is seems not to understand what we mean by a Fundamental Confession and Fundamental Articles. For he takes them to be such as are instar Principiorum, out of which all other Theological Verities or Articles are deducible; wherein he is wide: for the question is of Fundamentalia ad Salutem, i.e. Cognitu & creditu necessaria ad Salutem, not of Fundamenta veritatum Theologicarum.
—Thus with my best affection, I rest
Christ 's College, Ian. 29, 1637/8.
Yours, I. M.
EPISTLE XCIII.
Mr. Mede 's Letter to Mr. Hartlib, with his Censure of Grebner 's Prophecy, in a MS. in Trinity College Library in Cambridge.
SIR,
ON Saturday I received yours dated March 14, that is the Wednesday fortnight before.—
The Prophecy (which I here send you again) I would not have you make too much of. It is taken out of Paulus Grebnerus his Prophecies, a Manuscript in Trinity College Library. It was left them by Dr. Nevill their Master, had been presented it seems to Queen Elizabeth, (whom part of his Prophecy concerned) and so came to Dr. Nevill 's hands, whilst he was Clerk of the Closet to her Majesty. 'It is now almost 28 years since I first saw and turned it over, the rather because of the fine pictures therein in colors, &c. When the Wars began in Bohemia, (which was eight years after I had first seen it) remembering something I had seen therein, I had a desire to survey it anew, and borrowed it to my chamber, to see if there were anything therein worth taking notice of. But I found nothing but vanity and fancy, and the whole series thereof and many of the particulars manifestly then confuted by the contrary Event; as you may guess by this one thing I shall tell you.
The beginning or Epocha of his Prophecies he makes from the year 1572. when the new Star appeared in Cassiopeia, and ends the whole series of his Vexillai (so he terms them) at the year 1613. which he supposed should be The Day of Judgment, having no other ground for the same than the Numeral Letters of the Latin word IUDICIUM (as they are all) which makes that Number. What think you now? He prophesied great matters of Henry the IV. of France, (which proved clean contrary,) of Queen Elizabeth and other Princes, which never came to pass. I have, I know not how often, to satisfy one or other, told them as I now tell you; and yet every five or six years it comes up again, as if it had never been discredited. Men are prone to believe anything they would have, and any words that seem that way they lay hold on; never regarding though the ground be foolish, and the coherence with the rest repugnant to their construction. I will tell you what Paul Grebner meant or dreamed by that you sent me.
Know, he lived in the time of King John of Sweden, who married a Popish Lady: This is his Hujus temporis Rex Sueciae, (i. sui temporis) which he supposed should be invited by the Catholic party to take their part and to invade Denmark, &c.
The Carolus he speaks of was Carolus Sudermanniae Dux, King John 's Brother, with whom he threatens King John, that if he joined with the Popish League, he should leave his Kingdom unto him; who should of Carolus become Carolus Magnus, that is, of a Duke be made a King, and be in respect of his Dominions and Conquests another Charlemaign of the North: Et sic (saith he) e Carolo Carolus Magnus regnum capessit, (for so it should be read) qui magno successu & fortunâ, &c.—
It follows, Deus autem Regis conjugem Papisticam ex hac vita evocat. This is King John 's Wife. What should it mean else? This he dreamed should happen to King John as soon as he should have declared himself for the Popish League, and that then presently Charles his Brother should take the Kingdom, &c.
By this time I doubt not but you understand it, and how little they heed Circumstances and other Connexions who would interpret it of any other Charles. Howsoever Grebner was for a great part deceived concerning even that Charles he meant.—
I think my Letter be now long enough; therefore with Prayers and best affection, I rest
Christ 's College, Apr. 3. 1637.
Your assured Friend, Ios. Mede.
Post-script.
I had written yesterday, but that partly other writing, partly Molesti homines robbed me of my time. Would you have me send back Mr. Dury 's Letter or not? Vale.
EPISTLE XCIV.
Mr. Hartlib 's Reply, thanking him for that Censure.
Worthy Sir,
I Thank you for your last of the third of April. I never made much of Grebner 's, or any of those Prophetical fancies. I approve fully of your judgment which you have given upon it. I hope it will work some good upon those who are used to be carried away with these Dreams. Some weeks ago worthy Dr. Twisse communicated unto me Mr. Potter 's MS. of 666. Certainly our Germans will be wild when they shall see it in a more known language. If you please to let me have your Copy also, I shall take it as a special favor. I am very confidently assured that my Lo. Gr. of Cant. himself hath written a Book in answer to some Popish Points, as it were a second part of Chillingsworth, composed chiefly upon the point of Fundamentals and Non-fundamentals; which Book is almost ready for the Press: only because in his quotations he hath trusted to his memory, he is revising and examining them, and then it comes forth. In the mean time I rest
London, 6. April 1638.
Your most willing and affectionate Friend to serve you, S. Hartlib.
EPISTLE XCV.
Mr. Mede 's Letter to Mr. Hartlib, concerning the Number 25. the Root of the Beast's Number, viz. 666. with his judgment of an Analytical Table of the Apocalypse which was sent him; his differing from the Author thereof in four particulars.
Worthy Mr. Hartlib,
—COncerning your Mathematician's Letter about Mr. Potter 's interpretation of the Beast's Number, I like his Observation of the Roman Calendar, that of all the Numbers of the Epact they should choose XXV. for the AEquation with the Golden number; and I think it (as far as I understand it) worthy to be added to the rest of Mr. Potter 's of that kind. But that of T. L. 1666, I have known long, but never had any fancy to, and I think it not worthy to come in collation with that of Mr. Potter's. Yet it is pretty, I confess, what your Author observeth of the Roman Numeral letters CDILMVX, idest, MDCLXVI.
I would willingly send you my Copy of Mr. Potter 's Book, but by a sure hand, for the Carrier I dare not trust. It cost me—to be written out to my mind, besides mine own pains in distinguishing it, and dividing the whole into 8 Sections, and prefixing the Contents of every Section at the beginning, and writing the margins with mine own hand: and therefore I would not willingly lose it. If I light upon a convenient messenger, I shall send it.
The Analytical Table of the Apocalypse, if you had not charged me therewith, I should not have believed it had been still in my hands; for I verily thought I had sent it back long before this, and was a while very much afraid I must have sent you word it was lost: yet at length I found it, and have sent it herewith.
The Author of the Analytical Table differs from me wholly in the 20. Chapter, and follows Mr. Brightman. What I conceive, you may find in my Commentationes Apocalypticae. My difference will appear by these particulars.
- 1. I hold but one Millennium, and that to begin at the destruction of the Beast: He holds two, one beginning at Constantine, another at the destruction of the Beast.
- 2. I deny that Satan was ever yet tied up, much less at the time of Constantine. 'It is one thing to be dethroned and thrown down from Heaven, (that was at the time of Constantine; ) another thing to be bound and close prisoner, and not so much as peep out of his dungeon. See my Synchronisms, Clav. Apocal. Part. 2. Synch. 4. pag. 22, 23.
- 3. I take the Resurrection, both of them, First and Second, to be proper and real; he Metaphorical. 'It is not safe to deprive the Church of those Texts whereon her faith of the Resurrection is built. For this interpretation will necessarily rob us of that of Daniel Chap. 12. also, whereon I believe the Church of the Old Testament built her faith of that Article; there being no such evident place besides in all the Old Testament.
-
4. He seems to appropriate the Second Millennium (which I think the only) to the glory of the Jews only: I extend it to the whole Catholic Church of the Gentiles, when the Jews shall come into the fold; and that the Apocalypse is properly and primarily the Gentiles Prophecy, I mean of the Church of the Gentiles, and of the Jews but by accident and coincidence only. The Jews have prophecies enough of their own in the Old Testament.
In my Books and the papers I once sent you concerning this Point all this is easily to be seen.—With my best and wonted affection I rest
Christ's College, April 16. 1638.
Your assured Friend, Ios. Mede.
EPISTLE XCVI.
Mr. Mede 's Letter to Mr. Hartlib, modestly excusing his own abilities, and intimating what cause he had to decline coming forth in print; with his Observation touching the Latitude of Rome.
Mr. Hartlib,
TOuching the Letter you sent me, De necessitate Textualis interpretationis S. Scripturae, I so fully agree with the Author in the former part thereof, that I could not have expressed mine own thoughts thereabouts in mine own words better than he hath done in his. But for the latter part, alas! it is nothing so. I know myself better than any man else, and I am conscious that I am infinitely far from any such ability as he collecteth out of a little diligence perhaps in a Discourse or two. If I have hit upon any Truth, it is wholly to be attributed to my indifferency in such searches, to embrace whatsoever I should find, without any regard whether it were for the advantage of one side or other, and not to any ability beyond others. Freedom from prejudice, studium partium or desire to find for this side rather than that, (which I confess I endeavor as much as I can possibly to subdue myself unto) is sufficient with a little diligence to discover more than I have yet done, without any such great learning. I confess I know myself to have so little of that this Gentleman supposeth me to have, that the very reading thereof hath made me more than half melancholic ever since. I am bound to love him, and take it kindly that he hath any good or favorable conceit of me or ought of mine: But no man can make me believe that I have those abilities I have not; yea 'tis somewhat burthensome and unwelcome to me to bethought to have: Ex animo loquor. Yea I am almost so uncharitable as to suspect this is some stratagem to work me to something I know not what. But let it go.
I could tell some tales of my Altare of another strain, that would make you think I have no great joy to come in public; as, I think I can safely say, I did never yet plenâ voluntate, but yielding to other men's importunities or desires: yet I know not whether I shall yet rest, and keep my thoughts and myself in my Cell. In a word, Mundus amat decipi magis quàm doceri, and will never entertain any man well that shall deal ingenuously with them. He must look to have Micaiah 's luck: He must say true, and yet not prophesy against Ahab: If he does, he must to Pound and to hard meat for it.
For mine to Dr. Twisse, there is something wherein I had not fully informed my self, about the Latitude of Rome, as having not Ptolemy by me. I said, the old Astronomers made the Latitude thereof 41. 50. minutes; the later promoted it some minutes more to the North. When I wrote so, I trusted to Io. Stadius, who makes it so; and supposed he had derived it from those before him. But after looking upon Maginus his Ptolemy, I find that Ptolemy, according to him, makes it but 41. and 40. min. and some others and some Maps less. The sum is this; Ptolemy 41. 40. Stadius and others 41. 50. Maginus himself 42. 2. Origanus 42. 4. The Middle is about 41. 51. I have no time to inquire further, nor Books at hand. I pray transcribe this in yours to Dr. Twisse, lest he send my notion or mistake to Mr. Potter without this correction, though it be not material. For by his words to you I suspect he means to do it; which occasioned me to add this. Thus with my wonted affection I rest, and am
Christ's Coll. June 4. 1638.
Yours, Joseph Mede.
EPISTLE XCVII.
Mr. Mede 's Letter to a worthy Friend, touching some Papers of his printed without his privity.
Worthy Sir,
I Thank you very heartily for your Book and kind Letter, as I should have done long ago for another Book you sent me. But I have entangled myself a long time with so much needless writing to no purpose, as it makes me sometimes glad of any pretence to be idle, when I should not. For what you say of a Scribe, it was I that took order to have such a one sent to you, not you to me. I will assure you, you have performed more than I durst have thought of doing, though you please to profess yourself my Disciple. But it is no unwonted thing for Scholars thus to outgo their Masters.
There are some Papers of mine walking I know not where, concerning Bowing towards the Altar: which were written by way of Answer to somebody (and a man of note) demanding of me what I thought thereof. One was my first Answer: Another more large, replying to the Exceptions he made against that first, and the whole opinion and practice, being somewhat larger than I use to write Letters, and written with some intention of mind (after my thoughts that way had been long asleep.) I by chance kept a Copy of it, which how it came to be so much dispersed, I profess I know not.
That so-long-since-written Discourse of mine, De Sanctitate Relativa, &c. savors too much of my infancy in Divinity, and first thoughts, and affection of style, ever to see the public light.
And indeed I had resolved to enjoy myself, and such contentment as I could find in my Cell, and never to have come in print again, either to please or displease any man; but only to vent such Notions as I had conceived privately by a new way I took of Common-placing, changing my Theme qualibet vice: When now on a sudden before I was aware, and little expected any such matter, one of my Straglers is perkt into the Press, telling the world he was one of those Common-places. What his destiny is, I know not; but if it be good, somebody can say, He hath flung many a stone in his days, but never hit the mark till now; and that too by mere chance, and not so much as intending it.
For writing to Sir W. B. I think it is not tanti upon this occasion. 'It is a Pamphlet, and I had rather it should come to his hands with a kind of neglect on my part, than with too much pomp. But I thank you for what you have done, and for your further offer.
Thus with my best affection I commend you to the Divine blessing, and am
Your old and assured Friend, Ios. Mede.
Christ's College, July 3.
EPISTLE XCVIII.
Mr. Mede 's Letter to Mr. Hartlib, touching some Socinian Books and Tenets: together with his resentment of the Difficulties which Mr. Dury 's Pacifick Design met with, and of the Evil of Prejudice and Studium partium.
Mr. Hartlib,
I Received yours with the Discourse enclosed of Schism —That Extract of the Letter to you is but a Symptom of Studium partium; of which kind he that will be an indifferent and moderate man must look to swallow many: Therefore Transeat. Only thus much; to be nearer or further off from the Man of sin is not (I think) the measure of Truth and Falsehood, nor that which would be most destructive of him always true and warrantable. If it be, there be some in the world that would be more Orthodox and Reformed Christians than any of us. The Socinians, you know, deny That Souls live after death, until the Resurrection; or That Christ hath carnem & sanguinem now in Heaven; both as most destructive of the idolatrous errors of the Man of sin: the first of Purgatory and Invocation of Saints, (which they say can never be solidly everted, as long as it is supposed Souls do live;) the other of Transubstantiation of the Elements of Bread and Wine into the Body and Blood of Christ. Is not this to undermine Antichrist with a vengeance, as they say?
I have not been very obtrusive unto men, to acquaint them with my notions and conceits in that kind, (for some of them that are but lately known have lien by me above these twenty years, and not shewn to any) unless they urge me and ask me what is my opinion: and yet my freedom to utter my mind than to such as are prejudiced the contrary way, does neither them nor me any good. Therefore Cupio defungi, if it would be, and to be troubled no more either with Quaesita or Reciprocations in that kind.
For the Discourse you sent me; It proceeds from a distinct and rational Head, but I am afraid too much inclined that way that some strong and rational wits do. It may be I am deceived. The Conclusions which he aims at I can more easily assent to, than to some of his Premises. I have yet looked it but once over. But anymore free or particular censure thereof than what I have already given look not for, left I be censured myself. 'It is an Argument wherein a wise man will not be too free in discovering himself pro or con, but reserved.
Thus with my wonted affection and prayers, I rest
Your assured Friend, Joseph Mede.
Christ's Coll. Aug. 6. 1638.
[After this Mr. Mede wrote another Letter (the last Letter he wrote to Mr. Hartlib, about a month before he died) wherein (besides matters of News, and his repeating what he had said in the foregoing Letter concerning the great Learning of the Author of that Discourse of Sschism,) he expresseth his resentment of the Difficulties which Mr. Dury's design of Pacification met with, in these words.]
—Mr. Dury and such as wish well to his business must comfort themselves as the Husbandman doth, who though he sees no appearance of his Seed awhile after it is sown, (especially in dry weather) yet despaireth not but as soon as the Rain from above shall water the ground, to see it begin to spring up. You see what an invincible mischief Prejudice is and Studium partium; It leaves no place for admission of Truth that brings any disadvantage to the side: That's the Rule which they examine all by. Will so many Rents of the Church as we see ready to sink it never make us wiser?
Your assured Friend, Joseph Mede.
Christ's College Aug. 28. 1638.
THE FIFTH BOOK OF THE WORKS OF The Pious and Profoundly-Learned Joseph Mede, B. D. SOMETIME Fellow of CHRIST'S College in CAMBRIDGE.
CONTAINING FRAGMENTA SACRA, OR MISCELLANIES OF DIVINITY.
Io. 6. 12. Colligite quae superfuerunt Fragmenta, ne quid pereat. Chrysost. Homil. in 1 Tim. 5. 23. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .
THE CONTENTS OF THE FIFTH BOOK.
-
CHAP. I.
- The disposition of the years of Jehoiakim according to the several Events mentioned in Scripture.
- pag. 889
-
CHAP. II.
- The Mystery of S. Paul 's Conversion: or, The Type of the Calling of the Jews.
- pag. 891
-
CHAP. III.
- An Answer concerning a Discourse inferring from the Septenary Types of the Old Testament and other Arguments, That the World should last 7000 years, and the Seventh Thousand be that happy and blessed Chiliad.
- pag. 892
-
CHAP. IV.
- An Explication of Psal. 40. 6. [Mine ears hast thou bored] compared with Hebr. 10. 5. [A body hast thou prepared me.]
- pag. 896
-
CAP. V.
- D. HIERONYMI, Pronunciata de Dogmate MILLENARIORUM, cum Animadversionibus.
- pag. 897
-
CAP. VI.
- Verba GAII apud EUSEBIUM, Lib. 3. cap. 22. Hist. Eccles. cum Animadversionibus.
- pag. 899
-
CAP. VII.
- De Nomine Antichristi apud S. Ioannem.
- pag. 900.
-
CAP. VIII.
- Placita Doctorum Hebraeorum de BABYLONIS seu ROMAE Excidio.
- pag. 902.
-
CAP. IX.
- Quomodo interpungendum vertendumque censuerim Com. 35 & 36. cap. 11. Danielis, ut Angeli Prophetantis ibi loci Transitio a Regno tertio ad quartum (puta Romanum ) evidenter cerni internoscique possit. Cui additur & sequentium aliquot Commatum versio, una cum applicatione parallela.
- pag. 903.
-
CHAP. X.
- Short Observations upon some passages in the Apocalypse.
- p. 905.
-
CAP. XI.
- Commentationes Minores in Apocalypsin.
- pag. 907.
-
CHAP. XII.
- The Brief meaning or Summary Exposition of the Apocalypse.
- pag. 916.
THE FIFTH BOOK; CONTAINING MISCELLANIES.
CHAP. I.
The disposition of the years of Jehoiakim according to the several Events mentioned in Scripture.
IN the First year of Jehoiachim, as soon as the King of Egypt had made him King, Nebuchadnezzar being sent by his Father yet living, came into the Land to reduce those of Phoenicia and Coelesyria (which had revolted to the King of Egypt ) unto his obedience; wherewith Jehoiakim being affrighted, became his tributary and served him three years, 2 Kings 24. 1.
This was that Expedition whereof Berosus speaks, Lib. 3. rerum Chaldaicarum, citante Iosepho: Cùm audivisset Nabuchdonosoris parens Nabopollasarus Satrapam AEgypti & Coelesyriae Phoeniciaeque locis praefectum rebellionem fecisse, nec ipse jam labores ferr • posset; traditâ filio Nabuchdonosoro adhuc aetate viginti parte copiarum, eum misit: & ill cum rebelli praelio congressus, victor evasit, & regionem denuo sub ipsorum potestatem redegit.
And this was the Expedition whereof we read, 2 Kings 24. 7. That the King of Egypt came not again out of his Land anymore: ( viz. after he had made Jehoiakim King) For the King of Babel had taken from the River of Egypt unto the River Euphrates all that pertained unto the King of Egypt, viz. Phoenicia, Coelesyria, &c.
This also was the Expedition whereof the Rechabites speak Ier. 35. 11. When Nebuchadnezzar King of Babel came up into the Land, we said, Come let us go to Jerusalem for fear of the Army of the Chaldeans: So we dwell at Jerusalem. For this coming of the King of Babel into the Land must either be in the first of Jehoiakim, or in the fourth, or in the last year of his Reign. In the last it could not be; for they speak of it as of a thing a good while past, when Jehoiakim was yet reigning: And the Prophet says he was bidden go to these Rechabites in the Reign of Jehoiakim; where no year being named, it seems to be supposed as a thing happening about the beginning of his Reign, or before Nebuchadnezzar was yet returned home out of those quarters. Nor could it be in the fourth year; for then Nebuchadnezzar besieged and took Jerusalem, Dan. 1. but here he came but into the Land, and the Rechabites were safe in Jerusalem. Therefore it must be in the first.
And from this time to the first year of Darius with Cyrus (that is, to the first of Cyrus his 9 years) are just 70 years; at what time Daniel made his Prayer, as having hoped his people should then have returned from Captivity, Dan. 9. 2. &c. But he anticipated the Epocha which God intended.
In the Fourth year of Jehoiakim, (or Third complete) which was the • irst of Nebuchadnezzar, Jehoiakim after three years service, as soon as he heard of the death of Nabopollasar and recalling of Nebuchadnezzar out of those parts, taking courage and rebelling upon the advantage of the time, Nebuchadnezzar returns again, and the first time besieged Jerusalem, took it, carried many of the people captive, and Daniel amongst them, also part of the Vessels of the House of the Lord. This is that Expedition whereof Daniel speaks Chap. 1. And from hence to the first year of Cyrus solus, (that is, of those six years which he reigned complete after Darius his death) are 70 years: which was the time when God according to the Prophecy of Jeremiah released their Captivity.
In the Fifth year of Jehoiakim, in the ninth month, the same month that Nebuchadnezzar had taken and spoiled the City the year before, they proclaimed a public Fast, Ier. 36. 9. that so by humbling themselves upon the remembrance of the former year's calamity, they might pacify the farther wrath of God towards them. For the like reason after the destruction of the City they used, even till Zechariah 's time, to fast upon the 4. 5. and 10. months ( Zechariah 7. 3. and Chap. 8. 19.) because Nebuchadnezzar began that fatal siege in the 10. month, took the City in the 4. burnt it in the 5. Ier. 52. v. 4, 6, 12. and 2 Kings 25. At this Fast Baruch read his Roll.
This year the King of Babel sent to Jerusalem to bring Jehoiakim bound in setters unto Babylon, 2 Chron. 36. 6. But his servants used him in such manner, that he died miserably before he went, and was buried with the burial of an Ass, drawn, and cast forth beyond the Gates of Jerusalem; Ier. 22. 19. Whereupon the people made his son Iehoiachin King; when presently Nebuchadnezzar (who had then accomplished the 7. year of his reign) came, besieged the City, took and carried the new King Iehoiachin captive, when he had reigned but three months.
Obj. Jehoiakim in the 9. month of the 5. year of his Reign was not yet in Captivity, as is plain by Ier. 36. 9. Therefore Nebuchadnezzar had not approached Jerusalem and made a deportation in the 4. year of Jehoiakim.
I answer, it follows not. For the Captivity of Jehoiakim seems not to have been a Captivity of his person, but of his people; and that for these Reasons. First, If Jehoiakim were carried captive either in the 4. or 7. year of his reign, how could he be said to reign 11. years? did he reign whilst he was in Babylon? Secondly, Jehoiakim was buried Sepulturâ asini, protractus & projectus extra portas Jerusalem, Ier. 22. 19. If he died at Jerusalem, how could he be a captive in Babylon? Thirdly, It is nowhere said that Jehoiakim himself was carried captive: Of his people captived we hear Dan. 1. and of part of the Vessels of the House of God; of his Servitude both first and second, 2 Kings 24. 1, 2.
Obj. But 2 Chron. 36. 6. it is said, that Nebuchadnezzar came up against him, and bound him with fetters to carry him to Babylon.
Ans. True; it appears he meant to have carried him, but not that he performed it. 2. This coming up of the King of Babylon, if we compare it with the Text of the 2 Kings 24. will be his first coming up, when Jehoiakim became his tributary three years. Therefore this coming up and this binding, though joined in one sentence, was not at the same time.
Obj. But you will say, When then was this binding to have carried him?
Ans. I suppose in the last year of his reign and life; and that his ill usage at that time was the occasion of his so miserable death, before he was yet gone from Jerusalem. And yet perhaps those who came to fetch him went not home empty, but carried those 3023 mentioned Ier. 52. 28. though I had rather refer them to Iehoiachin 's going, which was immediately.
Object. The first deportation of the Jews was in the 7. of Nebuchadnezzar, Ier. 52. 28. Therefore not the 4, but the 11. of Jehoiakim's reign.
Ans. Jeremiah intended not a rehearsal of all the Captivities, nor of the full number of captives, as appears by the smallness of the number. It may be those numb • rs contain men of particular quality, and such as were disposed of in one and the same place. But here I am resolved.
I. M.
CHAP. II.
Howbeit for this cause I obtained mercy, that in me first Jesus Christ might show forth ill longsuffering, for a Pattern to them which should hereafter believe on him to everlasting life.
CHAP. III.
Answer concerning a Discourse inferring from the Septenary Types of the Old Testament and other Arguments, That the World should last 7000 years, and the Seventh Thousand be that happy and blessed Chiliad.
I.
THE Millennium of the Reign of Christ is that which the Scriptures call The Day of Judgment, the ancient Jews and S. Jude 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Magnus Dies Iudicii or Dies Iudicii magni. Septimus Millenarius ab universa Cabbalistarum Schola (saith Carpentarius) vocatur Magnus Dies Iudicii; Comment. in Alcinoum Platonis, pag. 322. A Day, not (as our languages commonly import) of a few hours, but, according to the Hebrew notion (from whence the name is derived) of many years: For with them Day is Time, and not a short only; but a long Time. A Day whereof S. Peter speaking, 2 Epist. chap. 3. tells the believing Jews his brethren, as soon as he had named it, verse. 8. That he would not have them ignorant, that one Day with the Lord was as a Thousand years, and a Thousand years as one Day. This is the Day of the great Assizes beginning with the Seventh Trumpet, Apocal. 11. 15. wherein Christ shall give reward unto his Servants the Prophets, and to the Saints and them that fear his Name, and shall destroy them that destroy the earth, verse. 18. The Process of this wonderful Day S. John describes by a twofold Judgment, and a twofold Resurrection, and the glorious Reign of the Saints between them. The morning Judgment shall be of Antichrist and all his partakers, whom Christ shall destroy at the appearing of his coming, 2 Thess. 2. 8. and then shall be the first and particular Resurrection. The evening Judgment shall be upon the remainder of the living enemies of Christ, Gog and Magog, and conclude with the last and universal Resurrection of the dead: and so the last enemy, Death, being now wholly vanquished, he shall surrender his Kingdom into the hands of his Father, that God may be all in all, 1 Cor. 15. 24, &c.
Nor ought it to seem strange, that the name Day should signify so long a time as a Thousand years: The Jews, who first imposed it, understood it so. And in the end of S. Peter we shall find yet a longer Day, even 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Dies AEternitatis, a Day of Eternity, 2 Pet. 3. 18. The Prophets have many such long Days, when they say, In Die illo, Vide. The whole time of Christ's first coming is called a Day, John. 16. 26. 2 Cor. 6. 2. The whole time of the Jews forty years abode in the wilderness is called a Day, Heb. 3. 8, 9. Their first Captivity of seventy years, a Day: Vide Prophetas. Their last and long Captivity, a Day, as Deut. 32. 35. & alibi apud Prophetas. And what if in our daily prayer [ Give us this day our daily bread] Day be to be taken for the whole time of our life? For instead of S. Matthew's [This day ] speaking after the Hebrew notion, S. Luke hath in the same Petition, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . that is, every day. So S. Paul, Heb. 3. 13. Exhort one another 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 every day, whilst it is called To Day. Doth not Day here include many days?
Now if the Thousand years of the Reign of Christ be the Day of Judgment, then it will follow, that though we may know by the fulfilling of things to be fulfilled whether it be nearer or farther off, yet the precise time of the coming thereof cannot be known, because it is to come upon the world unawares as a Thief in the night.
II.
Nevertheless it is true that the Primitive Fathers (especially those who believed the Chiliad ) conceived the World should last, and the Church therein labor, 6000 years, and that the Seventh thousand should be the Day of Judgment, and Sabbath, in which the Saints should reign with Christ their Lord.
So Irenaeus, Lib. 5. c. 28. Quotquot diebus hic factus est mundus, tot & Millenis consummatur—Si enim Dies Domini quasi Mille anni, in Sex autem diebus consummata sunt quae facta sunt; manifestum est, quoniam consummatio ipsorum Sextus millesimus annus est.
Idem eodem Libro cap. 30. Cùm vastaverit Antichristus hic omnia in mundo, regnans annis tribus & mensibus sex—tunc veniet Dominus de coelis in nubibus in gloriae Patris, illum quidem & obedientes ei in stagnum ignis mittens, adducens auten • justis Regni tempora, hoc est requietionem ( i. Sabbatum,) septimam diem sanctificatam, & restituens Abrahae promissionem haereditatis, &c.
Justinus Martyr, Dialogo cum Tryphone Iudaeo loquens de Mellennio Regni Christi, Novimus (inquit) dictum illud, quod Dies Domini sit sicut mille anni, huc pertinere.
Cyprianus, Lib. de Exhortatione Martyrii; Primi in dispositione Divina Septem dies, annorum Septem millia continent,—ut consummatio legitima impleatur.
Lactantius, de Divino praemio Lib. 7. c. 14. Quoniam Sex diebus cuncta Dei opera perfecta sunt; per secula Sex, id est, annorum Sex millia, manere in hoc statu mundum necesse est. Dies enim magnus Dei Mille annorum circulo terminatur.—Et ut Deus Sex illos dies in tantis rebus fabricandis laboravit; ità & religio ejus & veritas in his Sex millibus annorum laborare necesse est, malitiâ praevalente & dominaute. Et rurius, Quoniam perfectis operibus requievit die Septimo, eúmque benedixit, necesse est ut in fine Sexti millesimi anni malitia omnis aboleatur e terra, & regnet annos Mille Iustitia; sitque tranquillitas & requies à laboribus quos mundus jamdiu perpessus est.
III.
The ancient Jews also had a Tradition to the same purpose, as appears by these testimonies recorded in the Gemara or Gloss of their Talmud, Cod. Sanhedrim, cap. Kol Iisrael. For there, concerning that of Isaiah chap. 2. [ Exaltabitur Dominus solus die illo ] thus speaks the Talmudical Gloss.
Dixit Rabbi Ket •• a, Sex annorum millibus stat Mundus, & uno (Millenario) vastabitur; de quo dicitur, AT QUE EXALTAEITUR DOMINUS SOLUS DIE ILLO. Note, By Vastabitur they mean the Vastation of the world by Fire in the Day of Judgment, whereby it shall become New, or a New Heaven and New Earth.
Traditio adstipulatur R. Ketinae, (nempe ista) Sicut ex septenis annis Septimus quisque Annus Remissionis est; ità septem millibus annorum mundi, Septimus Millenarius Millenarius Remissionis erit, ut Dominus solus exaltetur in die illo. Dicitur enim (Psal. 92.) Psalmus & Canticum de Die Sabbati; id est, de eo Die qui totus Quies est. (Note, they understand this Psalm of the Great day of Judgment, and the Sabbath mentioned in the Title, of the great Sabbath of a Thousand years.) Dicitur item (Psal. 90) Nam mille anni in oculis tuis velut dies hesternus.
Traditio Domûs Eliae: Sex mille annos durat mundus; Bis mille annis Inanitas, bis mille annis Lex, deni{que} bis mille annis Dies Christi. At vero propter peccata nostra plurima & enormia, abierunt ex his qui abierunt. These last words Petrus Galatinus proves to be added to this Tradition by the later Jews. And surely this Elias lived under the second Temple and before the birth of Christ. And though there be no mention here of the Seventh thousand years; yet that this R. Elias acknowledged it as well as the rest, appears by a former place of the same Gemara Talmudica, which is this; Traditio Domûs Eliae. Iusti quos resuscitabit Deus, &c.
IV.
The concinnity of this conceit hath made me (I confess) sometimes inquisitive, whether it could be brought to accord with the received computation of the Age of the World, and with our experience of the beginning and continuance of the times of Antichrist now revealed. But the obstacle I found was, that I could never persuade myself the times of Antichrist began so late as this conceit and our computation of the World's years imply they should, namely, not till near about the time of Carolus Magnus. Nor can I admit that the 42. months which the Beast is said to continue, should be reckoned from his 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or aetas adulta, and not from his beginning, as must be here likewise supposed. For as when we reckon the Age of a Man, we reckon not from the time he came to man's estate, or from the time he sued out his livery, but from the time of his birth; so should we do here for the times of the Man of sin.
Besides, we ought not (as I take it) to fix our eyes so much upon the Popes dominion and his improvement thereof, as upon the Apostasy of the Church from the rule of Christian Worship by Spiritual Fornication with Idols; which is the Character the Holy Ghost gives us in the Apocalypse to know the Antichristian State and Times by. Of which estate the Pope or False-prophet was indeed to be the Head, and his See Babylon the Metropolis; but the Body was to be, and so is, Bestia Romana novissimi capitis decem diadematis redimita, the Roman Empire shiver'd into a plurality of Kingdoms, but re-united again under this new Head, and fashioned and renewed by him unto a lively Image of the former Roman Ethnicism, which had but newly received a deadly blow, and been cast down to the ground by the Lamb and his Champions. This new Idolatry or Idolatrous state, this Imaging of the wounded Draconizing Beast, is that treading down or prosaning the Court of the Temple of God, Chap. 11. that is, of the visible Worship of Christ in his Church, by a new Gentilism. Unto which the 42. months are attributed as well as to the Beast; and so the beginning of the Times of the one not to be reckoned without or severed from the other. But whosoever shall impartially search into the Stories of the Christian Church, (as all those do not who labor to diminish the antiquity of Antichristianism, rather than to find it) will see her not only tainted, but even all-over polluted, with Spiritual Fornication with Saints, Angels, Relics, yea and Images too, hundreds of years before the times of Pepin and Charlemaign: nay the chiefest part of those lying wonders and strong delusions, whereby this impiety and wickedness was advanced, was long before that time. How can I then believe that the time of the Gentiles profaning God's House, and of the Witnesses or Prophets mourning for the same in sackcloth, should not begin till about the year 792. whatsoever improvement the Pope's dominion then had?
V.
Finding such an Obstacle as this, and loath yet utterly and absolutely to reject this so ancient a Tradition, I began to make with myself these Quaere's. First, Whether it were needful to reckon these Thousands of years complete, or only current in the last hundred; which want of completion, though unknown to us, might abate so much of the full length of 6000 years, as would bring the computation nearer the mark for the beginning and end of the times of the Antichristian Beast. But finding no grounds to make such a conceit probable, I rejected it as a vain imagination.
But then I made a second Quaere of greater moment; namely, Whether the computation of the years of the world before the Promise made to Abraham were or could be certainly known or not. For as for the time after the Promise, I make no doubt but it may be known, even almost to a year.
The occasion of such a doubt was the great difference which is found between our Hebrew Copies and the Seventy concerning the years of the foresaid generations: For though it be true or likely that the Seventy, translating in Egypt, voluntarily and of set purpose increased the years of those first generations, to make them reach the antiquity of some Stories of the Egyptians, and thereby exceeded the Hebrew computation above 1300 years; yet it follows not that all the differences between them and our Hebrew Bibles in the years of those generations should proceed from this fountain, but some of them perhaps from the reading of the Copy they used. For that there should be differences of reading in the Hebrew Copies of the Old Testament, is not a thing to be so much startled at as some conceive, seeing we find many such in the Greek Copies of the New. And how can it be proved that the Church of the Jews had in this particular (especially when Prophecy ceased) a greater privilege than we? For as for that admirable Masorethical method, whereby they are now inviolably preserved from change, it was devised since the coming of Christ, and applied to one Copy only, which they esteemed most true and authentical; namely that (as some of them say) which was written by the great Rabbi Hillel 's own hand; and many hundred of years after kept as a Relique: Yet nevertheless might some other Copies, though in general far inferior, yet in some few particulars have a better and righter reading than it.
3. That most Learned Prelate and Mirror of Bishops, the Lord Primate of Armagh, could not be at rest, till by his indefatigable industry and no small charges (as such a business required) he had some four years since gotten from the remnant of the Samaritans in Palestine into a Christian hand that admirable Monument, the Samaritan Pentateuch or Five Books of Moses; which may be presumed to be that which they received from the captived ten Tribes, when they first learned from them to worship the God of Israel, 2 Kings 17. 27. This wondrous and no • -paril of Manuscripts he brought hither to Cambridge amongst us; and during his stay here some time, was most ready to show it to all Scholars that came unto him; and so free in communicating the use thereof, that some of us had opportunity, by comparing it with our Hebrew Bibles, first to pick out the Alphabet, and then to read therein. It is in the same Hebrew tongue and words (saving the diverse readings) with our Bibles, but written in a strange character, namely the Samaritan, which is supposed to have anciently been the Hebrew, till it was changed by Ezra at the return from Captivity.
In this Book is found a strange difference in the years of the generations before the birth of Abraham both from the Septuagint and our Hebrew Bibles. Before the Flood, by diminishing the generations of Iared, Methusalah and Lamech, it comes short of us. After the Flood (for the most part agreeing with the Septuagint ) it much out-reckons us. To be short, it exceeds in the upshot our Computation 301 years: so that the birth of Christ falls according to it to be Anno Mundi 4254. Agreeable whereto the 6000. year from the Creation would be complete Anno Christi 1746. and consequently Antichrist's 42 months or 1260 years would begin Anno Christi 486. which is presently after the deposition of Augustulus, in whom the Empire of Western Rome expired. And this comes much nearer the point than 792.
Howbeit, far be it from me to affirm anything thereof, or of the verity of the Samaritan Computation, or to prefer it in the general before our Hebrew; though some things be found therein which dissolve a knot or two which make our Chronologers at thei • wits end. As one for example; How Abraham could come into Canaan after the days of his Father, (as S. Stephen says) and yet be but 75 years old, Gen. 12. 4. whenas his Father Terah lived 205 years, and himself was born in the 70 year of his age, Gen. 11. 26. But the Samaritan saith (chap. 11. 32.) That the days of Terah were (but) 145 years, which is just; for then Abraham was 75 years old at his Father's death, and Moses and S. Stephen are reconciled; which yet no man can imagine that the Samaritan Scribe ever thought of.
But the thing • aim at in representing these differences, and would propound to the consideration of the pious, sober and judicious, and with due reverence to the Divine Writ, is, Whether there may not be some secret disposition of Divine Providence in this variety of Computation, to prevent our Curiosity in counting the exact time of the Day of Judgment and second appearing of Christ. And that as the ambitious Tower of Babel was hindered by the Confusion of Languages, so our Curiosity in this particular be not by a like Providence prevented by such a diversity of Computations • For these things concern not matter of Salvation. We know the first Ages of the Church followed the Computation of the Seventy altogether, though it were most wide of truth; and the chiefest Doctors the Church then had, through ignorance of the Hebrew, for a long time knew not, or believed not, there was any other Computation. But for contents of Faith, and the way of Salvation, over such the Providence of God watcheth with a careful eye, though man be heedless, wicked and careless of preserving the integrity of that precious treasure committed to their custody.
Besides, I nothing doubt, if our Books be in any such particular as we speak of deficient or corrupted, but that the true reading is yet extant in some of the two named, or some other Copy some-where preserved by Divine Providence, though we cannot yet know and discern which those righter readings be. The Jews having a saying, Cùm Elias venerit, dissolvet nodos: And without doubt, when they shall be called, and meet together from all places of the world, (which must be before that great Day cometh) strange things will be discovered, which we little dream of.
Now if any man ask, if such a corruption of Computation be suppo • ed, where it is most like to be: I answer, Not in those generations before the Flood, (where the Hebrew Computation, being the middle between the excess of the Septuagint and defect of the Samaritan, seems to be crucified, as our Savior, between two Thieves) but in the generations immediately after the Flood. 1. Because in those the Seventy and the Samaritan for the most part agree; which argues their difference from our Bibles not to have been voluntary. 2. Because S. Luke in the Genealogy of our Savior inserts, as the Seventy do, the generation of Cainan immediately after Arphaxad, which our Bibles have not: who knows what it means, or whether it argue not a defect thereabout in the Hebrew Copies? Time may discover the meaning thereof. 3. Because Peleg, at whose birth the Scripture seems to say the Earth was divided, was born, according to our Copies, but 101 years after the Flood; which troubles our Chronologers, as seeming too small a time for eight persons to multiply unto such a number as may be presumed to have been at the building of the Tower of Babel, and at their dispersion thence; which will be much holpen, if either Cainan be to be inserted, (to whose generation the Septuagint allow 130 years) or if any of the other generations of Arphaxad, Salah and Eber be to be read as both the Septuagint and Samaritan have them.
To conclude, if the years of but three of those generations between the Flood and Abraham, as of Arphaxad, Salah and Nahor, should prove to be as the Septuagint and Samaritan agreeingly read them, and the generation of Cainan, (mentioned by S. Luke, and four times by the Septuagint ) also to be added unto them, the duration of the World hitherto will have been 350 or 360 years more than we count of.
If therefore such Suppositions as these may be admitted, (which I determine not, but leave to such as are able and fit to judge; Apagite indocti & prophani ) then that Tradition of the Seventh Thousand year to be the Day of Judgment and of the glorious Reign of Christ, will (in respect of those Septenary Types of the Old Testament) have good probability of Truth: Otherwise, I cannot see how possibly it can be admitted.
I. M.
CHAP. IV.
An Explication of Psal. 40. 6. [Mine ears hast thou bored] compared with Hebr. 10. 5. [A body hast thou prepared me.]
PSalm 40. v. 6, 7. Sacrifice and offering thou wouldst not have; mine ears hast thou bored: Burnt-offering and Sin-offering thou hast not required. Then said I, Lo, I come: in the volume of the Book it is written of me, I delight to do thy will, O my God.
In which words an allusion is made to a Custom of the Jews to bore the ears of such as were to be their perpetual Servants, and to enroll their names in a Book, or make some Instrument of the Covenant. Sacrifice and burnt-offering thou wouldst not have; but because I am thy vowed Servant, bored with an awl, and enrolled in thy Book, I said, Lo, I come, I delight to do thy will, O my God.
These words of the Psalm are alleged by S. Paul, Heb. 10. But the first of them with a most strange difference. For whereas the Psalmist hath, according to the Hebrew Verity, Sacrifice and burnt-offering thou wouldst not: mine ears thou hast bored or digged, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; S. Paul reads, with the LXX, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , A body thou hast prepared or fitted me. What Equipollency can be in sense between these two? This difficulty is so much the more augmented, because most Interpreters make the life of the Quotation to lie in those very words where the difference is, viz. That the words [ A body thou hast prepared me ] are brought by the Apostle to prove our Savior's Incarnation; whereunto the words in the Psalm itself, [ Mine ears hast thou bored, or digged, or opened ] take them how you will, will in no wise suit.
I answer therefore, That the life of the Quotation lies not in the words of difference, nor can do; because this Epistle was written to the Hebrews, and so first in the Hebrew tongue, where this Translation of the LXX could have no place. And if the life of the Quotation lay here, I cannot see how it can possibly be reconciled. It lies therefore in the words where there is no difference, viz. That Christ was such an High Priest as came to sanctify us, not with Legal Offerings and Sacrifices, but by his Obedience, in doing like a devoted Servant the will of his Father.
Thus the allegation will not depend at all upon the words of difference, and so they give us liberty to reconcile them thus: Mine ears thou hast bored (saith the Psalmist,) i.e. Thou hast accepted me for a perpetual Servant, a • Masters are wont, according to the Law, to bore such Servants ears as refuse to part from them. Now the LXX, according to whom the Apostle's Epistle readeth, thinking perhaps the meaning of this speech would be obscure to such as knew not that Custom, chose rather to translate it generally, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Thou hast fitted my body, viz. to be thy Servant, in such a manner as Servants bodies are wont to be. And to the sense is all one, though not specified to the Jewish Custom of boring the ear with an awl, but left indifferently appliable to the Custom of any Nation in marking and stigmatizing their Servants bodies.
CHAP. V.
D. HIERONYMI Pronunciata de Dogmate MILLENARIORVM.
IN cap. 54. Esaiae, verse. 1. LAUDA vel LAETARE STERILIS, QUAE NON PARIS, &c. Hunc locum, inquit, & caetera quae sequuntur, Iudaei & nostri Iudaizantes ad Jerusalem referunt, quam dicunt in Mille annorum regno instaurandam, & eandem esse quae priùs habuit virum, & postea habere desierit; multóque plures habitura sit filios post repudium, quàm priùs habuit sub viro.—Nec mirandum de Iudaeis, quorum oculi auresque sunt clausae, si apertam non videant veritatem. De Christianis quid loquar, nescio, qui, dicente Apostolo quae sunt Allegorica, & ad duo Testamenta, Vetus & Novum, Saram Agárque, referente, Iudaeis tradunt manus, terrenarum in Mille annis desiderio voluptatum.
Ad verse. 11. Respondeant amatores tantùm occidentis Literae, & in Mille annis exquisitos cibos gulae ac luxuriae praeparantes, ( quorum Deus venter est, & gloria in confusion eorum; qui post secundum in gloria Salvatoris adventum sperant Nuptias, & parvulos centum annorum, & Circumcisionis injuriam, & Victimarum sanguinem, & perpetuum Sabbatum; qui dicunt cum Israel in perversum modum, Manducemus & bibamus, eras enim regnabimus ) quae sit ista coelestis Jerusalem, cui nunc dicitur, ECCE EGO STERNAM PER ORDINEM LAPIDES TUOS, &c.
In cap. 60. verse. 1. SURGE, ILLUMINARE, &c. Breviter, inquit, perstringendum est quod plurimide hoc loco sentiant; ut error perspecto, faciliùs possimus suscipereveritatem. Iudaei & nostri semi-Iudaei, qui auream atque gemmatam de coelo exspectant Jerusalem, haec in Mille annorum regno futura contendunt: quando omnes gentes serviturae sunt Israel; & cameli Madian & Epha de Saba venientes aurum deferent & thus, &c.—Haec illi dicunt qui terrenas desiderant voluptates, & Uxorum quaerunt pulchritudinem ac numerum Liberorum; quorum Deus venter est, & gloria in confusion eorum: quorum qui sequitur errorem, sub nomine Christiano Iudaeorum se similem confitetur. Alii autem asserunt haec omnia Iudaeis carnaliter repromissa, si eum recepissent qui dicit in Evangelio EGO SUM LUX MUNDI —quem quia non susceperunt, repromissiones quoque irritas fieri.— Vide caetera.
In Prooemio in lib. 18. Commentariorum in Esaiam: Nec ignoro quanta sit inter homines sententiarum diversitas. Non dico de Mysterio Trinitatis, cujus recta confessio est ignoratio scientiae; sed de aliis Ecclesiasticis dogmalibus: de Resurrectione scilicet, & de Animarum & humanae Carnis statu; de repromissionibus futurorum, quomodo debeant accipi; & quâ ration intelligenda sit Apocalypsis Ioannis: quam si juxta literam accipimus, Iudaizandum est; si spiritualiter, ut scripta est, disserimus, multorum veterum videremur opinionibus contraire; Latinorum, Tertulliani, Victorini, Lactantii; Graecorum, ut caeteros praetermittam, Irenaei tantùm Lugdunensis Episcopy faciam mentionem, adversus quem vir Eloquentissimus Dionysius Alexandrinae Ecclesiae Pontisex elegantem scribit librum, irridens Mille annorum fabulam & auream atque gemmatam Jerusalem in terris, instaurationem Templi, Hostiarum sanguinem, otium Sabbati, Circumcisionis injuriam, Nuptias, Partus, Liberorum educationem, Epularum delicias, & cunctarum gentium Servitutem; rursúsque Bella, Exercitus, ac Triumphos & superatorum neces, mortemque centenarii peccatoris. Cui duobus voluminibus respondet Apollinarius; quem non solùm suae Sectae homines, sed & nostrorum, in hac parte duntaxat, plurima sequitur multitudo: ut praesagâ mente jam cernam quantorum in me rabies concitanda sit. Quibus non invideo, si tantum ament terram, ut in regno Christi terrena disiderent, & post ciborum abundantiam gulaeque ac ventris ingluviem ea quae sub ventre sunt quaerant. De quibus Apostolus, ESCAE, inquit, VENTRI, ET VENTER ESCIS, &c. &, NON EST REGNUM DEI CIBUS ET POTUS: & Christus, ERRATIS NESCIENTES SCRIPTURAS, NEQUE VIRTUTEM DEI. IN RESURRECTIONE ENIM NEQUE NUBENT NEQUE NUBENTUR, SED ERUNT SIMILES ANGELORUM.
In cap. 66. Esaiae, verse. 22. QUIA SICUT COELI NOVI ET TERRA NOVA, &c. Quod aliis verbis in alio Psalmo dicitur, OMNES GENTES QUAS FECISTI VENIENT ET ADORABUNT IN CONSPECTU TUO, ET GLORIFICABUNT NOMEN TWM, DOMINE. Mensem ex mense & Sabbatum ex Sabbato, in quibus veniet omnis caro ut adoret Deum, ridicule interpretantur 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , quos nos dicere possumus MILLIARIOS; ut qui in vicino sunt omni Sabbato veniant in Jerusalem, qui longiùs per menses, qui valde procul per annos singulos, hoc est, diebus Paschae sive Tabernaculorum, juxta illud quod in Zecharia dicitur [cap. 14.] ASCENDENT AB ANNO IN ANNUM, &c.
In Hieremiam, cap. 31. 27. Omnes hujusmodi repromissiones juxta Iudaeos & nostros Iudaizantes in Mille annorum regnoputantur esse complendae: Nos autem—in primo adventu Christi spiritualiter impleta defendimus, & impleta ex parte, non ex toto.
Ibidem ad verse. 38. Qui Mille annorum in terra Judea Regnum Christi recipiunt, Iudaei videlicet & nostri Iudaizantes, conantur ostendere turrem Hananeel & p • rtam Anguli, &c. —E • ibi dicunt Sanctuarium Domini, i.e. Templum, esse condendum, mansurúmque in perpetuum. Vide caetera.
In cap. 16. Ezech. verse. 55. ET SOROR TUA SODOMA, &c. Iudaei, inter caeteras fabulas & interminabiles genealogias & deliramenta quae fingunt, etiam hoc somniant; In adventu Christi sui, quem nos Antichristum scimus. & in Mille annorum Regno, Sodomam esse restituendam in antiquum statum, ità ut sit quasi Paradisus Dei, & quasi terra AEgypti; & Samariam pristinam recipere felicitatem, ut de Assyriis revertantur in terram Iudaeam—Jerusalem quoque tunc fabricandam, &c. —Nos au • em perfectam horum scientiam Dei judicio relinquentes, imo liquido confitentes post secundum adventum Domini Salvatoris nihil humile, nihil futurum esse terrenum, sed regna coelestia quae primùm in Evangelio promittuntur, hoc dicimus, quod in Ecclesiae statu cuncta completa sint & quotidie compleantur, &c.
In cap. 36. Haec illi ( id est, Iudaei ) exspectant in Mille, annorum Regno, quando Civitatem Jerusalem asserunt exstruendam, & Templum quod in fine hujus voluminis describitur, & rerum omnium felicitatem; quorum nonnulli arbitrantur sub Zerubbabel haec fuisse completa. Sed quomodo stare poterit hoc quod dicitur, v. 11. ET HABITARE VOS FACIAM SICUT A PRINCIPIO, &c? Paulo post, Et quia longum est nunc adversùm dogma Iudaicum, & beatitudinem ventri & gutturi Iudaico servientem— in brevi explanation dicere—Neque enim juxta Iudaicas fabulas, quas illi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 appellant, gemmatam & auream de coelo expect amus Jerusalem; nec rursus passuri Circumcisionis injuriam, nec oblaturi taurorum & arietum Victimas, nec Sabbati otio dormiemus. Quod & multi nostrorum, & praecipue Tertulliani liber qui inscribitur de Spe fidelium, & Lactantii Institution • m volumen septimum pollicetur, & Victorini Pictavionensis Episcopy crebrae expositions, & nuper Severus noster in Dialogo, cui Gallo nomen imposuit: & ut Graecos nominem, & primum extremúmque conjungam, Irenaeus & Apollinarius.
In cap. 37. verse. 15. in fine. Quod si Iudaei & Christiani Iudaizantes haec ad Millc annorum voluerint refer regnum, necessitate coguntur, ut suscipiant omnes qui salvi fuerint habituros in terra Israel, aedificandam Jerusalem, exstruendum Templum, cunctas Legis Caeremonias exercendas, observandum Sabbatum, accipiendam Circumcisionis injuriam, &c.
In cap. 38. Igitur Iudaei & nostri Iudaizantes putant Gog esse gentes Scythicas immanes, &c. —& has post Mille annorum Regnum esse à Diabolo commovendas, &c.
In cap. 39. Et haec Iudaicae traditionis haeredes, & discipuli interminabilium fabularum, post Mille annorum Regnum futura contendunt.
In Micheam cap. 4. Sciendum queque hoc capitulum, & huic simile de Esaia, Iudaeos & eorum Erroris haeredes ad Mille annorum refer imperium Christi & Sanctorum, &c.
In Zach. c. 14. ad v. 10. IN DIE ILLA, &c. Iudaei & Christiani Iudaizantes ultimo sibi tempore repromittunt, quando rursum exercenda Circumcisio sit, & immolandae Victimae, & omnia Legis praecepta servanda; ut non Iudaei Christiani, sed Christiani Iudaei fiant. In die, inquiunt, illa quando Christus in Jerusalem aureâ & gemmatâ sederit regnaturus, non erunt Idola, nec Divinitatis cultura diversa; sed erit Dominus unus. Paulo post, Haec Iudaei juxta literam somniant & nostri 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , qui rorsum audire desiderant, Crescite & multiplicamini, &c. At provitae hujus continentia brevíque jejunio, bulbos sibi, & vulvas, & aves Phasidis, & attagenem nequaquam Ionicum, sed Iudaicum, repromittunt, &c. Hactenus Hieronymus.
Animadversions in D. Hieronymi Pronunciata, &c.
OS Hieronymi! qui Millenariis promiscue affiuxit Circumcisionis injuriam, Victimarum sanguinem, caeterásque Legis Caeremonias postliminio instaurandas. Scilicet quae Iudaei, aut forte ex Iudaismo Haeretici, de suo Millenario somniârunt, ill Christianis odiose impingebat. Sed & tu, Hieronyme, vel teipso judice, prodis criminationem istam falsam esse. Sic enim scribis in Ieremiam cap. 19. v. 10. Post captivitatem quae sub Vespasiano & Tito, & postea accidit sub Hadriano, usque ad consummationem seculi Ruinae Jerusalem permansurae sunt: quanquam sibi Iudaei auream atque gemmatam Jerusalem restituendam putent; rursúsque Victimas & Sacrificia, & Conjugia Sanctorum, & Regnum in terris Domini Salvatoris: quae licet non sequamur, damnare tamen non possumus, quia multi virorum Ecclesiasticorum & Martyrum ista dixerunt. Vnusquisque in suo sensu abundet, & Domini cuncta judicio reserventur. Haec verba tua sunt, Hieronyme. Sed dic sodes, An viri isti Ecclesiastici & Martyrs sanctissimi dixerunt, Circumcisionem & Victimas in Regno illo Christi restituendas? Cave dixeris. Aut si ità credidisse scires, annon sine cunctatione damnares? Sed quod contrarium docuere, firmari potest ex Iustini Martyris Dialogo cum Tryphone Iudaeo. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 In cujus [Christi] secundo adventu, ne existimetis Esaiam aut alios Prophetas admonere, ut Sacrificia sanguinis aut libationum super altari offer antur, sed verae atque spirituales laudes & gratiarum actiones.
CAP. VI.
Verba GAII apud EUSEBIUM, Lib. 3. cap. 22. Hist. Eccles.
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Id est, Sed & Cerinthus per Apocalypses, velut à magno Apostolo scriptas, portentosa quaedam nobis quasi per Angelos sibi ostensa mentitus, attulit, Regnum Christi ( sed 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Regiam significat ) post Resurrectionem terrenum futurum, & carnem nostram denuo Hierosolymis concupiscentiis ac voluptatibus carnis servituram dicens: Et cùm inimicus esset Scriptures Dei, numerum cujusdam Millenarii festi nuptiis deputatum, seducere volens, futurum dixit.
Animadversions in verba GAII.
ANnon hinc merito quis suspicari possit Gaium istum ex Alogorum haereticorum numero fuisse, quos Epiphanius tradit Dei 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 negâsse, ideóque tam Ioannis Evangelium quàm Apocalypsin Cerintho tribuisse? Tempus omnino congruit: Theodotus enim Alogorum antesignanus à Victore Papa de Ecclesia ejectus est; Gaius autem iste floruit sub Zephyrino, qui Victori proxime successit.
Possunt tamen forsan Gaii verba in eum sensum accipi, acsi dixisset Cerinthum alias nescio quas Apocalypses praeter unicam illam magno Apostolo affinxisse, ex quibus probare sategit homo falsarius Regnum Christi post resurrectionem terrenum futurum, in quo homines carnis cupiditatibus & voluptatum carnalium blanditiis infervirent. Et 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 non illum quidem commentum esse, sed docuisse eam in nuptiarum festis & similibus cupediis consumptum iri, quasi Johannes idipsum voluisset.
Sed quaecunque fuerit Gaii men's, verisimile est eum de Cerintho falsum fuisse. Si enim haec fuisset Cerinthi Haeresis, quî id ignorare potuerint Justinus, Irenaeus, Melito, Tertullianus, Hippolytus? quorum Irenaeus & Tertullianus Cerinthi heresies ex professo enumerârunt: sed de isthac altum silentium. Unde igitur illud Guio innotuit?
Videntur nihilominus haec Gaii, hominis obscuri, verba Dionysio Alexandrino, Eusebio, & aliis pluribus, fervente lite cum Millenariis, errandi & de Apocalypseos authoritate dubitandi occasionem praebuisse.
CAP. VII.
De Nomine Antichristi apud S. Ioannem.
NOmen Antichristi occurrit in 1 Ep. John. cap. 2. verse. 18.— 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 —verse. 22.— 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Cap. 4. 3.— 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 —2 Epist. verse. 7. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
Loquitur de Simone Mago Archihaeretico, & discipulis Menandro, Saturnino, Cerintho, &c.
Ignatius ad Trallianos; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 — 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (i.e. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 — 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 — 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c.
Justinus Martyr (qui ipse Samaritanus fuit) de Simone, in priore Apologia, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Vid. etiam Justin. p. 349. in Dial. cum Tryphone.
Irenaeus, Lib. 1. c. 20. Simon Samaritanus, ex quo universae heresies substiterunt, &c. Idem, cap. 21. Hujus successor Menander, Samarites genere. Idem, c. 22. Ex his Saturninus, qui fuit ab Antiochia,—& Basilides occasionem sumentes, &c. Simon, & successor ejus Menander, uterque affirmavit sese Christum esse. Simon, se venisse de supernis, ut salutem praestaret hominibus per suam agnitionem; Menander, se esse virtutem illam primam incognitam, & missum ab invisibilibus Salvatorem pro salute hominum — cap. 21. Uterque negavit Patrem & Filium: Simon, dum affirmaret se esse qui inter Iudaeos quasi Filius apparuerit, in Samaria autem quasi Pater descenderat, reliquis vero Gentibus quasi Spiritus Sanctus adventaverit, &c. cap. 20. Menander, cùm eadem plane cum Simone docuit.
Simon negavit Christum in carne venisse, cùm dixit, In hominibus apparuisse cùm non esset Homo, & passum in Iudae a putatum cùm non esset passus. Quod & Menandrum affirmâsse puto.
Saturninus Iudaeorum Deum unum ex Angels esse dixit, [non Patrem omnium:] Christum venisse ad destructionem Iudaeorum Dei, putative autem visum Hominem. Iren. cap. 22. Eadem mentitus est Basilides, c. 23.
Gerinthus negavit Iesum esse Christum: Iesum enim fuisse Joseph & Mariae silium, post Baptismum de scendisse in eum Christum, ab ea principalitate quae est super omnia, figurâ Columbae—in fine autem revolâsse iterum Christum de Jesus, & Iesum passum esse & resurrexisse, Christum autem impassibilem perseverâsse. Iren. cap. 25. Negavit etiam Deum Iudaeorum esse Patrem omnium.
Hippolytus de Consummatione mundi & de Antichristo; Postquam Christus assumptus est ad Patrem, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .
Vide etiam Oecumenium in 1 Io. 2. 18, & 22. Clement. Constit. Lib. 6. 10.
Epiphanius ait à Cerintho Seditionem illam motam dicentium Gentes debere circumcidi, &c. contra quam Haeresin Decretum promulgatum est in primo Concilio Hierosolymitano; hoc autem fecisse Cerinthum priusquam in Asia praedicaret praedicationem suam. Hunc esse qui cum aliis seditionem excitavit Hierosolymis, quando Paulus rediit cum Tito. Contra hunc illud à Paulo scriptum 1 ad Cor. de Resurrectione mortuorum, eundemque ex iis unum qui ab Apostolo 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 dicti.
Et quidem Cerinthum Haeresin suam praedicâsse ante Excidium Hierosolymitanum vel sic potest probari. Tertullianus de Praescript. adversus Haereticos, Post hunc (i. e. Carpocratem) Cerinthus Haereticus erupit similia docens—Hujus Successor Ebion fuit, Cerintho non in omni parte consentiens. Successorem Cerinthi Ebionem vocant etiam Philastrius & Hieronymus adversus Lucifer. Irenaeus etiam ordine narrationis Ebionem Cerintho postponit; Eusebius primus praeposuit, & posteris imposuit. I am Ebionem Haeresin suam statim ab Excidio Hierosolymitano spargere coepisse ex Epiphanio constat, cujus verba sunt, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. Initium hujus (Ebionis) coepit post Hierosolymorum captivitatem inter Iudaeos in Pellam digressos.
Ex Ignatio; Simon, Menander, Basilides, Nicolaitae, Theodotus & Cleobulus.
Ex Clemente; Simon cum Cleobio, Cerinthus, Marcus, Menander, Basilides, Saturnilus, &c.
Ex Irenaeo; Simon, Menander: ex iis Saturninus & Basilides, Carpocrates, Cerinthus, Ebion, Nicolaitae, Cerdon; ei successit Marcion.
Ex Tertulliano; Simon, post hunc Menander: sequutus est Saturninus; postea Basilides, Nicolaus, Ophitae, Cainaei, Sethoitae, Carpocrates; post hunc Cerinthus; hujus Successor Ebion, Valentinus; post hunc Ptolomaeus: Valentini sequaces Secundus, Heracleon; post hos Marcus & Colobarsus, Cerdon; post hunc Marcion cum discipulis Lucano & Apelle, Tatianus, Cataphryges.
Eusebius hic tempora consundit, dum Basilidem & Saturninum, quos 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 facit, collocat sub temporibus Adriani, itemque Carpocratem, quem, testante Irenaeo, eisdem cum illis temporibus vixisse ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) affirmat. Recte quidem, si istos tres invicem 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 dicat; at falso, si sub Adriano. Quomodo enim Ignatius mentionem faceret Basilidis, si Basilidis Haeresis non innotuisset ante Adriani Imperium, cùm Ignatius Martyrio coronatus sit anno 11 Imperii Trajani? Deinde, si Cerinthus (Epiphanio teste) Haeresin suam disseminaverit superstite adhuc Paulo Apostolo, id est, ante Excidium Hierosolymitanum, fuerítque idem Carpocratis Successor, (affirmante Tertulliano, & non diffitente, imo innuente, Irenaeo ipso) quomodo etiam Carpocrates cum contemporaneis suis Basilide & Saturnino non fuissent etiam ante idem Excidium, non video.
Eusebium igitur hîc rejicio, qui & ipse lapsus est, & posteris errandi occasionem dedit. deceptus forsan authoritate Clementis Alexandrini, qui Lib. 7. Stromat. Haerese • n authors non vult exstitisse ante Andriani Imperium, ubi & Basilidem nominat, quem tamen fatetur Glauciam quendam, Petri Interpretem, magistrum sibi adscripsisse. Dixit ibi Clemens quod consilio suo inserviret: Ego, authoritatibus Ignatii, Clementis, Irenaei & Tertulliani inter se collatis innixus, sic statuo; Simonem, Menandrum, Saturninum, Basilidem, Nicolaitas, Carpocratem & Cerinthum (utpote omnes Ebione priores) ante Excidium Hierosolymorum Heresies suas disseminâsse, superstitibus adhuc Apostolis Petro & Paulo, saltem intra triennium.
De Simone Antichristo, Satanae Primogenito & omnium Haereticorum & Pseudoprophetarum Coryphaeo, jamdudum audivistis, ut ad seducendum venerit: Nunc autem plures Antichristos & Pseudoprophetas, scilicet Menandrum, Saturninum, Basilidem, Carpocratem & Cerinthum, &c. exortos vidimus: unde jam certo scimus Finem Gentis nostrae & Politiae Mosaicae abolitionem instare; cùm inter alia signa Excidii istius appropinquantis hoc etiam Salvator praedixit, Quod multi Pseudoprophetae exorirentur & seducerent multos Matth. 24. 11.
Johannes nomine Antichristi non tam unum aliquem & singularem hominem intelligit, quàm Factionem haereticam seu Pseudoprophetarum turbam, cujusmodi plures paulo ante Hierosolymorum Excidium exstituros praedixerat Salvator, Matth. 24. 5, 11. unde colligit Johannes finem Politiae Iudaicae jam, tempore quo Epistola ista prima scripta sit, instare, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .
Patet autem Antichristi nomine Factionem designari, cùm ex hoc loco, ubi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 sese mutuo explicare videntur, tum maxim ex Ep. 2. verse. 7. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .—Caeterum quamvis existimârim Ioannem hisce in locis de Pseudoprophetis loqui, qui Christi doctrinam corrumperent prope excidium Reipublicae Iudaicae, (id quod Christus fore praedixit Matth. 24.) tamen potest & istorum Antichristorum doctrinae summula (quâ negatur Iesum esse Christum ) magno isti Antichristo accommodari, qui quod Christunculos (i. e. Sanctos) suos instar 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 surrogârit, eo ipso negat Iesum esse Christum: sicut qui plures Deos colerent, negant Iehovam esse Deum. Etiam ex cap. 5. hujus Epist. verse. 20, 21. tale quid probabiliter colligitur; cùm enim dixerat Johannes de Jesus Christo, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , statim subjungit, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , innuens aliquando fatale futurum ut christiani loco Christi colerent Idola, i.e. falsos Christos & Mediatorculos Sanctos.
CAP. VIII.
Placita Doctorum Hebraeorum de BABYLONIS seu ROMAE Excidio.
ESai. 21. 11. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , inquit R. Solomon Rashi. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 inquit R.D. Kimchi, (quae verba Pontificii omittenda curârunt.) Idem Hieronymus in hunc locum & in Prophetam • Abdiam annotavit.
In Esa. 34. 16. Kimchi, Dixit QUAERITE respectu illius viri qui Romae excidium videre ac intelligere cupit, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Istas duas voces [ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ] Romani editores omiserunt, sensu imperfecto relicto: Et quater in eodem capite pro voice 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (quâ Romam designant Rabbini) substituitur 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , id est, Greece, Cuthith, in Commentaries Kimchi & Rashi.
ESai. 34. 9. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Mutabuntur torrentes Romae in picem. Kimchi hanc expositionem Chaldaicam citat & approbat. A Pontificiis tamen editoribus omittitur nomen Romae, & locus relinquitur sine sensu.
Ex Rabbinorum Commentaries in Esa. c. 34. &c. 35. Romae nomen bis obliterârunt; & pro Edom, nomen Pares, Javan & Cuthith quindecies substituerunt.
Num. 24. 24. Targum Onkelos, Et naves venientes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 à Romanis. Targum Hierosolym. Legiones multae 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 à Romanis. Sed Pontificii Correctores hîc substituendum curârunt 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .
Ex Kimchio in Abdiam nomen Romae saepius deletur: & integra haec sententia, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , id est, Cùm devastabitur Roma, erit Israeli Redemptio. Praecessit autem in Kimchio, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , id est, Quicquid dixerunt Prophetae de destructione Edom in postremis temporibus, de Roma dixerunt.
David Kimchi in Esa. 24. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , id est, Ista Sectio de futuro est, agítque de Excidio Edom, & postea Israelis salutis meminit. Quid vero per Edom intelligat, ostendit in v. 16. scribens, Quicunque respiciet in destructionem Romae [ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ] (quae verba à Pontificiis editoribus dele • a sunt) inquirat per totum Iehovae librum.
R. Abraham Sebah in Gen. 1. ait, Currente Sexto annorum mundi millenario ROMAM evertendam, & Iudaeos reducendos.
Targum ad Thren. c. 4. v. 22. Et postea (postquam) complebitur iniquitas tua, coetus Zion, & (tum) liberaberis per manum Messiae & Eliae sacerdotis magni; & non addet ultra Dominus ut transmigrare faciatte: & in temporeillo visitabo iniquitatem tuam, Roma, quae aedificata es in Italia, & plena turmis de filiis Edom; & venient Persae 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & angustiabunt te, &c. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Equites scribendum, non Persae.
Idem ad c. 1. v. 22. Ingrediatur in Die Iudicii Magni omne malum eorum [Gentium & inimicorum Jerusalem] quo malignati sunt mihi [Jerusalem loquitur] coram te; & quaere occasiones in ease, sicut quaesiîsti occasiones contra me propter multitudinem praevaricationum mearum: quia multi sunt gemitus mei, & cor meum infirmum. Targum hoc compositum est post excidium per Romanos: Nam v. 19. mentio est Titi & Vespasiani, & machinarum quas exstruxerunt contra Jerusalem. Imo cap. 4. 21. Constantinopolis.
CAP. IX.
Quomodo interpungendum vertendúmque censuerim Com. 35. & 36. cap. 11. Danielis, ut Angeli Prophetantis ibi loci Transitio à Regno tertio ad quartum (puta Romanum ) evidenter cerni internoscíque possit. Cui additur & sequentium aliquot Commatum versio, unà cum applicatione parallela.
35. ET ex intelligentibus corruent multi, ad constandum eos & mundandum, usque ad tempus finis. (finem puta Regni Graecanici. )
Clausula persecutionis Epiphanianae; quacum utique Regnum Graecanicum, juxta rations Sp. S. finiîsse censetur, neque ultra in Tetrarchias Propheticae censum venit. Confet. v. 23. c. 8. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .
36. Quoniam adhuc ad tempus statutum, faciet pro libitu suo REX, seque extollet & magnificabit super omnem Deum.
Characterismus Regni quarti seu Romani à debellata Macedonia ad exitum Augusti, Gentes Gentiúmque Deos quasi aestu quodam & torrente fortunae sibi subjugantis. Vide amabo Florum l. 2. c. 7. Paterc. l. 1. c. 6. item 1 Macc. c. 8. Phrasin autem similem de surgente Monarchia pers. cap. 8. 4. de Imperio Graeco, cap. 11. 3.
Quinetiam contra Deum Deorum edicet stupenda, proficietque donec consummata fuerit indignatio: [temporis] quippe decisio farcta est.
Characterismus ejusdem ab exitu Augusti ad abrogatum Gentilismum: quo temporis intervallo Christum Deum Deorum in carne apparentem, sub Pontio Pilaeto Praeside, cruci affixit, cultoresque ejus per annos ferme CCC. diris persecutionibus & lanienis exercuit.
37. Deinde ad Deos Majorum suorum non attendet, neque ad desiderium mulierum: imo ad nullum Numen animum adverlet, sed supra omne sese magnificabit.
Characterismus ejusdem Rei Romanae post abdicatam per Constantinum M. ejúsque successores Religionem Majorum, & sacra Christiana admissa: Ex quo nimirum Coelibatus, contra prisca Romanorum instituta, conjugio anteferri, & privilegiis gaudere coepit. [Vid. Sozomen. l. 1. c. 9. Euseb. de Vit. Constant. lib. 4. c. 26.] Sed & veri istius & unius Dei cultui, cui, sacris Christianis susceptis in Baptismo, sese addixerant, novi Deastri & Idola, non modo in eodem Templo, quin & ad unum idemque Altare colendi insignicum contumelia superinducti.
38. Nam unà cum Deo [ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ] Mahuzzimos in seed ipsius honorabit; cum Deo, inquam, quem non agnoverunt Majores sui, honorabit [eosdem] auro & argento, & lapidibus pretiosis, & rebus desiderabilibus.
Hi enim sunt quos hîc Sp. S. Mahuzzimos nuncupat, i. Propugnatores, sive tutelaria Numina; cujusmodi Sanctorum defunctorum & Angelorum titulis veneratur Romanus, tanquam Patronos, Protectores, & Mediatores inter Deum & homines. [Vide Comment. meas ad 6. Tub. p. 114, 115.] Significationi quam dico firmandae facit, quod LXX. in Ps • lmis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 quinquies 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 vertunt, & Vulgatus toties Protectorem. Videsis loca.
39. Facietque Munitiones Mahuzzimorum communes DEI PEREGRINI, quem agnoscendo honor cumulaturus est, eásque dominari faciet in multos, terrámque partietur in mercedem.
Vel Templa Mahuzzimorum intelligit, in commune Deo (quem abdicatâ Majorum religione asciverat) & Mahuzzimis dedicanda, juxta formulam Deo & Sancto N. vel N. quorum & Reliquiae ibi collocari solent, (ut nimirum idem sit cum eo quod praecessit, Mahuzzimos in seed ipsius (hoc est Dei, quem Majores ejus non agnoverant) honorabit: ) Vel forte Simulacra sic vocat, quibus ceu loricis & cataphractis induta visibiliter sistuntur Numina. Talibus scil. Romanus, quibus Deastros & Mahuzzimos suos, etiam Deum ipsum Israelis zeloten, quem sibi colendum susceperat, repraesentaret similitudinibus. Porro haec Mahuzzimorum suorum Templa, vel Simulacra, vel ipsos, simavis, Mahuzzimos, dominari faciet in multos, terràmque iisdem partietur in patrimonium & ditionem. Notares est.
40. In tempore autem finis bello eum impetet Rex Austri: irrue • que in eum ut turbo Rex Aquilonis, curribus equitibúsque & classibus amplis; ingressúsque in regiones inundabit, & transibit.
Caeterúm tam nefariae commixtionis, inque Deum, consortii similitudinísque impatientem, poenas primo dabit Saracenis ex Austro provincias ejus incur • uris, partemque plurimam abrepturis: deinde Turcis, Genti Aquilonari, Saracenos quidem primùm petituris; sed illorum Imperio everso, adeo fines ejusdem Romanos versus supergressuris, ut cladem longe omnium quae unquam fuere gravissimam latissimámque Orbi Romano sint illaturi, nec, antequam finalis ejusdem interitus jam prae foribus instet, auferendam.
Nota hîc tempus finis, quo mala ista ab Austro & Aquilone Romano incubitura praedicuntur, esse novissimam Rei Romanae periodum, alibi Temporis, temporum & dimidii temporis curriculo definitam; quibus utique Rex iste tantum nefas in Deum Christianorum, cujus cultum paulo ante susceperat, auderet.
41. Et intrabit in Terram decoris, (i. in terram Sanctam) &c.
Porro, quod momentum Prophetiae huic interpretandae maximum confert, nollem Lectoris observationem fugiat, nimirum, Quemadmodum Iudaeis, quibus unicus Deus verus patrius erat, Dii Nationum peregrini audiant; ità contrà, Romanis, falsorum Numinum inde a Gentis primordiis cultoribus, eundem Deum verum peregrinam fuisse, & quidem tantùm non unicum & solum: quandoquidem, ut Leo Magnus Serm. 1. in Natal. Apostol. Petri & Pauli, Roma, cùm pene omnibus dominaretur Gentibus, omnium Gentium serviebat erroribus; & magnam sibi videbatur sumpsisse religionem, quia nullam respuebat falsitatem. Ab hac mente est illud Philosophorum, Paulo Christum Athenis Evangelizante, Videtur, inquiunt, peregrinorum Deorum annunciator esse. Eodemque spectavit Altaris ibidem inscriptio ab Apostolo allegata, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Quid quod Licinius decretorium illud praelium cum Constantino initurus, eidem diserte exprobret, quod Patriis institutis violatis, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 sibi colendum ascivisset; seipsum contrà cum exercitu, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , venerari? Vide orationem Licinii ad milites apud Eusebium lib. 2. c. 5. de vita Constantini, quam se accepisse ait ab iis qui audiverant.
Postremo & illud addo; Arabiae Petreae incolas nunquam vel in hunc usque diem à Turca penitus sub jugum missos: imo nonnullis eorum annum quoddam tributum persolvere perhibetur, ne peregrinatorum tu • mas, illàc ultro citróque commeantes, latrociniis suis infestent. Ex quo illud Angeli, v. 41. intelligas, de Edomaeis, Moabitis & medietate filiorum Ammon Regis Aquilonis manum evasuris.
Caetera quae sequuntur adhuc implenda restant, ideóque non temere interpretanda.
There being scattered here and there in the Author 's Adversaria and other MSS. some few observations and short Notes upon some passages in the Apocalypse, I thought it not amiss to gather up these Fragments and place them in their due order. Some of them are upon those parts of the Apocalypse that the Author did not write upon in his Clavis & Comment. Apocalypt. but would have been farther enlarged and improved, if he had lived to have perfected his commentary on the remaining Chapters. The observations in English are set in Chap. X. the Latin ones in Chap. XI. The summary Exposition of the Apocalypse ( which makes Chap. XII.) was an entire Tract written by the Author, though before his Comment on the Apocalypse.
CHAP. X.
Short Observations upon some passages in the Apocalypse.
CHAP. 1. verse. 11.— the Seven Churches which are in Asia] If we consider their number, being Seven, which is a number of revolution of times, and therefore in this Book the Seals and Trumpets and Vials also are Seven; or if we consider the choice of the H. Ghost, in that he taketh neither all, no nor the most famous Churches in the world, as Antioch, Alexandria, Rome, and many other, and such no doubt as had need of instruction as well as those here named; If these thing; be well considered, may it not seem that these Seven Churches, besides their Literal respect, were intended to be as Patterns and Types of the several Ages of the Catholic Church à principio ad finem? that so these Seven Churches should prophetically sample unto us a Seven-fold successive temper and condition of the whole Visible Church according to the several Ages thereof, answering to the Pattern of the Seven Churches here. And if this were granted, viz. That they were intended for so many Patterns of so many States of the Church succeeding in the like order the Churches are named; then surely the First Church ( viz. the Ephesian State) must be first, and the Last be the last. As for those between, though there be no Characters to bound them all exactly, yet the mention of false Jews and the Synagogue of Satan, Throne of Satan, Balaam, Jezebel, &c. ( Apocal. 2.) in the Five middle ones, will argue that they belong to the time of the Beast and Babylon. And for the Sixth in special, viz. Philadelphia, we have a good character where to place it, viz. partly about the time the Beast is falling, and partly after his destruction, when the New Jerusalem cometh. For Philadelphia is promised that the Synagogue of Satan should bow before her feet, that she should be preserved in the general temptation to come upon the whole world, that upon her should be written the name of the New Jerusalem (Apocal. 3. 9, 10, 12.) If any thinks these Seven Churches are to be put into the Scheme, (as being persuaded they serve for Prophecies of things to come as well as Descriptions of things present) he may easily supply their want by imagining them in that middle empty space between the Two Prophecies, or might without any great deformity express them by 7 letters, E. S. P &c.
CHAP. 3. verse. 21.— I will give him to sit with me in my Throne, even as I— am set down with my Father in his Throne ] Here are 2 Thrones mentioned. My Throne, saith Christ; this is the condition of glorified Saints, who sit with Christ in his Throne: but my Father 's (i.e. God's) Throne is the Power of Divine Majesty; herein none may sit but God and the God-man Jesus Christ. To be installed in God's Throne, to sit at God's right hand, is to have a God-like Royalty, such as his Father hath, a Royalty altogether incommunicable, whereof no creature is capable. To receive our devotions in Heaven is a flower of this incommunicable Royalty.
CHAP. 5. verse. 12. Worthy is the Lamb to receive Power, and Riches, and Wisdom, and Strength, and Honor, and Blessing] The whole Doxology consists in the acknowledgment of these three Sovereign Prerogatives of the Divine Majesty, his Power, his Wisdom, his Goodness. The two first, Power and Wisdom, are express; and Riches and Strength belong to Power: the third ( viz. Goodness ) is implied in Blessing or Thanksgiving, which is the Confession of the Divine Goodness. Observe also that these words (and those in the parallel place, chap. 4. 11.) are the sum and argument of that Hymnologie which the Primitive Church used at the offering of Bread and Wine for the Eucharist.
CHAP. 9. verse. 5.— tormented five months, and verse. 10.— to hurt men five months ] For the clearing of this difficulty, 1. What if these Five months are not the whole time of the plague of Locusts, but the time only of their tormenting with their tail? Agreeably to this supposal the Editio Complutensis followed by Plantine reads not verse. 10. as we do with the Codex Regius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 but thus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , that is, And they had tails like unto Scorpions, and stings: and in their tails they have power to hurt men five months. And what if this then be the meaning of verse. 5.— They should be tormented five months; and their torment was as the torment of a Scorpion, when he Striketh a man, that is, they should be tormented by the tail, a • Scorpions torment and strike with their tail?
2. What if by the Head of this Army of Locusts we understand their Foremost troops or Vanguard, which infested and settled in the Eastern parts, erecting their chief Caliph at Bagdat or Babylon in Mesopotamia; and by the Tail of this Army their Latter and hindmost troops, which encamped Westward in Africa and Spain, as the Rear of that great Army who in process of time erected also a Caliph at Algier, and from thence after some ages invaded Sicily and Italy, which they held even under the Walls of Rome and Pope's nose, just five months or 150 years; during which though they killed not the Beast, yet they continually frighted, vexed and tormented him? For it should seem that the Holy Ghost in this number principally aimed at Italy, once the Seat of the Empire, and now of the Beast, whom the Head-troops of these Locusts never came near, but only their Tail.
Vers. 20. And the rest of the men which were not killed by these plagues, yet repented not of the works of their hands, that they should not worship Daemons, and Idols of gold, and silver, and brass, and stone, and of wood, which can neither see nor hear nor walk] See this explained in Book III. pag. 635.
CHAP. 10. verse. 11. Thou must prophesy again before many, &c.] These words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Thou must prophesy again, (which interpret the Symbolum of the Book-eating, ver. 10.) do imply that the System of Visions following do relegere tempus Apocalypticum ab ovo. But if any Vision of that System of Visions do begin at the beginning of the Apocalyptical time or period, (as it is not denied but that of the Puerperium in Chap. 12. doth) there is no reason to think but that the First Vision beginneth there; both because it is the First, and because it is the sum and Compendium of all that follow after. If then the First Vision after the eating of the Book begin at the beginning of the Apocalyptical period, surely the Measuring of the Temple and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is that which begins there: If the Measuring of the Temple and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 begin at the beginning of Apocalyptical time, then this Measuring cannot be contemporary with the Treading down of the Outer Court and the Witnesses prophesying in Sack-cloth; because these contemporate with the Woman in the Wilderness and the XLII months blasphemy of the Beast, which are granted not to be from the beginning of Apocalyptical time.
CHAP. 11. Vers. 2.— the holy City shall they tread underfoot 42 months; and ver. 3.— my two Witnesses shall prophesy in Sack-cloth 1260 days; and ver. 9.— three days and an half (as in chap. 12. 14.— a time and times and half a time )] That by these Numbers are not meant Three single years and an half, see it demonstrated by five Reasons, in Book III. pag. 598.
CHAP. 12. verse. 14. And to the Woman were given two Wings of a great Eagle ] This alludes unto Exod. 19. 4. where God is said to have born his people upon Eagle's wings, and brought them (out from the Egyptians) unto himself, namely in the Wilderness.
—That she might fly into the Wilderness, into her place, where she is nourished— from the face of the Serpent ] Seeing the whole Apocalypse almost consists of Expressions borrowed from the Types of the Old Testament; why should not this of the Woman's dwelling and being fed in the Wilderness have reference to that of Israel 's Mora in deserto, an estate and condition externally better than what they came from in Egypt, but inferior to that they should in time attain unto? Yea besides this general, the Allusion is most fit for many particular Correspondencies. Moses brought the Israelites out of the Egyptian bondage into the Wilderness, a place where they might worship and sacrifice unto the Lord safely, where the Law was given, Tabernacle built, Ordinances both Sacred and Political enacted, &c. So did 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Great Constantine deliver the Apostolical Woman, and brought her into the like condition, wherein she might worship Christ safely, the Laws of the Church were established, Tabernacles for Christian Worship erected, T • thes and Revenues assigned, &c. And had not this Christian Wilderness a Calf too made of the Ear-rings stolen from the Egyptians? Was there not here found a Korah among the Sons of Levi, with his partakers, men of renown, to rebel against Moses and Aaron, and to offer strange fire unto the Lord? Was there not here a Balaam to deceive, and a Baal-Peor to be worshipped? was there not a Marah and a Meribah? Yea, was there not here also as well as there those who brought an evil report upon the Land whither they were to go? Farther, might not God say of the times of this Christian Wilderness, as he did of the abode of Israel there? Psal. 95. 10. Forty years long was I grieved, &c. and Amos 5. 25, 26. Have ye offered unto me sacrifices and offerings in the wilderness forty years, O house of Israel? But ye have born the Tabernacle of your Moloch, &c.
CHAP. 17. 14.— and they that are with him are called and chosen and faithful] i.e. The Lamb and those called and elect and chosen ones which are with him shall overcome the Beast. So I understand it. These are that Virgin-Company (Chap. 14.) which follow the Lamb whither soever he goeth, and shall now accompany him in this Exploit. This therefore will serve for a Character Synchronistical, That that Virgin-Company continues in time to the end of Babylon and the Beast; and for an intimation of whom that Vision meaneth, viz. such as faithfully adhere unto the Lamb, while the Beast reigneth and the rest of men admire and worship him.
CHAP. 19. 15. And out of his mouth goeth a sharp sword, that with it he should smite the Nations ] So it was prophesied of him by Isaiah, chap. 11. 4.—that he should smite the earth with the rod of his mouth, and with the breath of his lips should shay the wicked: and in 2 Thess. 2. 8.— he shall consume that Wicked one (viz. Antichrist) with the Spirit of his mouth. Christ our General nor fights nor conquers by force of Arms, but by the power of his Word and Spirit; He does all nutu & verbo: As it is said ( Psal. 33.) God made the world by his word and by the breath of his mouth; in like manner doth Christ overcome his enemies, and enables his Ministers to overcome them also, Verbo & Spiritu oris. Agreeable hereunto is that in Hos. 6. 5. I have hewed them by my Prophets, and slain them by the words of my mouth.
CHAP. 20. 6. Blessed and Holy is he that hath part in the First Resurrection ] What is meant by the First Resurrection, see in The Remains upon the Apocalypse. Book III. pag. 604. and in Book IV. Epistle 20.
Vers. 14. And Death and Hades were cast into the lake of fire: This is the Second Death ] Nothing is hereby meant but that Death was now quite vanquished; and that there should be no more Death of Body or Separation of Soul, but only the Second Death. As if it had been said, Death and Hades were now confined only to the lake of fire, which is the Second Death. The Death of Bodies in the grave should be no more, nor the state of Separate Souls in Hades.
CAP. XI.
Commentationes Minores in Apocalypsin.
CAP. 1. verse. 3.— Tempus enim prop e est ] i.e. I am adest tempus quo verba Prophetiae hujus impleri coeperint, & indies magìs magísque implebuntur.
Vers. 4.— ab eo qui est, & qui erat, & qui venturus est, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ] Eadem habentur verba verse. 8. & cap. 4. 8, cap. 11. 17. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Venturus, idem est quod 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Futurus; ut ex cap. 16. 5. manifestum est, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , , utì locum hunc restituit Beza ex vetusto bonae fidei manuscripto codice. Seculum Futurum Haebraeis est 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Unde Marc. 10. 30. Luc. 18. 30. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ephes. 2. 7. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Vide Psal. 71. 18. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; Esa. 27. 6. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Venturis sub. diebus, id est, Posthac, Imposterum; Esaiae 44. 7. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Vulgat. Ventura & quae futura sunt; Dan. 9. 26. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Populus Principis venturus, id est, futurus.
Et à septem Spiritibus qui in conspectu throni ejus sunt ] Per Spiritus hos intelligit Angelos Aretas in locum, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Cornelius à Lapide pro eadem sententia Iunium laudat; sed fallitur. Forte Drusium dicturus fuisset, nam ill sic sentit ad hunc locum, ubi inter alia habet, Septem Archangelos esse qui stant coram Deo etiam Jonathan prodidit: Sed ubi, non commemorat. Locus est Gen. 11. 7. Dixit Dominus Septem Angels qui stant coram eo, Venite nunc, &c. Cum istis facit Th. Beza; Quod (inquit) Septem hos spiritus nonnulli pro Spiritu Sancto acceperunt, cujus septiformis (ut loqunutur) sit gralia, manifest refelli potest vel ex eo quod scribitur infrà, 5. 6. Et paulo post, Vt nemo de hoc possit ambigere, iidem isti Septem Spiritus infrà, cap. 5. 6. Agni cornua & oculi (id est, ministri) dicuntur. Accedit, quod in cap. 8. 2. express dicuntur Angeli: Vidi, inquit Johannes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Septem Angelos qui adstant coram Deo. Confer. cap. 4. 5.— Septem lampades ante Thronum, quae sunt septem, Spiritus Dei: Cap. 5. 6. Agnum stantem tanquam occisum, habentem cornua septem, & oculos septem, qui sunt septem Spiritus Dei, missi in omnem terram: & Zach. 4. 10. Septem isti oculi sunt Domini, qui discurrunt per universam terram. Videsis etiam Tobiae 12. 15. Ego sum unus ex septem Angels, qui astamus ante Dominum. Cypr. adversus Iudaeos, lib. 1. 20. Hilar. in Psal. 118, vel 119. & Psal. 129. vel 130. Add Clem. Alex. lib. 6. Strom. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , id est, Septem quidem sunt quorum est maxima potentia primogeniti Angelorum principes. [Sed de Septem hisce Angels fusiùs disseruit Author in peculiari Diatrib. in Zach. 4. 10. Lib. 1. p. 40. & Lib. IV. Ep. 61.]
Vers. 5. Et à Jesus Christo ] Postponit hic Johannes Septem Spiritibus Christum, quia de Christo deinceps continuandus erat sermo; viz. Et à Jesus Christo, qui est testis fidelis, primogenitus mortuorum, &c. Nempe id Sacris Scriptoribus solenne est, ut id postponant à quo volunt inchoare sequentia Simile videre est in Heb. 12. 23. ubi post illa [ Spiritus justorum perfectorum ] reperies— N. Test. Mediatorem Iesum & sanguinem aspersionis, quia de sanguine Christi continuatur sermo,— meliora loquentem quàm [Sanguis] Abelis. Videsis etiam 1 Tim. 3. 16. ubi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ob eandem rationem ultimo loco poni reperies.
Vers. 13. Vidi in medio septem candelabrorum similem Filio hominis, vestitum podere, & praecinctum ad mammillas zonâ aureâ ] id est, Amictu & einctu sacerdotali ornatum. Ità Irenaeus lib. 4. c. 37. p. 373. edit. Fevard. Confer. cap. 15. 6. & Dan. 10. 5. ubi vir quidam dicitur amictus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 lineis, sed cinctus non circa pectus ut Sacerdos, sed circa lumbos seu renes. Martin. Lex. Poderis est tunica Sacerdotalis linea corpori adstricta, usque ad pedes descendens: Haec vulgo camista vocatur ex Isidoro lib. 19. 21. Legitur 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sap, 18. 24. Sirac. 27. 8 &c. 45. 11. LXX. hâc voice reddiderunt 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Exod. 28. 31. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ezech. 9. 2, 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Zach. 3. 4.
Vers. 15. Pedes ejus similes aurichalco, sicut in camino ardenti, & vox ejus tanquam vox aquarum multarum ] Haec descriptio personae Filii Dei ex Daniele expressa est, Dan 10. 6. Pedes ejus quasi species aeris candentis, & vox verborum ejus sicut vox multitudinis. Vox aquarum multarum apud Ioannem & Vox multitudinis apud Danielem prorsus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Similiter cap. 19. 6. Audivi, inquit Johannes, quasi vocem turbae multae, & sicut vocem aquarum multarum, &c. [Vide Comment. Apocal. ad cap. 14. 2. pag. 512.]
CAP. 2. verse. 9. Novi blasphemiam eorum qui dicunt se Iudaeos esse, & non sunt— sed mentiuntur, cap. 3. 9.] Per Pseudo-Iudaeos hîc intelligendi sunt Pseudo-Christiani. Scil. in Apocalypsi passim observare licet, Iudaeos sive Synagogam Israeliticam personam verae Christi Ecclesiae ex Gentibus surrogatae sustinere; (Consule cap. 7. ubi Coetus Ecclesiae Christianae exhibetur typo CXLIV M. ex omnibus tribubus Israelis signatorum) Gentes contrà typum Idololatrarum ejusdemque Ecclesiae hostium: totâ nimirum parabolâ ex statu rerum sub Veteri Test. mutuatâ, in quo veri Dei cultus apud unum Israelem viguit; Gentes vero reliquae Idolis & Deastris in universum inservierint.
CAP. 3. verse. 4. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ] Hîc & Act. 1. 15. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 nomina sunt capita hominum, seu singuli homines: alibi hoc vocabulum aliâ atque aliâ signification adhibetur. Plura vide in Comment. Apocal. ad cap 11. 13. Et occisa sunt in terraemotu 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 nomina hominum septies mille.
Vers. 5. Hic amicietur vestimentis albis ] Vide infrà Commentat. ad Cap. 7. 14.
CAP. 4. Vers. 9. 10. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ] Futura ex Hebraeorum notione denotare solent actum vel solitum, 1 Sam. 20. 5. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; vel debitum, Mal. 2. 7. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , 2 Sam. 13. 12. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .
Vers. 10. Et adorabant—& conjiciebant coronas suas ante thronum ] Vide quod de hujusmodi more apud Gentiles memorat interpres AEschyli, ad eum locum Septem contra Thebas, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 — 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; Quando in terram conjiciemus coronas aut peplos, nisi nunc, cùm ad preces convertimur & pro nobis & pro urbe?
CAP. 5. verse 5. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . & cap. 22. 16. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ] id est, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Vide Isai. 11. 1.
CAP. 6. verse. 9. Vidi sub Altari animas interfectorum propter verbum Dei ] Hîc & in cap. 18. 13. cap. 20. 4. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 cadaver significare videtur. Sic & in V. s • . 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 animas non tantùm Personas denotare, sed & Cadavera, notum est. Psal. 16. 10. Act. 2. 31. Ezech. 44. 25. apud LXX. Levite. 19. 28. & alibi.
Vers 11. Et datae sunt singulis stolae albae ] Vide annor. ad cap. 7 v. 14.
Vers. 14. Et omnes Montes locis suis emoti sunt ] Quaere, Annon Montes referri possunt ad loca Idolis consecrata. quae etiam Excelsa nuncupantur, Ezech. 6. & passim in V. Test. In Midrash 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 super illud cap. 2. [ Ecce venit saliens super Montes, saltans super Colles ] dicitur, Non sunt Montes hîc nisi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Idololatria. Pet. Galat. l. 5.
CAP. 7. verse. 9. Posthaec vidi, & ecce Turba multa, quam numerare nemo poterat, ex omni gente, & populis, & tribubus, & linguis, stantes ante Thronum & ante Agnum, amicti vestibus albis, & palmae in manibus eorum, &c.] De hac Turba Palmifera Vide Tertullianum in Scorpiaco adversus Gnosticos, cap. 12.— Nam & rursus Innumera multitudo albati & palmis victoriae insignes revelantur, scilicet de ANTICHRISTO TRIUMPHALES: sicut unus ex Presbyteris, Hi sunt qui veniunt ex illa pressurae magna, &c.
Vers. 14. Et dixit mihi, Hi sunt qui venerunt ex tribulatione magna, [id est, de tyrannide Bestiae Sanctos tribulantis] & lavârunt vestes suas & dealbârunt, &c. Et v. 17. Absterget Deus omnem lacrymam ab oculis eorum ] Hisce facem allucebit illud Achmetis cap. 231. ex Indorum disciplina, Siquis ablutis sordibus vestes mundas induisse sibi visus fuerit, omni afflctione, solicitudine, morbo liberabitur; próque modo loturae & ipsarum vestium splendoris, gaudio potietur. Item cap. 232. Siquis visus sibi fuerit induisse vestes albas & mundos, pro munditiei & albedinis modo ab omni dolore repurgatur.
Vers. 15. De istis qui stolis albis amiciebantur dicitur, Ideo sunt ante Thronum Dei, & colunt eum die ac nocte in Templo ejus; Putà ut Sacerdotes. Respicitur mos Iudaeorum in probandis & admittendis Sacerdotibus. Vide Comment. Apoc. in cap. 6. 11. Maimonidem in Mischne lib. 8. ti • . Biath hammikdasch. cap. 6. Add Talmudis Babylonici cod. Middoth, cap. 5. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 id est, In conclavi caesi lapidis Synedrium Magnum Israelis sedebat, & judicabat Sacerdotes. Sacerdos in quo inveniretur vitium induebat nigras vestes, ac nigras involvebat se, adeóque egressus abibat: Cui vero non inerat vitium, induebat albas vestes, ac albis se involvebat, & ingressus ministrabat cum Sacerdotibus fratribus suis.
CAP. 8. verse. 11. Et nomen Stellae dicitur 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ABSINTHIUM] Caesar ill Hesperius, fundi Romani calamitas, calamitosus ipse & aliis calamitatis author, perpetuis aerumnis ab ipso ortu suo exercitus, quo rerum potiunte Imperium Romanum ruit, propter amaram sortem Absinthium merito dicitur. Solent Hebraeis Abstracta pro Concretis usurpari; ergo hic Absinthium dicitur pro Absinthites, id est, Vir amaritudinum: ut 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Vir dolorum, Isa. 53. 3. Vir doloribus expositus. Ezech. 28. 24. Et non erit ultrà domui Israel spinus dolorificus. LXX. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Vulg. Offendiculum amaritudinis. Targ. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Rex malefaciens. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sum amarus. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , appellatur Absinthium apud Dioscoridem, l. 3. c. 26.
CAP. 9. verse. 10.— 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ] id est, in postremo agmine. Hebr. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Cauda, inde 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Decaudare. Ios. 10. 19. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Et decand • bitis eos, id est, extremos occidetis. Vulg: Extremos quosque fugientium caedite. Angl. Smite the hindmost of them. Deut. 25. 18. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Et decaudavit [Amalek,] id est, in postremo agmine cecîdit [Israelitas.] Vulg. extremos agminis tui cecîderit. Angl. Smote the hindmost of thee. Cauda Locustarum (id est, Saracenorum) est postremum earum agmen, longissimeque à capite Imperii dissitum. Caput Imperii in Mesopotamia erat; Cauda igitur in Africa & Hispania putanda est. Ab hac autem Cauda, id est, à Saracenis ex Africa & Hispania delatis, mirum in modum afflictae sunt Provinciae quae Romano Patriarchy, ut propria ejus Dioecesis, suberant.
Praecessit in eodem versu, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Et habebant caudes similes Scorpionibus, & aculeos ] Scilicet Scorpionum aculeus in cauda est, utì Plin. l. 11. c. 25. Semper cauda in ictu est, nullóque momento meditari cessat, ne quando desit occasioni: Ferit & obliquo ictu & inflexo.
CAP. 11. verse. 15. Et Septimus Angelus clanxit ] Cùm septem sacerdotes urbem Jericho septem diebus circumiîssent portantes buccinas arietinas, dieque septimo septem vicibus, corruit murus ejus, Josh. 6. sic & ad clangorem Tubae septimae penitus abolebitur quicquid Bestiae supersit. Ut Phiala septima consummationis phiala est, proindeque essusâ hâc phialâ prodit vox magnae Throno dicens, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , cap. 16. 17. & Babylon fundi • us exscinditur, ver. 19. ità & Tuba septima consummarionis Tuba est; quare ad hujus Tubae clangorem in coelo acclamatum est, Facta sunt Regna hujus mundi Domini nostri & Christi, ejus, & regnabit in secula seculorum. Desumpta sunt ex Dan. 7. Idemque omnino est Regnum quod Danieli ostensum à fine Monarchiarum futurum. Huc pertinet Prophetia Isaiae cap. 45. 23. Per me juravi, &c. quod mihi curvabitur omne genu, jurabit omnis lingua; nempe in magno illo die Iudicii, author Apostolo ad Rom. 14. 11. Unde necesse est (si Apostolo fides) reliquam prophetiam de gloria Israelis, inde à versu 14, ad idem tempus pertinere, viz. ad secundum Christi adventum.
Vers. 18. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Et iratae sunt Gentes ] Exod. 15. 14. in Epinicio, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Gentes in Apocalypsi sunt Idololatrae & Pseudochristiani. Vide suprà annotat. ad cap. 2. 7.
Venit tempus mortuorum, ut judicentur ] id est, Tempus ut judicetur causa Martyrum occisorum propter nomen Jesus. Apocal. 14. 13. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Martyrs sunt Tertulliano lib. de Anima, c. 55.
Vers. 19. Tunc apertum est Templum Dei in coelo, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. Et visa est Arca Foederis, &c.] Annon reseratio illa Templi in Coelo, quâ ad septimae Tubae clangorem Arca Foederis ibidem conspiciatur, sit revelatio Christi (cujus illa typus est) apparentis in nubibus coeli, ut eum conspiciant qui transfixerunt, Zach. 12. 10. Matth. 24. 30. Apocal. 1. 7? De quo & illud Matth. 23. 39. Non me videbitis ab hoc tempore, donec dicatis, Benedictus qui venit in nomine Domini. [Vide Comment. Apocal. ad c. 14. p. 519.]
CAP. 14. verse. 8. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 hic (& cap. 18. 3.) Venenum (non Iram ) significat, ex usu Hellenistico. Scil. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Hellenistis est Venenum, quia 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , cui respondet, ut Iram, sic quoque Venenum significat. Istiusmodi exempla Hellenismi passim in S. S. occurrunt, ubi Graeca vox respondens Hebraeae in una signification, ad alteram ejusdem, licet non secundùm idioma Graecum, extenditur. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 significant & finem & mercedem; hinc 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 pro mercede ponitur, Rom. 6. 21. 1 Pet. 1. 9. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 plerumque denotat robur, interdum virtutem; hinc 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 pro robore, 2 Pet. 1. 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 denotat peccatum, aliquando Sacrificium pro peccato; & sic 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 2 Cor. 5. 21.
CAP. 15. verse. 2. Habentes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Citharas Dei ] id est, Sacras, quarum in Templo solo usus. Res enim in Templo gerebatur: scilicet victores Bestiae dum adhuc in crepidine Maris seu Labri vitrei insistebant, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 de Bestia superata cantillabant, habentes citharas Dei, id est, sacras. Sic 1 Chron. 16. 42. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Instrumenta musica Dei, eodem plane sensu. Nam 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 construenda sunt quasi per Maccaph, ut 2 Chron. 7. 6. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , & cap. 34. 12. Vide etiam Nehem. 12. 36. Amos 6. 5. Alioquin 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 significat quoque canticum sacrum & in Templo cani solitum. 2 Chron. 29. 27. Psal. 137. 4.
Vers. 4. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 apud Haebraeos aliquando; praesertim cùm geminetur, valet Ide • . nempe si prius 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 causale fuerit, vel e contrá. Vid. Gen. 22. 16, 17. Ier. 4. 18. & cap. 29. 15, 16. 2 Reg. 13. 7. Eccles. 8. 6. Quidni & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 apud Hellenistas simili modo usurpetur? Verto igitur, Idcirco omnes Gentes venient & adorabunt coram te, quoniam Iuratua manifestata sunt, Nempe Te solum colendum esse.
CAP. 16. verse. 8— Et quartus Angelus effudit phialam suam in Solem, & datumesi ei aestu affligere homines per ignem. Et aestuaverunt homines aestu magno ] Apomasar Apotelesmate 167. Si quis visus sibi fuerit à Sole plurimùm adustus, poenam pro modoustionis inveniel
Vers. 10. Et factum est regnum ejus tenebrosum, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ] Vide Isai. 8. 22. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Ecce tribulatio & tenebrae. Ier. 13. 16. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 obtenebrâsset. Targum habet, super vos tribulatio veniet.
Vers. 14. De Praeparatione ad Phialam ultimam (post illa verba 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ad praelium magni illius Diei Dei omnipotentis ) dicitur, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Ecce venio sicut fur: Id quod in 2 Ep. Petri c. 3. v. 10. perinde invenire est, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , & apud Paulum in 1 Thess. 5. 2. Quare cum DIES IUDICII Phialas proxime excipiat, easdemque Regnum Sanctorum per mille annos, (nam post excisum Antichristum futurum est,) necesse est per Diem istum, continuatum & been longum tempus intelligi.
CAP. 17. verse. 1.— 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ostendam tibi Scelus Meretricis illius magnae, id est, Sceleratam illam Meretricem. Hebraismus est. Quomodo & Plautus Loquitur, Scelus pueri & scelus viri, pro puero & viro scelestis. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 autem aliquando Culpam significare annotavit Io. Cameron in Myrothecio ad illud 1 Tim. 5. 12. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , nempe culpam quatenus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 habet ad poenam, id est, reatum. Cui probando adducit Rom. 5. 16. Ex uno (inquit Apostolus) est 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ubi absurda locutio esset, siquidem idem esset 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Significat igitur 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 peccatum quo contrahitur reatus. His addo 1 Cor. 11. 29. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 idem quod versu 27. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Sic & verse. 34. ni fallor, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Annon & 1 Tim. 3. 6. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; Expende, erat enim Diaboli crimen Superbia. Junius 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 vertit Damnandam meretricem, per Hypallagen, pro 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Quid si sensus sit, Meretricem illam quàm suprà audîsti damnationis ream, cap. 14. 8. imo in quam damnationis sententiam executioni datam vidisti, capite praecedente?
Vers. 3. Vidi mulierem Bestiae insidentem, &c.] Mulier Bestiae insidens seu inequitans exponitur ab Angelo verse. 18. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Hâc notione adhibetur Equitandi verbum, Deut. 32. 13. Isai. 58. 14. Psal. 45. 5. Prosperare & equita. LXX. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Chaldee. Par. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ut equites super thronum regni. Scil. Equi vehi potestatis Symbolum est, eorúmque qui rerum habenas moderantur, utì ex locis hisce manifestum est. Vidi mulierem Bestiae inequitantem, id est, Romam regno seu imperio Romano imperantem.
Vers. 4. Et mulier erat amicta purpurâ & coccino, & inaurata auro & margaritis, &c.] id est, Induta erat vestibus Regiis ornatúque Regio; quippe nequaquam ex vulgo Meretrix, sed Domina & Regina, id est, Urbs Imperatrix. Vide Esther. 8. 15. Mardochaeus —fulgebat 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 vest vel indumento regio, hyacinthino viz. & candido, coronam auream portans in capite, & amictu byssino & purpurâ, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Videsis Dan. 5. 29. totum versum. Tunc jubente Rege indutus est Daniel purpurâ, & circundata est torques aurea collo ejus, & praedicatum est de eo, quod haberet potestatem Tertius in Regno. Josephus Antiq. l. 10. c. 12. Publicavit daturum se ei 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , torquem aureum & purpureae vestis usum, quali Chaldaeorum Reges utuntur. In 1 Maccab. 8. 14. de Romanis, Et in omnibus istis nemo portabat diadema, nec induebatur purpurâ, ut magnificaretur in ea: & cap. 14. 43. de Simone facto Ethnarchâ, — 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 verse. 44. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 2 Maccab. 4. 38 Rex Antiochus Andronicum purpurâ (id est, Magistratûs insigni) exutum per totam civitatem jubet circumduci. Et quis nescit Purpuram quoque apud Romanos Imperatorum & Regum insigne fuisse?
Vers. 10. Septem Capita 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Septem sunt Reges] Non Monarchas solùm, sed Summas Reipublicae Potestates nomine Regum intelligit Scriptura: ut vel ex verse. 18. hujus capitis colligi potest. Vrbs (inquit) illa magna, quae habet Regnum super Reges terrae. Super Reges solúm? Imo super omnes Democratias, Optimates, Respublicas, Summos Magistratus & Potestates, sive jure Haereditario, sive Successione, sive Electione fiant. Exinde quoque colligitur non designari singulares aliquas personas, sed Ordines & Summa Authoritatis & Potentiae capita; talibus enim Roma imperabat, non singulatibus tantùm Regum personis. Septem igitur Bestiae Romanae Capita (in quibus Consules, Tribuni, Decemviri, Dictatores, Pontifices) totidem Reges interpretor Angelus, id est, tot Summares, penes quos vicibus suis Majestas erat regnantis Populi Romani.
Quinque ceciderunt ] id est, Mortui sunt, obierunt diem suum. Sic Gen. 25. 18. de l • maele dicitur, Ante omnes fratres suos cecidit.
Vers. 14. Hi cum Agno pugnabunt, & Agnus vincet eos, (quoniam Dominus Dominorum est & Rex Regum) & qui cum eo sunt, Vocati, & Electi, & Fideles] id est, Agnus, & qui cum eo sunt, Vocati Electi & Fideles, vincent decem Reges seu Cornua Bestiae Babylonicae. Illa enim de Domino Dominorum & Rege Regum per parenthesin censeo legenda.
Vers. 16. Decem Cornua—odio persequentur Meretricem] Decem Cornua (seu Reges) id est, aliqua ex illis. Sic cap. 9. 18. Occisa fuit [ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ] tertia pars hominum, id est, qui ex tertia illa parte fuerant. Iudic. 12. 7. Sepultus est Iephte in urbibus Gilead, hoc est, aliquâ urbium. 2 Chron. 35. 24. Sepultus est Ios • as in sepulchris patrum suorum, hoc est, uno seu aliquo sepulchrorum. Cujusmodi Ellipseos passim in Sacris Scriptures occurrunt exempla. Psal. 1. 3. Zach. 9. 9. 1 Sam. 18. 21. Ion. 1. 5. Matth. 27. 44. Luc. 23. 39. John. 6. 45.
Vers. 18. Mulier quam vidisti, est Urbs illa magna ] Sic verse. 5. Babylon illa magna, ut & cap. 16. 19. cap. 18. 2, 10, 21. Vers. 1. hujus cap. Meretrix illa magna, ut & cap. 19. 2. Passim in hoc libro Vrbs illa magna, cap. 11. 8. cap. 14. 8. c. 16. 19. c. 18. 16. 19, 21. Quocunque enim nomine Roma appellatur, semper hoc titulo Magnae insignitur. Dicta est autem Vrbs magna 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , non tam quantitatis intuitu, quàm quod aliarum Vrbium Caput & Regina esset, juxta id quod sequitur, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , quae regnum habet super reges terrae. Apud Athenaeum Roma dicitur 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , & paulo post 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Vid. Athenaeum lib. 1. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Recensere me conantem quot urbes intra Romae, Vrbis illius Coelestis, ambitum contineantur, ob earum multitudinem non unica dies tantùm deficeret, sed quotquot annum conficiunt. Vide Casaub. in locum. Ex hisce aliisque Romae appellationibus [viz. apud Cic. Lux orbis terrarum; Mart. Heracl. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Iul. Front. Regina & Domina orbis terrarum, &c. ] videre est quàm merito dicatur Vrbs illa magna, utpote quae regnum habet super reges terrae.
CAP. 18. verse. 2, 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 — 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ] Praeco olim edebat causam supplicii Inter caedendum, praeconem causam dicere solenne fuit. Vide quae Pontanus part. 3. p. 183. ex Cujacio habet, ísque ex Ambrosio, Petronio, Suida, Platone, Iosepho. [De duplici Babylonis interitu vid. Comment. Apocal. ad cap. 11. pag. 489.]
Vers. 23.— 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ] Vox illa 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Veneficium, & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; cap. 14. idem designant, viz. amatorium virus seu philtrum, seu spiritualis • cortationis illecebram, ex consuetudine meretricum philtris amorem conciliantium. Unde Meretrix illa magna dicitur (cap. 17. 4.) tenere poculum aureum in manu sua plenum immunditiâ scortationis suae. Observandum porro, quod alibi in S. Scr. cum Scortatione jungitur 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . 2 Reg. 9. 22. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & Nahum. 3. 4. de Nineveh, Propter multitudinem fornicationum meretricis decorae, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , vendentis gentes in fornicationibus suis, & familias 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .
CAP. 19. verse. 4. Amen, Halleluja ] Conser 1 Paral. 16. 36. item Nehem. 5. 13. Simile reperitur ad finem Psal. 106. Benedictus Dominus Deus Israel à seculo in seculum; & dicet omnis populus, Amen, Hallelujah, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; utì ad finem Psal. 41.— 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Observandum autem utroque loco, ubi haec formula adhibetur, geminâ acclamatione benedictionem claudi; Psal. 41. duplici Amen, hîc 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Amen Halle •• jah.
Vers. 7. Quia venerunt nuptiae Agni, & uxor ejus praeparavit seipsam ] Haec apparatio Sponsae quid aliud esse videatur quàm illa tot seculis exspectata conversio israelis? Gentes olim & à multis seculis Christo desponsatae fuerunt; Iudaei idcirco sunt qui adhuc Agni Sponsa futuri exspectantur. Certe Iudaei olim (juxta parabolam Matth. 22.) ad nuptias Filii Regis invitati, venire recusârunt; nunc vero tandem prompti & parati accurrent; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Et cap. 21. 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 — 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Videsis Tertul. adverse. Marcionem lib. 5. cap. 10. Christus praeputiati Sacerdotii Pontifex cognituram se quandoque Circumcisionem & Abrahae gentem, cùm ultimo advenerit, acceptatione & benedictione dignabitur. Vid. & Justin. Mart. dial. cum Tryphone Iud. p. 259.
Vers. 8. Bissinum enim justificationes sunt Sanctorum] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Iustificationes, Iustitiae, Iusta facta, seu Bona opera, Piscat. Per Byssinum splendorem Aretas in locum intelligi vult Virtutes. R. D. Kimchi ad Esa. 65. 13. haud dissimili notione illud Eccles. 9. 8. interpretor; 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Solomon dixit pro sapientia sua, IN OMNI TEMPORE CANDIDA SINT VESTIMENTA TUA, hoc est, Resipiscentia & bona opera.
At{que} ad istum locum Solomonis, R. S. Rashi, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Para seu orna teipsum quâvis horâ bonis operibus. Atque eodem sensu acceptum priscis interpretibus astruit Ibn Ezra, nempe de operibus impollutis, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .
Vers. 13. Et vestitus erat vest aspersâ sanguine ] Scil. sanguine uvarum. Ex mysticis priscorum Cabalistarum propositionibus apud Io. Picum Mirand. Galat. & Reuchlinum una est, Vestimentum Messiae rubebit.
Et vocatur nomen ejus VERBVM DEI ] i.e. Ipse est Verbum illud Dei. Ex notione Hebraeorum, Prophetarum praesertim, vocari idem quandoque valeat quod esse vel exsistere, sed eximio quodam modo. Sic. Isai. 9. v. 6. de Christo, Vocabitar nomen ejus Admirabilis, Consiliarius, Deus fortis, Pater futuri seculi, Princeps pacis; id est, erit haec omnia. Vide Ier. 23. 6. Zach. 6. 12. Genes. 21. 12. In Isaac vocabitur tibi semen, id est, erit. Isa. 56. 7. Domus mea domus orationis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 vocabitur; pro quo Luc. 19. Domus orationis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , est, erit, habebitur. Simili notione iisdem Hebraeis 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 est 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .
Vers. 15. Is est qui calcat torcular vini furoris Dei Omnipotentis] Calcatio vindemialis in Scriptura parabolica cladem atrocem & cruentam denotat. Sic & Messi • nomen stragem & excidium. Ier. 51. 33. Ioelis 3. 13. [Vide Comment. Apocalypt. ad cap. 14. verse. 15, 16. 17, 18, 19.]
CAP. 20. verse 4. Et Sancti vixerunt & regnârunt cum Christo mille annis ] Aliud est Regnum quo Christus in Sanctis suis regnat, aliud quo Sancti regnant cum Christo. Illud enim toto Bestiae tempore fuit, hoc nequaquam. Verum quidem est Christum jam inde à primo suo adventu Regnum inchoâsse, illúdque Regnum Ecclesiam esse. Interim & illud haud minùs certum est, Regnum aliquod in Scriptures promitti adventûs secundi proprium, quod & Regnum 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 dicitur, adhúcque implendum superest: ut Dan. 7. 14. Luc. 19. 11, 15. Luc. 21. 31. 2 Thess. 1. 5. 2 Tim. 4. 1. Vide Authorem Quaest. & Response. ad Orthod. apud Iustinum Mart. quaest. 120. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .
Vers. 6. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ] Haec mortis secundae nomenclatura non à Ioanne primùm usurpata, sed ex Magistrorum Iudaicorum usu desumpta est; sic nimirum ab illis. dicta, quod eâ impii, qui à mortuis resurrexerint, quasi secundo morituri sint. In hoc libro quater occurrit 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , cap. 2. 11. hoc cap. 20. 6, 14. cap. 21. 8. Apud Chaldaeum Paraph. saepius habetur 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 mors secunda. Deut. 33. 6. Vivat Reuben, & non moriatur; Chal. Paraph. addit 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 morte secundâ. Psal. 49. 11. Quia videt 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 quod sapientes moriantur; Chaldee. Par. Quoniam videbit sapientes improbos, qui moriuntur 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 morte secundâ, & adjudicantur Gehennae. Isa. 65. 6. pro 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & rependam in sinum eorum, Chaldee par. substitute, & tradam 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 morti secundae corpora eorum. Eodem cap. verse. 15. Occîdet te, Targum addit 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 morte secundâ. Ier. 51. 39, 57. pro 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & dormiant somnum sempiternum, Chaldee. Par. habet, & morientur 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 morte secundâ. Idem in Isai. 22. 14.
Vers. 8. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c.] [Videsis Conjecturam de Gogo & Magogo, pag. 574.]
Vers. 15. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ] Alibi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 additur, ut cap. 19. 20. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 cap. 21. 8. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Respicit lacum Sodomiticum seu Asphaltitem tanquam Ignis aeterni figuram gerentem. Iudae v. 7. Sicut Sodoma & Gomorrhah, & finitimae civitates, &c. factae sunt exemplum, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ignis aeterni poenam sustinentes; potiùs, ignis aeterni similitudinem seu imaginem sustinentes. Nam solet 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 significare instar, more, &c. Cúmque Roma sit Sodoma spiritualis, cap. 11. similiter atque 〈◊〉 in • acum ignis & sulphuris 〈◊〉 est, cap. 19. 20. Videtur & cap. 21. 8. ad Sodomae peccata respici, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 — 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Confer 2 Pet. 2. verse. 6. cum verse. 9. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 — 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 — 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . De Sodomae excidio sermo est, posuisse illud Deum 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , id est, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 — ut qui novit 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .
CAP. 21. verse. 2. Et vidi civitatem sanctam, novam Jerusalem, &c.] Eusebius. l. 3. de vita Constantini, c. 32. satìs inepte opinabatur Templum illud magnificum Servatoris à Constantino Hierosolymis exstructum, fuisse 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Novam illam Jerusalem quam tot retro seculis Prophetarum oracula praedixerant, &c. Et paulo ante—Ad illud salutare Christi monumentum (Sepulchrum intelligit) 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Sed missâ hâc ineptâ opinione, Nova Jerusalem est civitas quam Abrahamum, Isaacum & Iacobum exspectâsse scribit Apostolus ad Hebraeos, cap. 11. 10. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . [Vide plura de nova Jerusalem in Clav. Apocal. Part. 2. Synchron. 6, & 7.]
Vers. 10. Et ostendit mihi Civitatem MAGNAM, sanctam IERVSALEM. Videsis suprà Annot. ad cap. 17. 18. de BABYLONE MAGNA. In tota Apocalypsi, nulli praeter Babylonem seu Romam urbi titulus iste tribuitur, nisi, demum post excidium Babylonis, novae isti Jerusalem de coelo descensae, in cujus lumine deinceps ambularunt Gentes.
Vers. 14.— Nomina duodecim Apostolorum Agni ] [De numero Duo-denario vide Comment. Apocal. ad cap. 7. pag. 455. & ad cap. 13. verse. 17. pag. 509, 510.]
Vers. 19. Et fundamenta muri Civitatis omni lapide pretioso ornata ] Descriptio petita est ex Isai. 54. 12. Sternam carbunculo lapides ejus, (id est, pavimentum) fundabo 〈◊〉 in sapphiris, &c.
Vers. 23. Et Civitas non eget Sole, &c.] Descriptio Novae Jerusalem, ab hoc versu ad finem Capitis, tota desumpta est ex Isaiae cap 60.
| Apocal. 21. | Isai. 60. |
| Vers. 23. Et civitas non eget Sole neque Lunâ, ut luceant in ea; nam gloria Dei illuminavit eam. | Vers. 19. Non erit tibi ampliùs Sol in lucem per diem, nec splendor Lunae illuminabit te; sed erit tibi Dominus in lucem sempiternam, & Deus tuus in gloriam tuam. |
| Vers. 24. Et ambulabunt Gentes in lumine ejus, & Reges terrae afferent gloriam suam & honorem in illam. | Vers. 3. Et ambulabunt Gentes in lumine tuo, & Reges in splendore ortûs tui. Vers. 11.—ut afferantur ad te opes Gentium & Reges earum adducantur. Vers. 10. —& Reges eorum ministrabunt tibi. |
| Vers. 25. Et portae ejus non claudentur die. | Vers. 11. Et aperientur portae tuae jugiter, die ac nocte non claudentur. |
| Vers. 26. Et afferent gloriam & honorem Gentium in illam. | Vers. 5. Quoniam ad te convertetur multitudo ( vel copia) maris, & opes Gentium ad te venient. Vers. 6.—aurum & thus deferent— Vers. 9.—argentum eorum & aurum eorum cum eis. |
| Vers. 27. Non intrabit in eam quicquam immundum, aut faciens abominationem— | Vers. 21. Populus tuus omnes justi: & Cap. 52. 1.—non veniet in te, Jerusalem Civitas Sancta, incircumcisus & immundus. |
Vers. 24. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c.] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 apud LXX respondent verbo 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 reliquus fuit, superstes fuit, adeo ut non nisi tribus in locis aliter reddatur. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 sunt illi ex Gentilium reliquiis quos Diluvium ignis non inundaverit. Vide Isai. 66. 19. Et mittam ex iis qui salvati fuerint ( 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ) ad gentes Tarshish & Pul—& annunciabunt gloriam meam in Gentibus. Intelliguntur utrobique, ni fallor, qui cladem illam in Christi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 futuram evaserint, quando venturus est ad hosts Ecclesiae suae perdendos. Isai. 45. 20. Congregamini & venite, & accedite simul qui salvati estis ex Gentibus. [ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 LXX. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .] Agitur de universali vocatione Gentium, ut apparet ex v. 22. Convertimini ad me, & salvi eritis, omnes fines terrae; quia ego Deus, & non est alius. V. 23. Mihi curvabitur omne genu, & jurabit omnis lingua, &c.
Vers. 26, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ] Scil. in Novam Jerusalem. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , gloriam & honorem, id est, opus & divitias, munus seu honorarium. Quâ mente est illud 1 Tim. 5. 17. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , duplici honor, id est, honorario, digni habeantur.
Vers. 27. Facìens abominationem & mendacium ] Similiter v. 8. Idololatrae & mendaces: cap 22. 15. Idololatrae, & omnis qui amat & facit mendacium, Scil. omnis Idololatra mendax est, cùm pro Deo colat quod non est Deus: Unde in hisce locis [ Idololatrae & mendaces, seu facientes mendacium ] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 seu tanquam Synonyma poni videntur. Similiter Idola dicuntur mendacia. Vide Amos 2. 4. Seduxerunt eos 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 mendacia ipsorum: Vulgat. Idola. Confer Isai. 28. 15. Ierem. 16. 19, &c.
Cap. 22. v. 2. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , —] Nequaquam videtur 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 hoc loco pro civitatis Foro sumi, utpote in quo arbores plantari non poterant, cùm ex auro 〈◊〉 fuisse dicatur, cap. 21. v. 21. At in hujus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; medio 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 nascitur. Cap. 2. 7. mentio fit 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Ergo necesse est, si huc spectet descriptio, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , de qua hîc sermo, esse ipsam Paradisum, utpote in cujus quoque medio esse dicitur 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Arbor vitae. Sin hoc fuerit, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 pro alveo Fluminis (utì Prov. 8. 26. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Flumina Targum & Vulg. & Prov. 5. 16. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , LXX 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Vulg. in platcis aquas tuas divide ) sumi nequit, quin potiùs pro Patente seu lato quodam spatio quod Fluvius utrinque ambiret. Cúmque unius tantùm Arboris sit mentio, dici non potest eam tum in medio tum utrinque ad fluminis ripam crefeere, sed duntaxat in medio 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Ut sensus sit, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , &c. In medio Planitiei ipsius, fluvi • que planitiem utrinque alluentis (seu praeterlabentis, seu cingentis,) Arbor vitae, &c. Fuit enim Paradisus quoque Edenis planities, hinc Euphrate, illinc Tigri intercepta: Vel, In medio Planitiei Flumine utrinque interceptae, Arbor vitae, &c.
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & verse. 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ] Quid si hîc genus foemininum [ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ] usurpetur absolute? Sic Hebraeis solet, ut neutrum Latinis: ut Psal. 27. 4. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Unam Petii à Domino, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Eam requiram, pro unum, id. Psal. 118. 23. A Domino 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 facta est haec, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & ea mirabilis, &c. pro factum hoc, &c. LXX. priore loco 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 posteriore 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , & ità citatur Matt. 21. 42.
Vel forsan 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 reserantur ad intellectum, & subintelligatur 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 vel istiusmodi. Hujusmodi Enallagen observat Buxtorfius Thes. Gram. Pag. 414. ubi etiam commode affert exemplum de Paradiso terrestri, Gen. 2. 15. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : Sensu congruit, inquit, pronomen [ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ] non cum antecedente masculino 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , sed fynonymo 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , quod foemininum. Ego potiùs sensu ad 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 referrem, quia suprà dicebatur v. 5. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Ità c. 4. 2. & 11.
Vel 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; sumi potest demonstrative, non relative, ut sit 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , In medio ipsius plat • ae. Sic 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 sumitur Matth. 3. 4. Marc. 12. 36, 37. Rom. 8. 21.
〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Arbor Vitae — 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ] De Paradiso immortalitatis etiam mentio in lib. 4. Esdrae cap. 7. ver. 53. Quid prodest nobis, si promissum est nobis immortale tempus; nos autem mortalia opera egimus?— Et quoniam reposita sunt nobis habitacula sanitatis & securitatis; nos vero male conversa • i sumus?—Et quoniam ostendetur Paradisus, cujus fructus incorruptus perseverat, in quo est securitas & medcla; nos vero non ingrediemur? &c. Simile est hic in Apocalypsi de medela, cùm dicitur, Et folia ligni 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ad medelam Gentium: Ad securitatem pertinet illud in sequenti versu, viz.
Vers. 3. Et omne maledictum non erit ampliùs] Add Ecclesiastic. c. 19. v. 18. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 [id est, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Vulgatus non habet.
Vers. 16. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ] Vide suprà annotat. ad cap. 5. verse. 5.
Vers. 20. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , venio cito] Eadem locutio quae suprà verse. 7, & 12. cap. 3. 11. cap. 2. 5, 16. Similiter 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , de phiala septima, cap. 16. 15. Vid. Luc. 18. 8. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , id est, festinanter. LXX. reddunt 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Zeph. 1. 18. Dan. 6. 19. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Deut. 16. 3. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 nihil aliud quàm festinatio. LXX. Thren. 4. 6. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 momentum vertunt 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Etiam venio cito, Ecce venio cito, Vulg. in verse. 5. velociter. Benjamin Tudelensis pag. 129. de Iudaeis in Germania degentibus, Si hospes accedat, eo delectantur, eique convivium dant, dicentes, Laetamini fratres nostri, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Nam Dei salus ictum oculi celeritale aequabit.
| Bestia Decemcornupeta, seu Regnum Decacorne Apostaticum. | Regnum Sanctorum. |
| Pseudo-propheta 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Regni caput. | Christus Agnus ill verus, Rex Regum & Dominus dominantium. |
| Babylon Meretrix. | Nova Jerusalem. |
| Scortum Pseudo-prophetae. | Sponsa Agni. |
| Metropolis Regni 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , quâcum fornicantur Reges terrae. | Metropolis Regni Sanctorum, in cujus lumine ambulabunt Gentes. |
CHAP. XII.
The Brief Meaning or Summary Exposition of the Apocalypse.
GOD sitting in Majesty upon the Throne of his Temple, according to the pattern of his ancient encamping with Israel in the Wilderness, [ Numb. 1. 52, 53. & ch. 2. 3, &c.] His Throne, the Tabernacle, stood in the midst: next pitched the Priests and Levites, round about it: Behind them, to the four quarters of Heaven, encamped the four Standards of Israel, three Tribes to a Standard; and each Standard had his Ensign, which though the Scriptures particularly describe not, yet the Jews by ancient Tradition do. The Standard of Judah on the East-side of the Tabernacle had for his Ensign a Lion; the Standard of Ephraim on the West, an Ox; the Standard of Reuben upon the South, a Man; the Standard of Dan on the North, an Eagle. [See Chaskuni on Numb. 3. • ben Ezra on Numb. 2.] The truth of this Tradition may be confirmed by the Cherubims four Faces in Ezekiel of the same likeness, signifying that he who rode upon them was Jehovah, the Lord of the four Standards of Israel: where also is easy to be gathered (by the Cherubims and Ezekiel 's posture in that Vision) toward which quarter of the Heaven each Face looked. The like Faces, I suppose, the other of the Cherubims had, even those in the Temple. (See Ezek. 41.) Even as the Chariots and Horses of Princes and Potentates carry upon them the Insignia of their Masters atchievments; so do the Cherubims here of the Lord God of Israel. And of these Four Animalia, the Ensigns of the four Standards, some have expounded that of