Works

EPISTLE XXXV.

I Am sure long ere this by my Brother T. B. you have understood (which you shall by this present) that your Letters of 15 March, 13 May, 9, 11, 16, June, with Letters and a Book enclosed to Ludovicus de Dieu, came safely to my hands in London; as his unto him from you since my return hither. For this last week he was President of a Provincial Synod held de decennio in decennium by the Ministers of Holland, in this Town; so as I delivered the token of your love with my own hand into his, but in so busy a time I could not expect an Answer, or other than thanks, which he prayed me to render in abundance, for the special honor you had done him thereby. Divers other Letters Responsory to Beverovicius have been long expected; but Salmasius delay in his (wherein he would omit nothing set or fallen from the Ancients, especially Philosophers, to that purpose) hath cast all other men's arrier, whom I should be as glad to see, because together with their learning I should, how well they had learned tenere modum; for ought I know a most necessary part of Scholarship and Philosophy. It grieved me not a little that I could not see you in England, but in recompense I hope now and then to see your countenance and affection in black and white: for which you shall have returns from this place of all sorts it yields, and you affect, when I know what will be most welcome, being evermore

EPISTLE XXXVI.

WHat entertainment your Letters and Book found with Ludovicus de Dieu you will see ere long by his own in answer, his time hitherto having been taken up by being President in a Provincial Synod of Holland, and publishing his Annotations upon the Acts, of the Apostles. It was sufficient for me to receive many thanks for the conveyance, and that which was better, (better than Music) to hear innumerable commendations of so near a Friend, though I knew them due; for 'tis no small pleasure to see debts paid, where we think ourselves to have Interest. At my coming last into England I lay above three weeks wind-bound in the Briel, where I enjoyed the company of the Minister, Author of the enclosed, which I have gained by my acquaintance; and send it, for your affection to the Argument, by this bearer, son of Desiderius Heraldus, (whose works and worth you know of old) that you may for the Father's and my sake give him now and them conference and advice about such studies as he pursues, wherein himself will open his own mind. It will be a great kindness if Doctor Ward, whom I pray salute from me, will give him countenance and access at his times of leisure; which you may procure, and thereby oblige both him and me, and his Father my old and singular friend. You may see by this, and that title, how glad I should be to meet opportunities of doing anything for yourself, that might assure you with what truth and readiness of serving you I shall ever be

EPISTLE XXXVII.

I Have translated into French, that I might communicate it to divers friends, the Book you sent upon the Revelation, which seems to me worthy admiration, and full of comfort to those that expect the consolation of Israel. I desire earnestly (if it may be obtained) the opinion of the Author touching a conceit came into my mind whilst I was reading the Book; particularly that which he remarks upon the number of 144000, and upon 666, the name of the Pseudoprophetical Beast, with the Reason he gives of the composition of the name, all of 6: which is, That the number of 666 ariseth from the multiplication of 3 Vnites joined together, making up the number of III. That these three Vnites set forth the three Offices of Christ, which pertain to him incommunicably, and distributively, and conjointly considered. All which the Pseudoprophetical Beast usurps conjointly: in which consists particularly his Antichristianism. And this multiplication produceth the number of 666; as also the multiplication of 12 by 12, which is the Apostolical number, produceth the 144000. That for this reason the number of 666 is called the number of a man, in the singular number, because it is in one only man; whereas the number of 144000 is a number of men, in the plural number, and drawn from the number of men. If the Author hath set forth any other Treatises, I desire earnestly you would send them to me.

EPISTLE XXXVIII.

DOE me the favor as to request Mr. Mede to give some satisfaction to the request of this Gentleman, my especial friend, and to suffer some Manuscripts which he hath not yet published to be copied out to be sent him, either in Latin or English. I will satisfy his pains that shall undertake it; with promise that nothing shall be communicated but to private friends.

EPISTLE XXXIX.

EPISTLE XL.

ACcep • literas tuas benevolentiâ & humanitate plenas, à Domino Brokaeo mihi transmissas: in quibus non ingratum fuit intellexisse, tenuem mean opellam viris, qualis tues, doctis ulla ex parte adlibuisse. Domi certe minùs propitiam quàm apud exteros fortunam est experta. Id quod ego quidem facile animo praesagiebam; sed amicis quibuscum eam communicaveram, editionem, ut solet, importune flagitantibus, fidem facere non potui: donec eventus tandem docuit, me, hâc faltem parte, vatem non omnino vanum • uisse. Hoc ideo te celatum nolui, ut inde pro prudentia tua judicium faceres, quantopere meâ intersit, ne ipse in novam libelli mei apud exteros editionem, sive suâ sive alienâ linguâ, consentirem; cui domi nedum ulteriori editione, sed & hujus distractione publicâ, à superioribus interdictum sit, solâ communicatione privatâ mihi permis • â.

Interim majorem in modum me tibi obstrictum fateor, cui tantopere placuerim, ut illum non solùm iterato legere, sed in eo transferendo tantum laboris & taedii devorate non dedignareris. Nesciebam antea quicquam meum tanti pretii fuisle; certe mihi ipsi non est visum. Sin quid ex eo fructûs vel ad te vel ad alios redierit, Deo Opt. Max. in solidum sit gloria. Ejus enim solius est quicquid est boni; meum nihil praeter imbecillitatem & ignorantiam.

Ad quaesitum tuum quod attinet; equidem agnosco me mentem tuam antea, sive meâ sive aliorum culpâ, minime assecutum esse. I am vero eâ perceptâ, utut primo aspectu nonnihil concinnitate suâ adblandiebatur; tamen penitiùs introspicienti quo minùs adhuc tibi plene accederem illud obstaculo fuit: Quod tametsi verissimum sit, Radium senarium, nisi cum alio numero multiplicatum, Bestiae numerum non redditurum; tamen animadverto, sitres istae Unitates, quas huic reiadhibes, valore simplo, & non, juxta locorum seriem, multiplo accipiantur, factum ex datis non fore, ut tu supponis, Sexcenta sexaginta sex, sed tantùm Octodecim. Quippe quia, si data Unitatum Trias cum Senario composita Sexcenta sexaginta sex conficere debeat, Unitates istas omnino pro CXI. numero, non vero pro simplis unitatibus, reputandas esse: Alioquin enim tres istos Senarios ex iis factos non nisi pro simplis quoque Senariis habendos.

Hic scrupulus si eximi potuisset, reliqua quae adduxerim tanti forte futura non essent quo minùs 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 tuum calculo meo comprobarem: praesertim si usquam in S. Scriptura (quod tamen non memini) officia illa Christi Triade signarentur. Alioquin enim ad S S. Trinitatem potiùs retulerim; cujus nempe cum cultu Bestiae sexti capitis daemonolatriam Pseudopropheta nefario temperamento commiscuit. Neque enim prorsus absque suspicione sum, posse in numero isto Trium Unitatum aliquid mysterii latere quod mihi nondum eruere datum est.

Haec habui, Vir Doctissime, quae ad Quaesitum tuum responderem. Fecit autem tua erga Scriptum meum benignitas & affectus, ut alias quasdam chartulas meas, Domini Brokaei rogatu, tecum communicare non dubitârim. Harum unâ mysterium calculi istiu • Angelici apud Danielem, cap. 12. come. 11, 12. jam ante septennium vestigare sum conatus; quousque vero assecutus sum, necdum scio. Alteris duabus ( Epistolâ ad Amicum, & Conjecturâ de Gogo & Magogo Apocalyptico ) sententiam meam de beato Millennio paulo pleniùs aperio. Plura non addo, nisi ut sanctissimis tuis studiis faveat benignissimus Deus, &c.

EPISTLE XLI.

WHen I received your last, I was full of business, and therefore deferred my answer thereto till some time of better leisure and freedom; which now I have attained. But for that of yours which in particular concerns myself, I will say only this, that my friends conceive me to be a man of far greater abilities than I am. Believe me, I am far unfit for such undertaking as they think me. Ingenium habeo tardum & cunctabundum: and though perhaps my Fancy be a little pregnant for notions, yet for expression I am very unready, and write nothing either in Latin or English without much pains and difficulty. Such a disposition is not fit for the wars, but for peaceable and retired meditations. Besides, for the introducing and persuading a new and unfrequented Truth, the choice of a seasonable time is half the work: without which a man shall sooner damnify than promote it. We see it by experience, what a wound sometimes a Truth gets by an error in this kind. If the time therefore be not seasonable and likely, private communication and insinuation is most safe; public avouching is dangerous, even to the cause itself, lest it be condemned before it be understood, and so never fecible again till that generation be gathered to their fathers, if then. A Truth therefore not yet admitted must be urged very warily and tenderly, for fear of incurring such a dangerous prejudice by an overpotent opposition. For the sons of men are untoward creatures, that talk much of Reason, but commonly steer by another Compass, as of Passion, Faction, or Affection, &c.

I thank God for that portion of knowledge hath been pleased hitherto to give me in these Mysteries, and the opportunity he hath vouchsafed me to make it known to others so far as I have done. I deserved neither of them: and for the latter, never intended it; but was catched as it were at a running pull. If it be his pleasure I shall proceed further, he will afford me those opportunities and inducements which yet I find not. And thus much for that matter.

Now for the rest, I perceive what it is that most pincheth you in the Millenarian Prophecy; to wit, that of Gog and Magog. Wherefore I send you enclosed herewith my Conjecture thereof. How you will approve it, I know not. Howsoever you may gather thereby, and by what I formerly sent you, my whole conceit of that Mystery, and that my thoughts are still, now and then, reflecting upon their accustomed subject.

AS for your Quaere about the meaning of that Ezek. 38. 17. Thus saith the Lord: Art not thou he of whom I have spoken in old time by my servants the Prophets of Israel, which prophesied in those days many years, that I would bring thee against them? I suppose you would know by what Prophets, and where any such Enemy as that Gog, was prophesied of before Ezekiel.

I answer, by Isaiah, chap. 27. 1. with the two last verses of the foregoing Chapter: by Jeremiah, chap. 30. 23, 24. by Joel, chap. 3. 1, &c. by Micah. chap. 5. verse. 5, 6, 9, 15, In all which places is mention of some terrible Enemy which should come against Israel at the time of their Return, whom the Lord should destroy with a hideous and dreadful slaughter.

This Enemy is that Army of Gog of the land of Magog, chief Prince of Meshech and Tubal, of which Ezekiel prophesieth; formerly mentioned by the Prophets which were before him; but never so punctually and particularly described by the place of his habitation, nation and name, as by him. The nearest unto him comes Micah, who prophesies of him under the name of the Assyrian, a Nation to the Northward; And He (that is, the Ruler to come forth of Bethlechem) shall be the peace, when the Assyrian shall come into our land, &c. Not as though this should be his Original Nation, but as the Province from whence he should fall into the land of Israel. For the Prince of Magog and Tubal cannot come into the Land of Israel, till he be first master of the Land of Ashur, which lies between them. And the Prophet describes him by this Name, rather than by that of his own Nation, because the Name of Ashur was at that time so terrible to the Jews, and the Invasion of Shalmaneser and Sennacherib still fresh in their minds: and perhaps those Nations were then at the devotion of the Assyrian, and no small part of his Army; as they used to be of the Saracens, when they ruled in those parts. Howsoever by this name he pointed to a Northern Enemy, whatsoever the Nation should be that should then Empire it in those parts, as the Assyrian did when he prophesied. For Assyria is described by that situation, Isaiah 14. 31. Ier. 1. 13. and ch. 4. 6. Zacharias 2. 6. and I believe our Geographical Tables are not so true and exact herein as they should be, in that they place Saroh (as they say Assyria is now called) too much to the Eastward.

I see I have some room left for another Observation concerning Daniel XI. in which one of your Letters intimated some difficulty of Exposition. It may be I shall speak that which may ease you. Howsoever, it is this.

All the Ancients refer that from verse. 36. and forward to the Fourth Monarchy, especially to Antichrist, in whose reign that Monarchy should conclude. And good reason; for the Resurrection of the dead and Judgment comes in at the end thereof, Dan. 12. 2, 3. but thither no Kingdom reaches but the Fourth. 'It is a dangerous evasion to turn this Prophecy of the Resurrection of the dead (which is the most evident and express in all the Old Testament, and that whereon the Jewish Church built her faith and hope of the Life of the world to come) into an Allegory, as some of those are forced to do who interpret all of Antiochus Epiphanes.

The stumbling-block which hath diverted so many of ours in this last Seculum to depart from the ancient and Catholic Exposition, seems to me to be chiefly, because there appears no apparent Transition in the Text from the Prophecy of Antiochus to this we speak of, but it coheres as a continued Narration to the end.

Now the cause of this obscurity I take to be a misdistinguishing of the Text, which refers some words to the former verse which should be the beginning of this 36. these namely, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . For if these words be referred to that which follows, the Transition will be evident enough, in this manner.

35. And some of them of understanding shall fall, to try them, and to purge, and to make them white, even to the time of the end.

36. FOR YET at the time appointed, a King shall do according to his will, and shall exalt and magnify himself above every God; yea he shall speak marvelous things against the God of God's, and shall prosper until the Indignation be accomplished, &c.

For understanding of this we must know, that after the death of Antiochus Epiphanes the Third Kingdom comes no more in the holy reckoning, none of the Greek Kings after him being at all prophesied of; yea Daniel himself calling the time of Antiochus his reign The Latter end of the Greek Kingdom, chap. 8. 23. The reason of this is, because during the reign of Antiochus, Macedonia (whence that Kingdom sprung) with all the rest of Greece, came under the Roman obedience. From thence therefore the Holy Ghost begins the Rise of the Fourth Kingdom; yea the Roman Historians themselves mark out that time for the Rise of their Empire. Lucius Florus, lib. 2. cap. 7. Cedente Annibale, premium victoriae Africa fuit, & secutus Africam terrarum orbis. Post Carthaginem vinci neminem puduit: Secutae sunt Africam Gentes, Macedonia, Greece, Syria, caeteráque omnia, quodam quasi aestu & torrente fortunae: Sed primi omnium Macedones, affectator quondam Imperii populus. Item Velleius Paterculus, lib. 1. cap. 6. ex quodam AEmilio Sura de annis populi Romani haec habet: Assyrii principes omnium Gentium rerum potiti sunt; deinde Medi, postea Persae, deinde Macedones: Exinde duobus Regibus, Philippo & Antiocho, (qui à Macedonibus oriundi erant) haud multo post Carthaginem subactam, devictis, summa Imperii ad populum Romanum pervenit. Compare 1 Maccab. c. 8.

The meaning then of those words of Daniel—[even to the time of the end ] is, That the persecution he describeth should be terminated with the end of the Third Kingdom. For from thenceforth another King [the Roman ] should prevail, and advance himself over all.

Under the name of King we must understand the whole Roman State under what kind of Government soever. For the Hebrews use King for Kingdom, and Kingdom for any Government, State or Politie in the world. See but Matth. 4. 8.

By exalting and magnifying himself above every God, nothing else is meant but the greatness and generality of his conquests and prevailings: the reason of that expression being, Because in the times of Paganism every City and Country had their proper and peculiar God's which were deemed as their Guardians and Protectors. Hence sometimes the Nations themselves are expressed by the Name of their God's: The People of Jehovah, that is, Israel; The people of Chemosh, Numb. 21. 29: that is, Moab. Ità accipe Deut. 4. 28. and chap. 28. 64. Ier. 16. 13. 1 Sam. 26. 19. Sometimes the Exploits of the Nations are said to be done by their God's; as we, by like privilege of speech, ascribe unto our Kings what is done by the People under them. See 2 Chron. 28. 23. Ierem. 51. 44. Thirdly, and most frequently; What is attempted against the Nations, is said to be done against their God's; as we are wont in like manner to say, when an Army is overthrown or overmastered, that such a General is beaten or vanquished: See this, 2 Kings 18. 33. Isaiah 46. 1, 2. Ierem. 50. 2. and ch. 51. 44. and ch. 48. 7. Compare 2 Sam. 7. 23. So here the success and prevailing of the Roman, in the advancing his dominion and subduing every Nation under him, is expressed by exalting and magnifying himself above every God. . But if any had rather here take God's for Kings and Potentates, let them.

I have now no more room left: therefore with my best respect I rest

EPISTLE XLII.

EPISTLE XLIII.

COncerning our Plantation in the American world, I wish them as well as anybody; though I differ from them far, both in other things, and in the grounds they go upon.

And though there be but little hope of the general Conversion of those Natives in any considerable part of that Continent; yet I suppose it may be a work pleasing to Almighty God and our Blessed Savior, to affront the Devil with the sound of the Gospel and Cross of Christ in those places where he had thought to have reigned securely and out of the dinne thereof; and though we make no Christians there, yet to bring some thither to disturb and vex him, where he reigned without check.

For that I may reveal my conceit further, though perhaps I cannot prove it, yet I think thus;

That those Countries were first inhabited since our Savior and his Apostles times, and not before; yea, perhaps, some ages after: there being no sings or footsteps found amongst them, or any Mounments of older habitation, as there is with us.

That the Devil, being impatient of the sound of the Gospel and Cross of Christ in every part of this old world, so that he could in no place be quiet for it, and foresecing that he was like at length to lose all here, bethought himself to provide him of a seed over which he might reign securely; and in a place, ubi nec Pelopidarum factaneque nomen audiret.

That accordingly he drew a Colony out of some of those barbarous Nations dwelling upon the Northern Ocean, (whither the sound of Christ had not yet come) and promising them by some Oracle to show them a Country far better than their own, (which he might soon do) pleasant, large, where never man yet inhabited, he conducted them over those desert Lands and Islands (which are many in that Sea) by the way of the North into America; which none would ever have gone, had they not first been assured there was a passage that way into a more desirable Country. Namely, as when the world apostatized from the Worship of the true God, God called Abram out of Chaldee into the Land of Canaan, of him to raise him a Seed to preserve a light unto his Name: So the Devil, when he saw the world apostatizing from him, laid the foundations of a new Kingdom, by deducting this Colony from the North into America, where since they have increased into an innumerable multitude. And where did the Devil ever reign more absolutely and without control, since mankind fell first under his clutches? And here it is to be noted, that the story of the Mexican Kingdom (which was not founded above 400 years before ours came thither) relates out of their own memorials and traditions, that they came to that place from the North; whence their God Vitzliliputzli led them, going in an Ark before them: and after divers years travel and many stations (like enough after some generations) they came to the place which the Sign he had given them at their first setting forth pointed out, where they were to finish their travels, build themselves a City, and their God a Temple; which is the place where Mexico was built. Now if the Devil were God's ape in this; why might he not be so likewise in bringing the first Colony of men into that world out of ours? namely, by Oracle, as God did Abraham out of Chaldee, whereto I before resembled it.

But see the hand of Divine Providence. When the offspring of these Runnagates from the sound of Christ's Gospel had now replenished that other world, and began to flourish in those two Kingdoms of Peru and Mexico, Christ our Lord sends his Mastives the Spaniards to hunt them out and worry them: Which they did in so hideous a manner, as the like thereunto scarce ever was done since the Sons of Noah came out of the Ark. What an affront to the Devil was this, where he had thought to have reigned securely, and been forever concealed from the knowledge of the followers of Christ?

Yet the Devil perhaps is less grieved for the loss of his servants by the destroying of them, than he would be to lose them by the saving of them; by which latter way I doubt the Spaniards have despoiled him but of a few. What then if Christ our Lord will give him his second affront with better Christians, which may be more grievous to him than the former? And if Christ shall set him up a light in this manner, to dazzle and torment the Devil at his own home, I will hope they shall not so far degenerate (not all of them) as to come in that Army of Gog and Magog against the Kingdom of Christ; but be translated thither before the Devil be loosed, if not presently after his tying up. And whence should those Nations get notice of the glorious happiness of our world, if not by some Christians that had lived among them?

Thus have I told you out my fancy of the Inhabitants of that world: which though it be built upon mere conjectures, and not upon firm grounds; yet may have so much use as to show a possibility of answering such scruples as are wont to run in men's heads concerning them: which consideration is not always to be despised.

BUT because I see you entertain to favourably my Notions concerning the Kingdom of Christ at his appearing; I will make bold to acquaint you with another Notion which draws deeper (I think) than those you have yet heard.

I doubt not but you have felt some scruple (as well as others) at our Savior's demonstration of the Resurrection in the Gospel, Matth. 22. Mark 12. God said to Moses in the bush, I am the God of Abraham, and the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob: God is not the God of the dead, but of the living. Ergo Abraham, Isaac and Jacob must one day rise again from the dead. How doth this Conclusion follow? Do not the Spirits of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob yet live? God should then be the God of the living, though their bodies should never rise again. Therefore some Socinians argue from this place, that the Spirits of the Just lie in the sleep of death until the Resurrection. Or might not the Sadducees have replied, the meaning to be of what God had been, not of what he should be? viz. That he was that God who had once chosen their Fathers, and made a Covenant with them; I am the God that brought Abraham out of Chaldee, who appeared to Isaac and Jacob whilst they lived, &c. But how would this then make for the Resurrection? Surely it doth. He that could not err said it. Let us therefore see how it may.

I say therefore the words must be understood with supply of that they have reference unto; which is the Covenant that the Lord made with Abraham, Isaac and Jacob; in respect whereof he calls himself their God. This Covenant was to give unto them and to their seed the land wherein they were strangers. [Mark it.] Not to their seed or off-springs only, but to themselves. Vide loca. To Abraham, Gen. 13. 15. & ch. 15. 7. & ch. 17. 8. To Isaac, Gen. 26. 3. To Jacob, Gen. 35. 12. To all three, Exod. 6. 4, 8. Deut. 1. 8. & ch. 11. 21. & ch. 30. 20. If God then make good to Abraham, Isaac and Jacob this his Covenant, whereby he undertook to be their God, then must they needs one day live again to inherit the promised Land, which hitherto they have not done. For the God that thus covenanted with them, covenanted not to make his promise good to them dead, but living. This is the strength of the Divine argument, and irre • ragable; which otherwise would not infer any such Conclusion.

And this to be our Savior 's meaning may appear, in that the Jews at that time used from these very places thus understood to infer the Resurrection against the Sadducees out of the Law. As it is to be seen expressly of two of them ( Exod. 6. 4. Deut. 11. 21. ) in the Talmud 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ubi in Gemara sic habetur, Traditio Rab. Simai; Quo loco astruit Lex Resurrectionem mortuorum? Nempeubi dicitur, Atque etiam constabilivi foedus meum cum ipsis, ut dem ipsis terram Canaan. Non enim dicitur vobis, sed ipsis.

Iterum rogârunt Sadducaei Rabbi Gamalielem, (Praeceptor fuit Pauli Apostoli) Vndenam probaret Deum mortuos resuscitaturum. Non quieverunt usque dum produceret ipsis istum versum, Quam terram juravit Dominus patribus vestris se daturum illis. Hine constat Legem testificari Resurrectionem mortuorum.

Note therefore, that when in a two or three of these places it is added, and to thy seed, or their seed after them, the word after is not to be referred to give (as if it were, I will give it to thy seed after I have given it to thee;) but to seed; as, Thy seed after thee, that is, to thy posterity, their seed after them, that is, to their posterity which should come out of their loins: For that the offspring is in beginning after to the beginning of the Parent.

To persuade this conceit by stronger testimonies than of Rabbins, I pray compare with that which hath been said, the 8, 9, and 10 verses of Hebrews 11. adding to them the 13, 14, 15 and 16 verses of the same Chapter: In the last of which you need not stumble at the Epithet, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 heavenly; because it notes not only that which is in heaven, but that which is from heaven, de Coelo; as it is said verse 10. They looked for a City whose builder and maker is God. And consider well the latter part of this 16. verse with our Savior's Argument.

Compare besides and consider that of Zacharias's Benedictus, Luc. 1. 72. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which we, for fear of Limbus patrum, translate, To perform the mercy promised to our Fathers, &c. But there is no such word as [ promised ] in the original. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , is directly, To show mercy, or kindness, to our Fathers: For that is the Scripture phrase, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , To show benignity unto, or deal kindly with, one. The Fathers then themselves are the Object of this benignity and favor which is to be by Christ; it is to be shewn to them. But what is this favor and mercy? the words following will tell us— and to remember his holy Covenant. What was that? To give unto them, even to them in their own persons, the Land wherein they were strangers, and that by and with that seed of theirs wherein all the Nations of the earth were to be blessed.

Add lastly and consider what may be the meaning of that, Matth. 8. 11. Many shall come from the East and the West, and shall sit down with Abraham, Isaac and Jacob in the Kingdom of heaven; when the children of the Kingdom (that is, the Jews, many of them) shall be cast out into outer darkness, &c.

Now I have done, I am afraid I have not expressed my mind so clearly and evidently as I would. But the Sum of what I would say is this.

God covenanted to give to Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, in their own persons, (as well as to their seed) the Land wherein they were strangers (that is, the Land of Canaan) for an inheritance. But this was not performed to them while they lived; therefore must they one day live again, that they may be partakers of this Promise; and consequently the Saints shall live on earth after their Resurrection.

To your Postscript • Objection, That if the Saints come not all together with Christ, those which are left behind shall be in worse case than they were before: The assoiling thereof depends upon the exact knowledge of the State of the Saints in bliss, and the degrees they are in; which we know not. Who can affirm whether all the Saints now in bliss have the Vision of Christ in his Humanity, or some of them only? And as for the presence of his Godhead, they may enjoy it in an illustrious manner, though his Humanity be on earth. We must be content in so great a Mystery to be ignorant of something. Deus providebit. For the words 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , I will not contend for the sense I used them in. They may be understood the other way, so may they be in mine. Quisque fruatur suo judicio. But what say you to that in the end of Daniel, Go thy way, Daniel, till the end be; for thou shalt rest and stand up in thy Lot at the end of days? What is this [in thy Lot?] Is it not, In thy course, or In thy turn? See the Courses or Turns of the Priests and Levites so called, 1 Chron. 24.

For my full interpretation of that part of the 11. of Daniel, I have it in a Treatise upon 1 Tim. 4. which I preached in certain Sermons at S. Marie 's before I was so well versed in the Apocalypse or understood the Mystery of the Millennium; and therefore it hath some things in it not so consentaneous to my present opinion either in that or some other things there discoursed. I could mend the foundation thereof. Notwithstanding these defects I could be willing to let you have a sight of it, if I could send it by a certain hand; but the hand of a Carrier is too contingent to adventure it in: And this to save the labor of writing out that which concerns that Prophecy of Daniel, which would be a little tedious to me.

Mr. B. at his sending me your last, desired to know my opinion of Gog and Magog in the Apocalypse, whether they were not Hypocrites on the one side within the Church, and open Enemies without on the other. Whereby I gather he is not acquainted with my conceit of the Millennium, and wants the Praecognita. Wherefore it would be a tedious business to go about to inform him by writing. I answered him, My Opinion required many Praecognita, and what it was you could inform him: but I thought it concerned not these times.

Thus with my best respect, and commending yourself and all yours to the Blessing of the Almighty, I rest

EPISTLE XLIV.

IVst now I received a Letter from a Learned man of Leiden, to whom also I sent your Clavis, who writes thus: Doctissimum Commentarium Apocalyp. coepi legere. Gratulor mihi de talibus scriptis, quorum etsi fides non potest esse nimis certa in omnibus, sunt tamen quorum nomine maximi aestimari debent. Nam 1. Non parùm valent contra Atheos, quorum perversi • as priùs concinnis ejusmodi delectanda, quàm convincentibus expugnanda. 2. Nec minùs ad erigendos eos qui certitudinis de Religion deliquium patiuntur aliquando, qualis nemo non est. 3. Nec non ad solatium in adversis. Nihil enim fortiùs solatur quàm quod certitudinem de Religion Christiana ex habitu in vivum & vegetum actum excitat: At hoc potest Apocalypseos consideratio talis. 4. Quantum in eo situm sit ut evincatur Papam esse Antichristum nemo non novit: At hoc longe fortiùs persuadetur tali modo quàm per disputationes; saltem disputationes confirmat. 5. Ne dicam quod multa Scripturae dicta in hoc Commen • ario egregie explicantur, & historiae profanae ad pium usum transferuntur: quam postremam ob causam O quàm opto ut lucem videat ejusdem Authoris Scriptum, quo Originem Pontificiae Religions ex Ethnicis •• o egregie demonstratam intelligo! Et quidem video eum pag. 116. lin. 7. Comment. Apocalyp. tale quid citare. Scribe quaeso an impressum. Interim velim D. Duncus hunc Comment. Apocalyp. consideret, & judicet, annon suum interpretandi modum hic Author accuratissime secutus sit. An igitur audebit dicere hanc Apocalypseos interpretationem & Analysin esse infallibilem? Thus you see how our affections of your worthy labors begin to turn into a true judgment and right value. Yet I should be glad too to spend more of my affections upon you in writing oftener, if many other weighty and public occasions would give me leave: But I know you will excuse me, and remain confident that I am always

EPISTLE XLV.

THanks for your good affection, in rejoicing for that you conceive to tend to my honor. Yet I see not why I should think much better of myself for it. It is the hap of many a Book that hath no worth in it (as I see daily) to find applause and entertainment, when a good Book is often scarce taken notice of. Why may not mine then, notwithstanding all this, be of that sort? I confess it is far better accepted than ever I looked for. This is enough. Yet might it be any furtherance but in the smallest degree to draw a Prince to our Religion, I should think then I might have cause of glory. But, alas! I dare not so much as give such a conceit entertainment.

Howsoever, because you send me abroad, and the Book contains a Paradox which is but generally and tenderly touched, and not fully explicated; lest I might be reputed, in this generality, to be of the same Opinion that Piscator, and some others are, who avouch a Millennium Regni, as I do, but not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and so their conceit far differing from mine; I thought not amiss to send you these enclosed Papers, wherein those that shall study that point shall find my opinion competently explicated; at least so far as may secure them that I cherish no gross and groundless error. When you have made that use of them you think fit, I would desire you to send me them again, for I have no other Copies, and they are sometimes useful to me in giving satisfaction.

If Mr. Dury hath read my Book, you may communicate them with him; else it will not be to purpose. I would I knew whether he had a Book or not. The Book he sent me down from De Dieu, I have now at length, and but newly, received. I read De Dieu 's Letter but this morning, and would have written to Mr. Dury in answer to his kind Letter, but that I am all overwhelmed at present with business and distractions, and am of a disposition that can tend but one thing at once. I pray howsoever remember my service to him • the next week I shall be at leisure I hope to write to him.

For your excusing your seldom saluting me with your Letters, it needs not; I am sensible of the trouble myself, and therefore most ready to hold others excused. Thus my time is spent, and I must to other writing work. So with my best affection I rest

EPISTLE XLVI.

CUM Lugduno-Batavorum, Clarissime & Doctissime Vir, discessurus valedicerem Rev. Domino De Dieu, quocum mihi à multo tempore notitia intercesserat, Fidei meae commisit suas hasce in Acta Apostolorum Annotationes vobis tradendas. Gra • ulatus mihi sum de qualicunque hac occasion ipsi & tibi simul inserviendi; aut saltem testandi erga te praesertim (cujus Pietatem atque Eruditionem merito omnes pie doctivenerantur) Studium & affectum meum, quo tuam virtutem prosequor. Hanc igitur scribendi ansam nactus nolui meo voto deesse ampliùs, quo in tuam aliquando irrepere familiaritatem exoptavi. Multa illa & praeclara optimorum, & nominatim Domini Hartlibii, de tuis dotibus testimonia, animum meum ad haec vota & desideria inflammârunt. Dabis igitur, Vir eximie, veniam pro tua humanitate meo affectui, cujus impulsu haec scribo, ut liceat mihi imposterum tuo cul • ui mea studia dedicare, & pro re nata te per Literas salutare, siquid dignum tuà notitiâ in communibus studiis occurret. Impraesentiarum nihil adhuc ad manum est praeter hoc Decretum ab Ordinibus Imperii factum in negotio Pacis Ecclesiasticae meo rogatu capessendo: in illo videre poteris quousque divina Clementia meis conatibus praeter & ultra exspectationem faverit; atque ut illi mecum eo nomine gratias agas rogo. Quae reliqua in hoc instituto promovendo sunt, & communicatione digna videbuntur, suo tempore suggerentur; ut siquid ab Eruditione & Prudentia tua accedere possit ad hanc causam juvandam, id meo quodam jure in Communione Sanctorum postulare & impetrare queam • Val • , Vir mihi maximopere colende. Dabam raptim

EPISTLE XLVII.

DIutius factum est cùm tuas Literas accepi, nec respondi: In causa fuit, quod Librum ad me à Clarissimo viro Domino Lud. De Dieu missum Vehicularii incuriâ ante superiorem septimanam non acceperim: tunc autem cùm scribendum esset, aliis occupationibus & scriptiunculis adeo distinebar, ut vel tantillum otii & temporis huic officio non suppeterit.

Duplici vero beneficio me affecit Vir clarissimus doctissimúsque & omni laude superior Dominus Ludovicus De Dieu; tum quod eruditissimi Libri sui munere me honorare voluerit; tum quod unâ eâdemque operâ, quasi tesserâ quadam in manus traditâ, mihi ad amicitiam tuam viam patefecerit; Viri, quem vere heroicum illud Religiosae Pacis procurandae studium mihi jamdudum & omnibus bonis amabilem reddiderat, Deo quinetiam charum & acceptum. Macte, vir beatissime, (talem enim te Christus ipse pronunciat) hoc animo, hâc virtute. Utinam autem ità ferret conditio mea, essemque porro ab ingenio & prudentia satìs instructus, ut tibi in tam sancto munere inservirem. Nunc vero illud, ultrà quàm voto & commendatione, non licet. Nos enim hîc (ut scias) qui inferioris subsellii sumus, ab aliorum pendemus arbitrio, neque sine illorum nutu aut ductu in talibus quicquam audemus; alioquin factiosi & inordinati ingenii notam incursuri, nullo, mihi creed, siquis eo maculetur, oceano eluendam.

Est & aliud offendiculum quod te non celabo, quo Nostratium quorundam animos, alioquin rectos, deterreri & retardari suspicor, quo minùs voluntatem suam tam libere & aperte in hac causa profiteantur: nempe quod aliorum temeritate, aliorum malitiâ factum animadvertunt, ut quo quis in exte • as Ecclesias proniorem se ostendat, eo statim à nostra habeatur alienior. Audîsti Satanae Stratagema, quo tam pulchro & pio incepto remoram objicere conatur. Hinc conjice, in suffragiis ad rem istam colligendis quantâ cautelâ & judicio opus sit.

Meipsum quod attinet, scias velim, me summis animi votis Ecclesiarum pacem & concordiam exoptare, tibíque eo nomine & sanctissimis tuis conatibus impense • avere, &, quà licet, promovere velle. Dextram vero amicitiae (quam tam benign obtulisti & vicissim postulas) en tibi • am jam nunc porrigo, ínque affectûs mei testimonium Scriptum hoc qualecunque meum in Apocalypsin dono mitto; minime illud ei par quod mihi à doctissimo & (quod ex Literis ejus cognovi) amicissimo tibi viro ferendum accepisti: Rogo tamen ut aequi boníque consuleres, quod ab homine cui angusta est eruditionis supellex proficisci potuit.

Nolim enim te ex Domini Hartlibii & aliorum amicorum de me judiciis, qui ex hoc Scripto (quod immane quanto labor mihi constitit) vires meas aestimant, in errorem abduci. Non sum profecto quem illi me existimant, sed in quo omnia mediocria sunt, ne dicam tenuia; multis eruditionis praesidiis destitutum esse, praesertim (quod maxim angit) cogitata mentis sive sermon, sive scripto apud alios facile & expedite proferendi facultatem à natura denegatam habere, ut nullo modo sim amicorum de me judiciis & exspectationi responsurus, mihi de meipso creed, ne de novo amico nimiùm forte sis tibi gratulaturus.

Plura non addo, nisi ut faveat sanctissimis tuis inceptis benignus Deus, teque diu incolumem servet, Ecclesiae & Reipublicae Christianae bono. Ità vovet

EPISTLE XLVIII.

LIter as tuas 4. Iunii praecedentis anni datas, per Nobilissimum atque Amplissimum Equitem D. Guilielmum Boswellum jamdudum accepi; ex quibus leviusculas meas in doctissimam tuam Clavem Apocalypticam Animadversions communicate as tibi à literatissimo viro fuisse intelligo. Quod etsi praeter mentem meam acciderit, magno tamen meo bono factum, quod isthoc pacto aditus mihi ad eruditionem tuam datus sit. Allubuisse tibi mearum Observationum aliquid, est quod mihi gratuler: quod alia non satis à me intellecta, aut seciùs accepta, illustrare ac plana facere dignatus fueris, gratias ago maximas, & acquiesco. Quod autem nullam adhuc causam te videre potuisse ais, cur magis in Veteri Testamento variantem lectionem admittere pertimescas quàm in Novo, examinandum penitiùs videtur. In Vet. Testamento unicus fuit populus Iudaicus, intra angustos terrae Canaan limites conclusus, qui à summo Pontifice paucísque Sacerdotibus pendens, Scripturae Sacrae &. Lectiones & interpretationes accipere ab iis debebat: ibi Scripturam in puritate sua conservare & varationem arcere facile fuit; unde & summo consensu, paucis exceptis apicibus & literis, codices Hebraei conspirant; adversus quorum consensum variantem lectionem comminisci, audendum non arbitror. In Novo Testamento, ubi, dispersà protinus per omnes populos salutis doctrinâ, res secùs se habuit, variari aliquid facile fuit, ut & variantes codices variantes lections admittere cogunt.

Tria autem adfers consideratione digna. Primum est, Ipsius Hebraei Textûs lectionem variare: ubi con • erri vis hymnum Davidis novissimum 2 Sam. 22. cum codem Psal. 18. Historiam excidii Hierosolymitani 2 Reg. 24. à verse. 18. ad finem cap. 25. cum eadem historia Ierem. 52. Legationem Merodach Baladan 2 Reg. 20. verse. 12, 13, &c. cum eadem Esa. 39. Item 2 Sam. 21. 19. cum 1 Paral. 20. 5.

Respondeo, Plurima in illis locis esse quae invicem collata aliter quidem hîc leguntur quàm illic, ità tamen ut & hîc eodem modo omnes codices legant & illic; & ne Mazorethae quidem variantes lections annotarefuerint ausi. Varictas illa crebro contingit, ubi de eadem re diversi authors scribunt. Quoties apud Evangelistas id videre est? ubi eandem historiam diversi tractantes addunt, demunt, commutant verba & sententias, immutant personas, transponunt ordinem, & alia aliter scribunt. Matth. 3. est portare calceamenta; Marc. 1. solvere corrigiam calceamentorum: illic, baptizabit Spiritu Sancto & igne; hîc, omittitur igne. Quae Matth. 5. in Beatitudinibus narrantur tertiâ personâ à Christodicta, recens • t Lucas secundà personâ. Quodque Matth. 13. 17. est, Multi Prophetae & justi; Luc. 10. 24. est, Multi Prophetae & • eges. In quibus neque variare lectionem, neque corruptam esse hanc aut illam dic • t quisquam; quia diversitas ista jus • as juas habet causas & usus insignes. Talia quoque sunt, quod 2 Reg. 25. 4. omittantur 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 quae Ier. 52. 7. leguntur: Quod illic scribatur 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , apud Ierem • 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; ut & Esa. 39. 1. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , quod 2 Reg. 20. 12. est 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; & 1 Reg. 15. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 quod 2 Chron. 13. est 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : facile enim tempora in nominum propriorum pronunciatione & scriptione literam aliquam variant, unde & in Evangeliis est, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , quod in Hebr. est 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Et ut quod primo l • co ponis potissimùm conscram, nempe Psal. 18. cum 2 Sam. 22. Illic verse. 1. legitur 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , hîc 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Versus qui ibi secundus est, hîc omittitur. Ibi verse. 3. est 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 hîc 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ibi desunt quae hîc eadem versu adduntur, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Ibi verse. 5. est 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , hîc 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Cesso, quia plurimae ejusmodi sequuntur mutationes; quae satis evincunt aut Psalmo Davidis contigisse à novo scriptore qui libros Regum contexuit quod passim orationibus Christi in Evangeliis, ubi ab alio Evangelista aliis verbis recensentur; aut ipsummet Davidem, diversis temporibus egregium hunc hymnum proferentem, consulto quaedam mutâsse, ut uberior ejus esset sensus; unde sane d • ver sacodicum lectio, nec ulla aut hîc aut illic depravatio, arguipotest.

At respicis forsitam ea loca ubi aliter se habere 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 quam 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 annotârunt Mazorethae. Respondeo, Ipsorum annotationes non indicare quomodo alii codices legerint, sed quomodo legendum sit: ideo nunquam duplex, multo minùs triplex, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 annotatur; & vocales semper 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , nunquam 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 accommodantur; ut unicam tantùm lectionem rectam esse indicarent, quae scilic • t 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 est adaptata. In quo cùm sensum suum & judicium sint secuti, rejicio passim ipsorum lectionem, tanquam aut non necessariam, aut inutilem, aut superstitiosam, aut etiam depravatam, & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 sequi amo. Vt in hymno Davidis 2 Sam. 22. 8. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ketif postulat legi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , sicut Psal. 18. quod rectius est quàm 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Keri 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , quod mascul. gen. non been construitur cum seq. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Vers. 15. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ketif vult legi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . ut est Psal. 18. & rectius est quàm 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Keri 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Vers. 33. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ketif vult legi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Keri est 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , quia nempe sic legitur Psal. 18. at cur non eodem jure annotârunt pro 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 legendum ut in Psalmo 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 I am ante diximus studio mutâsse nennulla Prophetam, ut & alia in eodem hoc versu, & suprà verse. 11. est 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & conspectus est, quum illic sit 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & volavit: hic verse. 11. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 colligationes aquarum, cùm illic sit 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 tenebras aquarum. Optimum habet sensum 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Et exsilire facit integrum via ejus, vel & exsilire facit integrum in via sua, pro 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Inde pendet & alterum verse. seq. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , sic habet 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ketif, pro quo 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Keri 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; at rectius est prius, si in praecedenti legas 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , disponit pedes ejus (nempe integri viri, quem exsilire facit aut expeditum reddit via ejus) ut cervarum. Versu ult. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ketif vult legi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , sicut Psal. 18. at Keri est 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , omnino prave. Sic in historia Merodachi 2 Reg. 20. 13. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ketif est 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , Keri vult inter 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 legi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , quia nempe id apud Esaiam legitur; quid necesse? Sic verse. 18. Ketif est 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 accipiet, nempe Rex Babel, optima sensu; at Keri est 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 accipient, quia sic legitur apud Esaiam, sinc ulla necessitate. 2 Sam. 21. 19. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Ketif vult legi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 vir mensurarum aut extensionum (est enim 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 • rabice extendere ) sicut in sing est 1 Par. 206. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; at 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Keri est 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , quod sane multo minùs quadrat. Ibid. verse. 19. est 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , volunt legi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , quia sic est in Chronicis; quasi non ubique nomina propria mutationes tales subeant.

Alterum quod statuis est, Ubi Apostoli & Evangelistae lectionem quam secuti sunt LXX calculo suo comprobâsse videntur, illos duces sequi perinde tutum esse ac Mazorethas, neque sacrilegum in Scripturam esse qui sic ex ipsa Scriptura & meliore ejus lection pronunciaverit.

Repeto, Vir Clarissime, quod dixi, me duces Mazorethas non sequi, nisi ubi res ipsa cogit, & meliorem lectionem postulat. Menda quaedam literaria irrepsisse in Sacros Codices, ut in alios quosvis, non nego: Sed quae ex re ipsa & genio linguae, etiam sine Mazorethis, à peritis facile deprehendi, & dum leguntur emendari possint. Ex LXX interpretibus, etiam cùm Apostoli & Evangelistae eos sequuntur, lectionem in qua omnes Hebraei codices consentiunt suspectam habere & meliorare non ausim. Psal. 40. 7. legitur 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 LXX 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . sequitur id Apostolus Hebr. 10. an inde colligere licebit veriorem lectionem esse 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ? Psal. 19. pro 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 LXX habent 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : sequitur Apostolus Rom. 10. an propterea verior lectio est 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ? Esa. 1. 9. pro 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 LXX habent 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , quod sequitur Apostolus Rom. 9. anidco verior lectio est 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ? Malta sic erunt immutanda, alibi addenda: ut Esa. 65. 2. legitur 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , LXX 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , sic & Apostolus Rom. 10. 21. addendúmne ergo erit 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Est & ubi omittunt aliquid LXX, ut Esa. 10. 22, 23. quod sequitur Apostolus Rom. 9. 27, 28. Malim cum doctissimis multis viris sentire, Non accurate admodum & solicit spectâsse sanctos viros quousque cum Hebraica lection LXX Interpretes convenirent; sed vulgatae & inter Hellenistas receptae Versioni libenter inhaesisse, modo salvam inde integrámque haberent Spiritûs Sancti mentem.

Tertium quod statuis est, Alicubi observare esse, Spiritum Sanctum crisin manifestiùs exercere, aliámque à recepta lectionem praeferre, etiam ubi LXX versioni cum hodicrnis exemplaribus Hebraicis ad amussim convenit. Locum citas ex Matth. 27. 10. ubi ex 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 conjectas innuisse Spiritum Sanctum pro 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 legendum apnd Prophetam 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; quod quidem ego minime sentio: Sed cùm apud Prophetam initio versûs 13. praecedat narratio mandatai divini quo jussit Deus projici argenteos illos ad figulum, omissâ narratione mandati voluisse Evangelistam subjicero in fine, factum esse sicut mandaverat Dominus. Quod autem 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 nullam faciat mentionem, causa est, quia & apud LXX • a omittitur, qui tamen loco ejus illud 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 non habent. Retinendum est omnino illud 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , quia circumstantiam loci continet in quem conjici debebant argentei, in quem & conjectos à Judah esse Matthaeus docet verse. 5. Et si Thesin illam tuam sequi liceat, quidni Rom 10. 9. crisin exercuisse dicatur Apostolus in illum locum Mosis, Deuter, 32. 21. Ego ad zelum provocabo eos, ut & LXX habent, sed Paulus citat vos? Aliâ viâ existimo, Vir Clar. ejusmodi loca esse expedienda quàm tantae libertatis concessione. Nolim taenm cuiquam sententiâ meâ praejudicatum.

Reliquum est, Vir amicissime, ut ob praeclarum tuum munus, quo affectum tuum erga me ingentem maximopere es testatus, quàm possum maximas agam gratias. Vsus eo est per aliquot menses, & adhuc utitur, Cl. Vir ac Theology hîc Professor D. Antonius Walaeus, qui ex Ill. Ord. mandato novae in linguam vernaculum Novi Testamenti transtationi cum aliis incumbens, & prae caeteris Apocalypsin notis marginalibus illustrandam nactus, operam tuam vehementer laudat, sibique ejus usum gratulatur; quo nomine majores etiam tibigratias debemus. Accipe jam 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 levidense mearum in Acta Apostolorum Animadversionum, tuo 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 nequaquam par, sed quale ab homine cui angusta est eruditionis supellex proficisci potuit, cui animus melior quàm facultas. Accipit hasce ad te deferendas D. Duraeus, Vir omni doctrinae & virtutum genere ornatissimus, nobísque amicissimus, nec cuiquam nisi pessimo invisus. Hunc si amas, meque cum ipso in ejusdem amicitiae societatem intromittere dignaris, erit utrique cur nobis gratulemur. Faveat sanctissimis tuis laboribus benignus Deus, teque Ecclestis & Reipub. literariae diu incolumem conservet.

EPISTLE XLIX.

DUplici me beneficio affecisti; tum quod Libri tui eruditissimi munere me ornare volueris; tum quod unâ eâdemque operâ, quasi tesserâ quadam in manus traditâ, mihi ad Domini Ioannis Duraei amicitiam viam patefeceris, Viri, quem vere heroicum illud Religiosae pacis procurandae studium mihi dudum & omnibus bonis amabilem reddiderat; haec vero occasio primùm de facie notum, & in interiorem familiaritatem acceptum. Utroque hoc nomine, Vir Clarissime, gratias tibi ago meritissimas; inprimis ob 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 tuum tam praeclarum & omnimodâ eruditione refertum, cuique meum 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (quicquid tu dixeris) nullatenus conferri potest: imo videor liberalitate isthâc mcâ omnino foenus exercuisse, & quaestum fecisse, si fas dicere, improbissimum.

De mendis autem & corruptione Textûs Hebraici, non est mihi tecum in ea causa reciprocandi animus: Fateor enim ultro hîc, siusquam alibi, caute & religiose agendum, imo & sentiendum. Interim tamen mallem mendum alicubi agnoscere, quàm in inexplicabilem difficultatum Labyrinthum compelli, unde me haud expedirem, nisi absurdiuscula quaeque & multo minùs verisimilia (prout nonnunquam ab aliis factum video) comminisci vellem. Unum tantùm ant alterum in Responsione tua notabo. Primum, quod in collatione historiae 2 Reg. 25. cum eadem Ierem. 52. non videris id animadvertisse in quod ego animum praecipue intenderam: nempe capite illo Regum, v. 3. verba nonnulla omissa esse, sine quibus historiae veritas salva esse non potest; eadem vero ex Ieremia facile & tuto restitui posse. Conferamus invicem.

2 Reg. 25. 3. sic legitur, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 — Ier. 52. 6. sic, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Quis hîc non videt verba illa [ 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ] sine quibus narrationis veritas non constat, e contextu Regum excidisse? Simile mihi observâsse videor, 1 Paral. 6. 28. in illo, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Atqui primogenito Samuclis nomen fuit Joel, non Vashni; imo eo nomine memoratur in hoc ipso capite, non nisi quinque abhinc versibus. Censeo igitur excidisse nomen Joel, & olim sic scriptum fuisse, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Et silii Samuelis, primogenitus Joel, & secundus Abijah. LXX certe sic legerunt, & confirmatur ex 1 Sam. 8. 2. ubi legitur, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Ne dicam plane absurdum esse, nomen cuique esse inditum ex voice cum Vau copulativa praefixa; nam quid quaeso significabit 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , quocunque modo tractes, quàm & secundus?

Alterum quod notabo est, to Textum LXX. Zach. 11. 13. leviter tantùm inspexisse, ex eo quod affirms 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 apud illos non haberi; háncque causam esse cur neque apud Evangelistam compareat. At, nisi me quoque fefellerunt oculi, LXX hîc cum Hebraeo habent 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Praeterea Evangelistam hîc LXX non esse secutum, argumento est, quod totam pericopen aliis fere verbis enuntiet.

Haec sunt, Vir clarissime, quae eruditissimis tuis (quas tanquam 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 aliquod apud me servare decrevi) reponenda duxi, nec plura. Deus Opt. Max. eruditissimos tuos conatus ad Reipublicae literariae emolumentum & nominis sui gloriam indies magìs magísque provehat, teque quàm diutissime incolumem servet. Ità vovet

EPISTLE L.

EPISTLE LI.

EPISTLE LII.

I. M.

EPISTLE LIII.

—YOur love and your worth makes me zealous of your name, and so shall I ever be. And I willingly profess I never expected so rational Discourses in the explanation of passages so mysterious. We are commonly taken with pretty fictions and imaginations, the ground whereof when we come to examine, we find no solidity to fasten on. O that my desires were worthy to be considered by you, that you would be pleased in your private studies to go on to perfect that you have begun upon the Revelation! To my thinking, by considering your Specimina thereon, the three next Chapters, viz. 15, 16, 17. would be soon perfected. The touch you give me about repairing of the Temple in Ezekiel doth exceedingly content me, though I am persuaded you have some Notions, general at least, concerning many passages therein—In the eleventh of Daniel, that which you apply unto the Turk, I had thought belonged to Antichrist: and the last verse, of planting his Tabernacles between the seas, seems to me fairly to set forth Rome and the Throne of the Beast therein. And as touching the tidings from the East and North, that troublesome body, if it be the Turk that is troubled, have you not some propension to apply it to the Jews, after their conversion to Christ? Thus I make that saying good, Garrit amor & benevolentia, and one thing more, a desire to sound you—

EPISTLE LIV.

I Am not unwilling to communicate unto you the most of my • ew, because, I perceive, you make some account of them. For in the Un. where I live, I know not a second man that understands anything concerning such Mysteries, nor desires to be made acquainted with them. I speak not of the Mystery of the Millennium only, but of the Mystery of Iniquity. Concerning which I cannot but exceedingly admire how uncapable men (otherwise extraordinarily qualified with gists, and well-affected too) are found to be—Condemn me not therefore too much, if my edge be not so sharp in this way as you desire it should be. But let this pass. You shall receive herewith the Prophecy of Toby in a paper by itself. And I will add in this two other. The one, the authority of Tertullian for the applying of Ezekiel 's Temple to the New Jerusalem; the other, another passage yet out of K. Edward 's Catechism, which I had not time to transcribe in my last.

Nam & confitemur in Terra nobis Regnum repromissum, sed ante Coelum, sed alio statu; utpote post resurrectionem in Mille annos, in Civitate divini operis Jerusalem coelo delata? quam & Apostolus Matrem nostram sursum designat, & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 nostrum, id est, municipatum, in coelis esse pronuntians, alicui utique coelesti Civitati eam deputat. Hanc & Ezekiel novit, & Apostolus Johannes vidit—Hanc dicimus excipiendis resurrection Sanctis, & refovendis omnium bonorum, utique spiritualium, copiâ, in compensationem eorum quae in seculo vel despeximus vel amisimus, à Deo prospectam. Siquidem & justum & Deo dignum, illic quoque exultare famulos ejus, ubi sunt afflicti in nomine ipsius. Haec ratio Regni coelestis. Post cujus Mille annos, intra quam aetatem concluditur Sanctorum resurrectio, pro meritis maturiùs vel tardiùs resurgentium, tunc & mundi destructione & Iudicii conflagratione commissâ, demutati in atomo in Angelicam substantiam (scilicet per illud incorruptelae superindumentum) transferemur in coeleste Regnum—

In this latter, for the time of the World's Conflagration and its destruction, Tertullian differs from the rest, I am sure from Irenaeus; unless by Iudicii conflagratio he means that of Gog and Magog, Apoc. 20. 9. But I think he doth not.

I send you this passage, as I did the former, that you might admire with me what this Author meant; whether such expressions could fall from him by mere chance, or whether they argue not some further notion in this Mystery than was common and ordinary, though those to whom the review and approbation of the Book was committed were not capable to observe it.

CONCERNING Ezekiel 's Vision of the measuring of the Temple I have no no Notions, either general or special, worth relation. Only I suspect some Mystery to be in the Numbers, as in the New Jerusalem in the Apocalypse I observe all the Numbers to be 12, or multiplied thereof, with reference, I suppose, to the 12 Apostles. But whether the Number of Ezekiel's measures should have reference, I cannot yet so well comprehend. I have been sometimes tampering that way, and methought they seemed to suit very well with the Name of God 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the letters whereof are 3 in each, and the Numbers they signify 1. 5. 6. 10. 30. For these are the Numbers or the Radices of the Numbers of nigh all Ezekiel's measures. Notwithstanding I give myself but little satisfaction in so Cabbalistical a conceit. Yet seeing the measures of the City in Ezekiel (cap. ult. in sine) are diverse from those of S. John in the Apocalypse; if the Cities be the same, the Numbers also must have some identity in a Mystery which they have not in the Letter; one fitted to the time of the Law, the other to the time of the Gospel. But he that can tell me how to unfold this Mystery, shall be my Master.

CONCERNING my application of the King of the South and the King of the North to the Saracen and Turk, who should plunder the Roman Empire in his latter end; 'tis not my conceit alone, but Mr. Brightman 's upon that part of Daniel. And 'tis true, which you guess, that I incline to apply the King of the North's going forth (upon the tidings from the East and the North) in a fury to destroy, and to that purpose to plant the Tabernacles of his palace in the glorious mountain of Holiness, to the Jews return, and the expedition of Gog and Magog into the Holy land. For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and therefore 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in this place, is constantly in this Book a description of the Holy land. See chap. 8. 9. and this chap. verse. 16, and 41. The tidings from the East and North may be that of the return of Judah and Israel from those quarters. For Judah was carried captive at the first into the East, and Israel by the Assyrian into the North, (namely in respect of the Holy land ) and in those parts the greatest number of each are dispersed at this day. Of the reduction of Israel from the North, see the Prophecies Ier. 16. 14, 15. and chap. 23. 8. also chap. 31. 8.

Or if this tidings from the North may be some other thing, yet that from the East I may have some warrant to apply to the Jews return, from that of the Sixth Vial in the Apocalypse, where the waters of the great River Euphrates are dried up, to prepare the way of the Kings of the East.

If you can digest this application of the Kings of the South and North to the Saracen and Turk; I will then desire you to consider the notation of the Time when, which (saith the Holy Ghost, v. 40.) should come to pass 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 at the time of the End, that is, of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of the Roman Kingdom; which what they are you will find in my Discourse upon 1 Tim. 4. And to this you may refer that Question of Daniel in the next chap. verse. 6. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 How long shall this latter end of wonderful things be? which the Angel answers, For a time, times and a half; referring to his former Vision thereof chap. 7. 25. Of the same Latter times he asketh yet again, verse. 8. incertus & mirabundus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Lord! what are these 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; which our Translation turns but untowardly. And further than this I cannot go in Daniel. The next is all dark. But it may seem the Angel tells the Prophet in those last Numbers when and how long it should be before this Mystery of the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 should be understood. For so he intimates both verse. 4. Shut up the words, and seal the Book until the time of the End; and again verse. 9. The words are closed up and sealed till the time of the End— and then, None of the wicked shall understand, but the wise shall understand, verse. 10. Now you know the Mystery of Antichrist, whereon the knowledge of these 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 wholly depends, was not discovered till a good part of them were run out. What if those Numbers (verse. 11, 12.) point out that time, counting from the Prophanation of Epiphanes? But I confess I know not here which way to take. This I intimate was an old Notion, which I can neither satisfy myself in, nor yet meet with another better grounded.

EPISTLE LV.

THese are only to give you to understand that your Packet is arrived safely in my hands; your Letters, your Manuscripts, two larger upon 1 Tim. 4. and the other of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and a third less. Time will not serve me to express the content I take in them; the satisfaction you give me in your Letters. I am taken with the meditation of the slavery of the Creature, ever since the Fall of Adam in bondage to them that are slaves to sin; and what that bespeaks of better times both for the Creature and for us: the passages of the Form of Doctrine prescribed by the Council of Nice; the Catechism in K. Edward 's days; and the rest. And like enough the land of Canaan shall have preeminence above all the rest, when it comes to be the Throne of Christ's Kingdom, like as it was the glory of all Lands when the children of Israel were brought to inherit it.

Your Doctrine of Daemons (whereof I have tasted, even to the Answer of the second Objection, Why invocation of Saints should be made choice of to set out Antichrist thereby, as a principal Character of him,) doth so affect me, that withal considering these degenerate times, I could heartily wish you would give way to the printing of it. You know what Spalatensis mentioneth of one of his Prebends, that should profess, if he were sure Angels heard him, he would use that Collect, Angele Dei, qui custos es mei, &c. And who it is that taketh it upon him to have been the man meant, and justifies it. When I read your Discourse of that, Thou shalt have no other God's before my face, it makes me willing to know what you think of Genuflexio versus Altare, which now grows rife, and begins to challenge subscription thereto as licita; like as genuflexio at the name of Jesus, as pia ceremonia; and where we shall end I know not. I cannot but take notice, as you wish me, of the vile depravation of the opinion of the Ancients concerning Millennium. For all these I cannot sufficiently give you thanks, and must study how to express my thank fullness. Mr. S. is a man of very good parts, but withal I doubt he hath his vanities as well as other men; for I cannot believe but that Dr. L. related unto me the truth of what he heard—

The beginning of the week hath been a very busy time with me, and I must make haste, desiring you may understand with the first the safe landing of your precious commodities— I nothing doubt but the Lord will perfect the good work he hath begun in you and by you; to whose gracious direction I commend all your ways, and shall ever rest

EPISTLE LVI.

FOR your question about Genuflexio or Adoratio versus Altare, I was in some pause whether to answer to it, or to pass it by in silence. I confess I have not been unacquainted with speculations in things of this nature: they were my eldest thoughts and studies, full twenty years ago, and the argument of my Concio ad Clerum when I commenced Bachelor of Divinity, and before I was any proficient in the Apocalypse. And it may be I have had so many Notions that way as would have made another man a Dean or a Prebend or something else ere this. But the point of the Pope's being Antichrist, as a dead fly, marred the savor of that ointment. And besides I am no Practitioner nor active, but a Speculator only: But I am afraid there are others as much in fault, which practice before they know. I suppose you have heard something this way, and thence took occasion to move this Question to me; which is the reason I have told you this long tale by way of Preface, lest you might think I had (as some men use to do) made the bent of the Times the rule of my opinions. But if I did so, I should quickly renounce my Tenet of the Apocalyptical Beast, which I know few men here so hardy with us as to profess they believe, yea or would fain do. But alas that I am so ill advised I cannot do with all! And I thank God I never made anything hitherto the caster of my resolutions but Reason and Evidence, on what side soever the advantage or disadvantage fell. Besides it fell out happily that the Times, when my thoughts were exercised in those Speculations I spake of, were times of better awe than now they are; which preserved me from that immoderation which I see divers now run into, whether out of ignorance or some other distemper I cannot tell. Haec omnia dixi in antecessum: now I will answer your Question briefly.

• 1. We must distinguish between Imago, and Locus or Signum praesentiae. To pray or worship toward the First, with respect thereto, is Idolatry; but not toward the Second.
• 2. The Israelites in the Wilderness bowed and worshipped the Lord toward the Cloud wherein he manifested his presence; in the Temple toward the Ark and the most Holy place as Solium Dei. When they were absent from it (though in a strange Country) yet they turned themselves and spread out their hands toward it when they prayed, as Daniel in Babel. Ergo, to worship toward Locum praesentiae is no Idolatry: or, if it were, we should commit it as often as we lift up our hands and eyes to Heaven in our prayers, as to the place of God's special Presence: Yet our Savior taught us to say, Pater nost • r, quies in coelis, and to look that way when we prayed.
• 3. The reason of this difference between Imago, and Signum or Locus praesentiae, in the point of Divine worship is this; 'It is one thing adhibere creaturam in cultu Dei per modum Objecti, another per modum circumstantiae Loci aut Sitûs, or as Instrumentum. The First is Idolatry, for God is a jealous God, and cannot endure that the worship we give to him should look towards anything as an Object but Himself. But unless the Second be lawful, we must not look toward any created thing when we pray, not to Heaven, nor turn ourselves towards the Table where God's blessings are when we say Grace, or the like; not lawful to invocate God in his Temple, not lawful to pray unto him with a Book, not use the Communion-Table as a place to give praise and thanks unto him Name. In all which Res creata adhibetur tantùm either as Circumstantia cultûs, ubi & quo-versùs, or as Instrumentum quo utimur ad invocandum, (as a Prayer-Book) but not as Objectum cultûs. But an Image, in the nature of the thing, if it be used in Divine worship as an Image, cannot but be used as an Object, that is as a Representation of the thing worshipped. For to look to a thing as it is the Representation of the Object whereto we address our Prayers and Services, what is it else but to make it Objectum mediatum & relativum? I must desire you to supply my meaning where my expression is defective. I should do better coràm; by pen • tis tedious to me.
• 4. Now the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Altar (for they are but Synonyma's, as I take it) was ever in our Christian Oratories accounted as Solium Christi, as being the place where the Mysteries of his Body and Blood (the Rites of the New Covenant) are exhibited unto us.
• 5. All the Prayers and Devotions of the Church were there offered unto God, and nowhere else, for many hundred years, and still are in all the Churches of the Orient, and in the Latin Church their Mattins and Even-song, if of later ages not at it, yet always near and toward it. Desks for reading Prayers is a new device since the Reformation, never in the Church before. Whatsoever was spoken to God, was spoken at the Altar or towards it; whatsoever to the people, out of the Ambo or Pulpit and towards them, as Readings, Sermons. Tertul. Exhort. Castit. c. 10. Si spiritus apud se reus sit & conscientia erubescit, quomodo audebit orationem dicere ad Altare? An Altar is nothing else but a Table to call upon God at; whence the Scripture relates so often of Abram and Isaac, that they built Altars where they came, and there called upon the name of the Lord.
• 6. If it be lawful to invocate and call upon God at and toward the Altar as Solium praesentiae; 'tis as lawful to worship him toward it. The specification of Christian worship is to adore and invocate the Father through Jesus Christ crucified: why should it not then be comely, when we address ourselves unto him, to look toward the place where his Passion is commemorated and the Rites thereof exhibited? 'It is but to represent that by our posture which otherwise we express by our tongue, when we say, Through Jesus Christ our Lord.
• 7. 'It is the fashion of all Nations and Religions (and ever was) to use some Reverential gesture when they enter into God's House. Our Savior, when he sends forth his disciples to preach the Gospel, Matt. 10. saith, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , when ye enter into an House salute the same, i. e. (as S. Luke relates it, and the Vulgar and some other Copies have in this of Matth. ) say, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Agreeable whereto is that Custom now almost only retained amongst a few of the Vulgar to say, when they come into an House, God be here. Why should not some such Rite be comely, when we come into the House of God?

I am sorry now that I entered at all into this discourse, for I see so many things requisite yet for the understanding thereof, (as of the Nature of Temples and their Holiness, of the Christian Sacrifice so much decantated in the ancient Church, of the Lawfulness of Rites ordained by men, and the like) that it would require a Volume to give satisfaction herein. But you desired but to know what I thought of Genuflexio versùs Altare, and I think I have told you; and you see hereby what a mungrel I am. I know not how you will like it, I know how full of prejudice in these Things most of our Divines are. But I am verily persuaded that the Notions of Antiquity hereabout are so far from being followed, that they are quite forgotten and unknown.

I will neither trouble you nor myself any longer, but commend you to the Divine protection, and so I rest

EPISTLE LVII.

I Have at length returned your Manuscripts; both the first and latter concerning 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and the smaller one containing two Discourses and the Prophetia Tobiae expounded in the belly thereof. I am heartily sorry to hear your Labors upon the Revelation, published for the common good, and opening such Mysteries unto the world: have put yourself to so much expense, and found so little reward in the world: I protest I cannot think of it without disdain—I have not spared to profess my indignation thereupon before some good friends of quality, and shall be ready to do as much upon every occasion. But your Reward shall be the greater in Heaven.

My motion was not to put you to any expense or care about the business I wrote of: I nothing doubt but order shall be taken to have it done otherwise, if you would but give way. But I would not in the least respect abuse your kindness, which I account precious as a jewel by doing ought that might occasion any distaste in yourself upon any proceedings of mine, or others whereunto I should give any occasion.

Sir, I cannot sufficiently express my obligation unto yourself for your singleness in communicating such precious commodities. For 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and the construction of it which you make, I am clearly of your mind; and that Genitivus materiae is nothing strange, were there no other incongruity of construction in the Text thereby avoided, which yet there is, and that foul one. The truth is, the phrase is unquestionably usual, expressed of Things; but being expressed of Persons, we being apt to understand it of Genitivus Efficientis, that use makes the other way seem strange, as I found in Dr. S. But so much the more it became the Holy Ghost to express the Mystery of Iniquity in a covert manner; not easily and at first sight to be discovered but in good time, by serious intention and consideration of all circumstances, when the Lord thought it most seasonable to bring it to light. And blessed be God that he hath brought it to light, and that myself have lived to see such Mysteries of iniquity brought to light, and made good by evidence of Scripture, and that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; testifying so much; and that with such evidence, that I know not where to parallel it with the like, all things considered.

Long ago I have entertained an opinion that you are as exact in the right understanding of Daniel Mysteries as of those in the Revelation. I saw a touch you gave, in a Letter to Dr. Meddus, of the years mentioned in Daniel 12. by way of passing your judgment on some parts of Alstedius his Chronology: I would you would be pleased to impart unto me what you think of the beginning of those times mentioned in Daniel 12. 11, 12. and what remarkable things fell out at the end of each; the rather because I am promised some notions of Mr. G. your friend thereabouts. I doubt not but you conceive two seasons of the Abomination of desolation, one before our Savior's coming in the flesh, by Antiochus Epiphanes; another which our Savior himself points unto, as to be made by the Romans, which yet Baronius saith cannot be meant of that by Tirus when he took Jerusalem, because at that time it was too late to be warned of flying thereupon and shifting for themselves.

Your Chapel-Exercises, 1. that of Psal. 8. of quelling the en •• y and the avenger, 2. the other of Zipporah 's speech, (which I would not for any good you had divided, and kept from me) not only myself but divers others, as Mr. W ••• Dorchester and Mr. T. of Sarisbury, and others, all of us have been exceedingly taken with them. And it raiseth in me suspicions that you have many conceptions of the like nature, for the clearing of divers passages of Holy Scripture, and vindicating them from vulgar and erroneous interpretations; and inflames me with a desire to be partaker of them. I read to them somewhat also of your Mahuzzims, which not only ravished them, but wrung from them a protestation that none but yourself could have found that out. But modesty pacifies my importunity, and forbids me to urge you too far, having so extraordinary experience of your freeness this way. All which I have returned with my best care; so I trust they shall arrive safely in your hands.

And now taking your last Letter into my hands, I find how by occasion of tidings from the East and from the North you fall upon this very place of Dan. 12. 11, 12. which you acknowledge to be obscure and dark; yet such light as you meet with you are pleased to communicate, wherein I rest satisfied for the present, and would not have you trouble yourself anymore for me thereabouts. I have found some working upon Julian 's days, when all hope of re-edifying the Temple was taken away; but I find no color of any Abomination of Desolation committed there, but rather Abomination of Restauration: yet from thence they think may be reckoned a determining of the daily Sacrifice. But all along you carry me with you, and where you make a stand, there I make a stand. I pity (I profess) your neighbors in Cambridge, that make so little use of your labors in searching those precious Mysteries, especially when ourselves are fallen upon the latter end of the accomplishment of them.

In answer to my Question, I am glad your resolution was not to pass it over in silence, and that you open yourself in such manner. Whereas you conceive I may perhaps have heard something that way you touch upon; truly I never did, but somewhat I have heard another way, which hath made me recount my own fortunes in resemblance unto yours: For sometimes I have been censured for a Puritan, sometimes for a good fellow: My preaching as in opposition to Popery was opportune to undergo the one censure before persons Popishly affected; and my free conversation in the enjoying of my friends (yet I thank God without all scandal) hath exposed me to the other, and that from the same mouths, not judging indifferently, but upon particular, and those unjust, distastes practicing to disgrace me. I see your fortunes have not been much unlike; I trust we shall love mutually so much the more.

• 1. I willingly subscribe to the difference you put between Imago, and Locus or Signum praesentiae.
• 2. Both your Rule and Instances of worshipping towards Locum praesentiae I approve.
• 3. The reason of the difference mentioned between the use of a Creature per modum Objecti in Divine worship, and the use of a Creature per modum Circumstantiae, of Place, Posture or Instrument, I find likewise no cause to dislike; the Lord having prescribed the one, not the other, but expressly forbidden it.

• 4. That 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Altar was ever in Christian Oratories accounted as Solium Christi, I profess ingeniously it is a new thing unto me, and most willingly do I communicate unto you my thoughts that have had their course hereupon. That the Sanctuary at first, and Temple afterwards, might well be accounted Solium Dei, I see this ground; because the Sanctuary at first was made by God's appointment, that he might dwell among them; and so the Temple afterwards, and chiefly the Ark there, the Lord being said to dwell between the Cherubims. Now I find not the like ground for the Table of the Lord to be so called. 2. If so, then the Table, where and when these Rites of the New Covenant were first instituted, was to be so accounted as much as any; and that as well in reference to the participation of the Paschal Lamb that went before, as of the Bread and Wine which followed after. 3. And so it seems the Table whereon the Jews did eat the Paschal Lamb was to be so accounted. 4. And why not the Altar for the Burnt-offering also? 5. And are not the Mysteries of Christ's Death, yea and Resurrection too, represented in Baptism, as Prudentius calls it Fontis ara, as Mr. S. observes?

  Yet I doubt not of Christ's presence there to the faithful receiver; so he is to every faithful hearer of the Word, and faithful petitioner; God being a Sanctuary unto us in all places wheresoever we come, and accordingly Solium praesentiae ejus & Christi in every place to be found. But as Sacraments are not Sacraments any longer than in the use of them; of the same condition to my thinking for the present should the Lord's Table be conceived. Like as we heard not long since D. B. should preach that Temples were holy only in respect of the holy use of them; and it was thought he should be called in question for it, but he was not. I confess I am no more versed in things of this nature than as some occasional opportunity doth set my thoughts on work. But fearing degenerate times coming on upon us and Superstition to increase, we may well be the more wary. And we find by experience that albeit when any is urged thereunto, sometimes it is carried only in the style of Genuflexio versus altare; yet in common speech most call it Bowing to the Altar. And a Jesuit sometimes meeting with a Friend of mine (an intelligent Gentleman) at Antwerp, and offering him the kindness of having him to the great Church. after he had shown him other things, bringing him up to the high Altar, he pulled out the Pyx from behind the Arras, and shown it him, saying, This is the reason why we bow to the Altar, otherwise (saith he) it were Idolatry.

• 5. As for the Prayers and Devotions of the Church there offered unto God, I find nothing amiss therein, if the place be so ordered that it be convenient for the Congregation assembled to hear; as it is fit they should. And I find it alleged out of Jewel against Harding, Altaria apud veteres non semper & ubique in extrema Templorum parte, quam vulgo Chorum vocamus, sed in medio posita fuisse, and divers Testimonies of Antiquity alleged for proof thereof. And therefore that all things may be done to edification, I find it nothing strange that in the Reformation our Fathers in the Church of England, as well as in other Churches, have altered that course, when they found how miserably the Service of God was deformed, Superstition from ancient times first creeping in, and afterwards increasing more and more; and no great matter where Latin Service was performed, when the people understood it not.
• 6. I make no question but it is lawful to invocate and call upon God at or towards the Altar. But why the Lord's Table, where the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper is administered, should be called Solium praesentiae more than the Font where Baptism is administered, or the Pulpit where God speaks unto us, I do not yet find sufficient reason to satisfy me. Yet I have heard that one who much furthereth these courses should give us a reason thereof, that Hoc est Corpus meum is more with him than Hoc est Verbum meum. And to my thinking the Table of the Paschal Lamb might as well be called Solium praesentiae as the Lord's Table with us.
• 7. As for the fashion of all Nations and Religions to use some Reverential gestures when they enter into God's House; this openeth a way to a new consideration and inquisition, as Whether Bodily Gesture alone be fit to be urged or practiced in entering into God's House; the outward adoration without the inward; the one without the other, being no better than Hypocrisy. Yet these days are full of Formality.

Lastly, Things lawful in themselves become unlawful by accident; as when they are superstitiously practiced, though not by ourselves, yet by concurring in the same act, we may scandalize by countenancing the Superstition of others.

Thus have I taken liberty to communicate my thoughts unto you, to be censured by you as you think good; myself but upon the present observation of times taking into consideration. And I willingly profess I fear Superstition hereby will creep on in a conceit as if God were better served by worshipping him towards the Altar than otherwise: the contrary whereunto were it publicly professed, I should be the less solicited with such fears. Yet am I nothing sorry, but very glad, that you have entered thus far into this discourse, and for the Notions here mentioned, whereupon I shall willingly confer with other Divines.

For your judgment concerning Ezekiel 's Vision so freely communicated, I heartily thank you: That I have your acknowledgment of the obscurity thereof, gives me much content; yet withal your adventures thereupon, which you are pleased to impart, they are as sparks of light unto me shining in a dark place. Your candour throughout works me to think the better of any opinion which you embrace. I profess unto you, you make me more and more happy in all your Speculations. I shall heartily beg at the Throne of grace for God's blessing upon your Studies, and that he will be pleased to enlighten you more and more for the opening of these heavenly Mysteries, to the comfort of God's Church in these uncomfortable days. Hereupon comes to my remembrance what I had almost forgotten, though I purposed to mention it with the first. I was not long since resolved to write unto you, to inquire whether the K. of S. proceedings in Germany might not be the accomplishment of the Fourth Vial, and that in these times we are in a preparation to the Fifth, by the slaughtering of the Witnesses, according to that Exposition which you give thereof—Sr. N. R. told me moreover that your opinion was, that it should be very Universal—The Lord keep you and bless you. I shall ever remain

EPISTLE LVIII.

EPISTLE LIX.

I AM somewhat of a more cheerful spirit than when I wrote my last—I have gotten more liberty of spirit to consider your large Discourse, savouring of great Learning, no less Judgment, and a distinctive Apprehension of things of good importance; and that not in my judgment only, but in the judgment of others; though all require serious and further consideration. And for mine own particular, I cannot but reflect upon myself how deeply I am beholden unto you for intrusting me in so liberal a manner with these your Speculations. We can never offend in putting difference between the Holy and Profane; neither can we offend in presenting ourselves too reverently at the Lord's Table. Never was the Mercy-seat so well known in the days of the Old Testament as in these days of the New: We now behold the glory of the Lord with open face; and accordingly our Savior tells us, the Lord requires the true worshippers should worship him in spirit and in truth, in distinction from worshipping him either at Jerusalem or in the Mount the woman spake of: And in this kind of worship we cannot exceed. But as for outward Gestures, I doubt I shall prove but a Novice as long as I breath; and we affect not to make ostentation of our Devotion in the face of the world, the rather because thereby we draw upon ourselves the censure of Hypocrisy; and sometimes if a man lifts up his Eyes, he is censured for a P. and I confess there is no outward Gesture of Devotion which may not be as handsomely performed by as carnal an heart as breaths. I am confident you are far from studia partium; so should we be all, and be ambitious of nothing but of the love and favor of God, and of our conformity unto him in truth and holiness. I heartily thank you for all, and particularly for these Pieces which now I return. I hope they will arrive safely in your hands.

What I wrote the last time I have almost utterly forgotten, saving the clearing of one Objection concerning the Seven Angels standing before the Throne, represented by the Seven Lamps, which I much desired; it arising from the Text itself, the Lamps being maintained by the Oile which drops from the Two Olive-trees, which are interpreted to be Zerubbabel and Ieshua. But I have troubled you so much, that I fear the aspersion of immodesty in troubling you any further: I cannot sufficiently express my thankfulness for that I have already received. I desire ever to be found

EPISTLE LX.