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Commentary on the Old Testament Volume 2-4

John Mayer (1583-1664) · 5,916,165 words · 26294 min

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was by fasting, abstinence from their wines, and sprinkling of the water made of the ashes of a red Cow, of the people by sprinkling only, and of the Levites both by it and one of the other. For more must be done to the cleansing of Priests then of Levites, and more of Levites then of the people. But because the Priests and Levites cleansing of themselves is first spoken of, then their cleansing of the people, he noteth well, that who so would reform others must first reform [Note.] himself, according to which Christ saith, First, cast the beam one of thine own eye, and then thou shalt see, &c. And without cleansing no man is fit to bear a part, or to be present at the praising of God: for hereby a preparation to this Dedication was made

Then I made the Princes of Judah to go upon the wall, &c. The Dedication was made by two precessions of Priests, Levites, Princes, and all sorts of people going upon the wall, and praising God with Trumpets, Voyces, and other Instruments of Music, as they went along, one company right over against another on the right hand, which was towards the South, and on the left towards the North.

After the precessions followed sacrificing in the house of the Lord, of which it is said, And two companyes of them that praised God, stood in the house of the Lord, &c. that is, the same companyes, that went before upon the wall, or some Princes priests, and Levites chosen out of them.

Lastly, Treasurers were at the same time appointed over the first fruits and tithes for the maintenance of the priests and Levites, as David and Solomon had anciently appointed. And it is said, that all the people gave portions to the Singers and porters, and sanctified the Levites, and the Levites sanctified the sons of Aaron, that is, saith Lyra, the people by paying tithes to them acknowledged their superiority to God ward, and they likewise by paying tythe of their tithes to the priests, magnified them as their superiors, as Abraham by paying tythe to Melchizedek, acknowledged him to be greater, as is shown, Heb. 7. But in the Hebrew text, it is not the people sanctified the Levites, &c. but they sanctified to the Levites, and the Levites to the sons of Aaron, which was done by setting them apart as consecrated for their uses.

CHAP. XIII.

THe history of the acts of Nehemiah being hitherto set forth before his return to Artaxerxes, in the 12 year of his Principality granted him over Israel: now it is shown, how he found things in Jerusalem at another time of his coming thither, by a second leave obtained of the King, ver. 6. So that the first words here, In that time it was read in the Book of Moses, in the audience of the people, &c. are to be understood of the time, when Nehemiah came again from the King to Jerusalem. The scope of this Chapter then is to show, what abuses crept in amongst the Jews whilst he was gone. which put him to a new trouble at his coming again to reform them, thus Junius, but Lyra saith, that by the time in which the Law was read, is meant, that Nehem. 9. when as according to that which they found written, they separated themselves from tht Heathens. And then it is to be taken as a declaration more particularly made of that which was read at the same time against the Ammonites and Moabites in general amongst other Heathens with whom marriages were forbidden to be made. For there it is said, that they separated from all that were of another offspring, but here, that it was read in the Law in particular, that an Ammonite or Moabite should not come into the congregation, because they were not the children of Israel, &c. And this is thus commemorated for an introduction to the fault committed by Eliasib, by reason of a marriage made before by him with the family of Tobiah the Ammonite, as he is called Chap. 2. 10. and this was according to Pelican, by joining his son in marriage with the daughter of Tobiah, for hereby such friendship came to be between them two, that Eliasib being over the chambers of the house of the Lord, let him have a great chamber there, which was only to lay provision in for the Temple, for which he was greatly too blame. And this was the first abuse which crept in whilst Nehemiah was absent, whereat he was much moved when he came and saw it, as at a very grievous sin, and therefore he immediately cast out the utensils of Tobiah, purged the chamber, and brought in such things as were for the use of the Temple. Now the time when Nehemiah is said to have come again and done this, is said to be, at the end of days, certain years being past, Junius, at the end of his days or life, saith Lyra, when he now waxed old, he had a desire to go and reform things amiss at Jerusalem, and to die and lay his bones there, so likewise Funccius, the eight year after his return to Artaxerxes, which was also the last year of his reign. But Vatablus and Genebrad say, that by the end of days is meant, the end of a year, which seemeth not to have been so, because Nehemiah at his departure from Jerusalem to the King, left all things in good order, & now they were greatly out of order, yea, even so much, as one cannot think they could have been in so short a time, as will appear by that which here followeth. For it was no small, but a great chamber that Eliasib made in this time for him, for so the word signifieth, which is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and not only he prepared, but now the stuff of Tobiah by Nehemiah's command being cast out, and the room purged, the vessels of the house of the Lord were laid in there.

Now besides this, there was another great sin committed, to the pejudice of God's worship, and to the breaking of the Covenant, to which whilst Nehemiah was amongst them, they had subscribed and sealed, Chap. 10. 39. For whereas they there bound themselves to give portions to the Levites, and never to suffer the service of the Lord's house to go down, they since gave none of those portions unto them, by reason whereof they were gone, each man to his place in the Country, and so God's service was neglected at the Temple. He therefore, secondly, gathered the Levites again together, and dealing sharply with the Princes of the people, caused the tithes to be brought into their storehouse, and set some to oversee and distribute them, praying that God would have in remembrance the good which he thus did, as he had prayed also before, Chap. 5. 19. Thirdly, finding that some were grown very profane, for he saw some treading wine-presses, and some carrying burdens of wares upon the Sabbath day, he contested against them, that is, challenged them as impious for thus doing, and provokers of God's wrath against that place, as appeareth, ver. 17, 18. He addeth also that they did not only bring, but sold, and so kept markets upon the Sabbaths, and there were certain Tyrians dwelling there, who kept these markets, and sold at those times unto the Jews those wares. Whereby it appears that it was taken for a work forbidden by the fourth Commandment, upon the Sabbath to buy and sell, for which [Note.] Markets and Fairs upon our Christian Sabbath, have been well put down in our Land. And to prevent the like doings for time to come, he caused the gates of Jerusalem to be kept shut all the Sabbath day, that none might come in upon that day anymore with their wares, threatening such with the stocks as came to the City notwithstanding. And he charged the Levites to cleanse themselves, and to look to the gates upon the Sabbath days.

Fourthly, Seeing Jews who had married Ammonitish and Moabitish women, by whom they had children, that spake Ashdodean and other Heathen Languages, he cursed and smote some of them, plucking off their hair, and adjuring them against such marriages, and showing the mischief that had formerly come hereby. All which abuses, and specially the last, argueth strongly that Nehemiah was absent much more then a year before he returned to Jerusalem, seeing strange wives were in that time married, and children were borne of such marriages, and grown up to be able to speak divers tongues.

Thus Nehemiah having told what he did to the people sinning by mixed marriages, verse. 28. he telleth, that there was a son of Iojadah the son of Eliasib the High-priest, who by such a marriage became son in law to Sanballat, the Horonite, him he therefore chaced away, as committing a more foul sin then the rest, seeing he was more straitly bound to keep the Law, being a teacher thereof, and of a most holy function, and by such an example others were corrupted. And not content to abdicate such a monster only, he prayed to God against such polluters of the Priestly office. Corruptio optimi est pessima, and therefore no marvel, though Ministers of the [Note.] Gospel being of scandalous lives, are nowadays most detested of all others. Ver. 30. Therefore I purged them from all strange women, that is, by causing them to be put away, and set the Priests and Levites in order, everyone in his Ministry, reforming the abuse spoken of Vers. 10.




CHAP. I.

THere being nothing of note recorded more since the eighth year of Artaxerxes, it is here shown, that in the 20 year of his Reign, Nehemiah the Kings Butler, but a Jew hearing of the evil case in which his Brethren were in Jerusalem, and that the Wall of the City remained broken down, obtained leave to go and build it.

The words of Nehemiah the son of Hilkiah. Hereby it appears, that this Book was written by him, as also saith R. Solomon. He had notice of this in the month Casleu, which was the same amongst the Chaldees, with our November. If it shall seem strange, that the Jews having been so long there, and having had one King before, viz. Darius to favor them besides Cyrus, and now Artaxerxes 13 years, since his sending of Ezra over to them, had not by this time done anything towards the building of the Walls of the City: it is answered by Lyra, that they had no leave hitherto given them, but only to build the Temple. For first, Zerubbabel was sent to do this by Cyrus, then there being an interruption by enemies, until the Reign of Darius, he sent likewise to have the Temple built and it was finished, lastly, Artaxerxes sent Ezra to instruct the people, and to provide, that the service of God in the Temple might be duly performed, and the Common-wealth there well governed, but for the building of the Walls of the City no order was yet taken. Wherefore howsoever, as was said before upon Ezra 7. Funccius will have the 70 Weeks of Daniel begin, Anno 7 of this King, yet they are not indeed to be begun till this 20 year, because no Decree to build the City came out, till now, so also many grave Authors should, as Julius Africanus, alleged by Jerome, Beda lib. 3. allegi interpr. in Ezram. Rupertus cap. 15. in Dan. Theodoretus Orat. 9. in Dan. Comestor, &c.

Nehemiah hearing of the evil case, wherein the City and the people were, wept, for being without a Wall, saith Comestor, Thieves came in the night and slue many of them: and fasted and prayed, and then three months after, viz. in the month Nisan, that is in our March, the same 20 year of the King, he petitioned for leave to go and build the Walls of Jerusalem, and prevailed, so that the many days spoken of, wherein he mourned and fasted to prepare to the effectual offering of his Petition were no less then three months. Pelican contrary to all others, that I have seen, by Artaxerxes Will have none other understood, but Darius whom he maketh next successor to Cyrus, and in the sixth year of whose Reign the Temple was finished, and Ezra sent over in his seventh, and Nehemiah in his 20. But to pass this over, as his manifest error, the place, wherein Nehemiah was, when he did thus, was Susis, the Metropolitan City of Persia, built by Darius Histaspis for his Winter habitation, as Ecbatana was for the Summer.

I also have sinned and my fathers house, to obtain mercy, he confesseth the sins of the people, and his own sins: for the best are not without sin, although Lyra saith, that he confessed his own sins, but only as a member of the same body, he himself being innocent, but the Jewish people, of whom he was one, were wicked. But because he nameth himself and his fathers house a part, as bearing a part in the sins whereby God was provoked, it is rather to be held, that he spake thus, as acknowledging himself to be a sinner, as indeed even the best are. And in his beginning with confession, we are taught the only way to prevail for mercy, that is, to lay open our misery and wickedness before him that can heal us, as the sick patient before the skillful Physician.

We have not observed the Precepts, Statutes, and Judgments. The Laws of God given by Moses are here distinguished into three sorts, Moral, Ceremonial, and Judicial, against all which he confesseth that they had sinned. But withal he recounteth the promise of God made to Moses, viz. That if for their sins they were dispersed to the uttermost parts, yet upon their repentance they should be brought back again, Deut. 30. 2, 3, 4. And this although it were long ago fulfilled in the days of Cyrus, who gave them leave to return, and of Darius, who established the same decree, and of this Artaxerxes, who added to the favors formerly done unto them, in sending Ezra 13 years ago, yet it was not fully done according to every clause of the promise, which was also to do good unto them, and to increase them more, and to make them excellent, Deut. 30. 5, 9. For they were now in reproach, and in much misery, as Hanani related unto him, ver. 3. and they had not yet attained to their ancient splendor of their City, in the high and strong walls thereof, because they still lay ruinous ever since, that in the days of Nebuchadnezzar they had been broken down. And this most probably made them a scorn to their enemies dwelling about them, of whose hatred a hint was given before, Ezra 4.

Then he addeth a remembrance of that which God had formerly done for them in bringing them out of Egypt by his most mighty power, the glory of which would be obscured, if he should not now go further to bring their state begun to be amended to more perfection.

Lastly, He concludeth as he began, with earnest calling for audience, and for blessing upon the means which he was now about to use, viz. Petitioning to the King, for leave to go and build the walls of Jerusalem, to whom he intimateth how easily he might have access, because he was his Cup-bearer, that came daily before him.




CHAP. II.

IN the month Nisan, when wine was to be brought in to the King, &c. Three months being past since Nehemiah prepared for this, as Hester prepared herself three days, to come and petition for her people by fasting. Now he comes with a sad countenance to do his office before the King, that he might take occasion to speak unto him first, and so he might have opportunity to make his request. Haply he deferred thus long, that the winter being past, which was unfit for this work, he might immediately, having leave, go about it, for Nisan was the first month of the year, answering to March, by the Hebrews called Abid. When he came to give the King wine, he put upon him a sad countenance, which he used not to do, thereupon the King asked the reason, and then Nehemiah was much afraid, that is, as Lyra hath it, least by the change of his countenance he should have suspected, that he mediated to do him some mischief. For they who machinate the death of Princes, can hardly do it without some change and paleness appearing in the face, because the heinousness of so great a wickedness strikes their hearts, Therefore Nehemiah to put all such suspicion out of the Kings mind, crieth out immediately, O King, live forever! that is, I am so far from meditating any treachery against thy life, that I wish thee a long and happy life. Then he showeth that the thing which affected him with so much grief, was the desolation of Jerusalem, the place of the Sepulchers of his fathers, which he thus setteth forth to move the King the more, seeing even the Gentiles loved to have the places where their Ancestors lay buried fairly built, but specially the Egyptians, who when they dwelt in poor houses living, yet had fair monuments for their dead bodies to lie in, because they thought them to be their habitations forever these but for a short time. And what account the Jews made of burial places, appears where our Lord compares the Pharisees to whited Sepulchers, which were fair outwardly, &c. The King hearing his answer asked him what his request was, as being now so far from conceiving any anger upon any suspicion that he inclines to grant him his desire, so easily doth the Lord turn the Kings heart, as the rivers of water, as Lyra noteth. But it seemeth, that his heart was before this towards Nehemiah, in that, as Pelican observeth, having so many Nobles, he chose Nehemiah to this Office about him, rather then any of them, and of his good will to the Jews, he had given large testimony before in sending Ezra, so as he did, Ezra 7.

Then he having prayed to God said, &c. that is, in his heart by short ejaculation, that the King might by the motion of his spirit be brought to favor his petition. He, that is, Artaxerxes having heard it to be for leave to go and build Jerusalem, asked only, how long time he would desire for this work. And it is said, the King asked him and the Queen, or his Wifesitting by him, but Lyra, that it might not be doubted, whether both asked the same question, will have the signification of the Hebrew text to run thus, and the Queen sat by him, but indeed the word is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 a participle sitting, but in the same sense, for her, sitting by only is intended to be shown, when the King spake, and not her speaking also, and therefore when Nehemiah had set the time, which is not here expressed, but chap. 5. 14. it appears to be 12 years, it is said only of the King, that it seemed good unto him to let Nehemiah go. Then he being animated by this grant, desired also a safe conduct, and timber out of the Kings Forest in those parts for the building of doors to the house of the Lord, and a Tower for more safety near unto it, and the wall of the City, and an house for him to go into, that is, to dwell in, saith Lyra, a common Hall or Shire-house, wherein he might sit and judge Causes, that should be brought before him, saith Junius, and it is most probable, for both purposes. And all this was granted also. The Princes beyond the River were those beyond Euphrates, to whom he desired, that Letters of safe-conduct might be written, namely, the Princes of Syria. But for anything, that should now need building about the house of the Lord, it should seem strange, seeing Ezra but 13 years before had a large grant made unto him to do all things about the house, which he thought good. Some think, that it was to build the Porch higher, some to repair it being now again decayed, but the Hebrew text having it to board or cover the Palace, which is by the Temple, or house, it seemeth rather, to be meant of the Kings Palace, which stood near unto the Temple. And it is to be noted, that when he desired timber out of the Kings Forest, the word Paradise is used, by which name probably Lybanus was meant, as most abounding with timber, and for the delight, which the King took in it, kept as a Garden. Then Nehemiah went and gave the Letters to the Princes, &c. Josephus saith, the next day he took his journey and delivered his Letters to Saddeus Governor of Syria, Phoenicia, and Samaria.

And it is said, that Sanballat the Choronite hearing this, and Tobiah servant of the Ammonites, they were much grieved. These saith Junius, were both Toparks, or Governors of Provinces under the Persian Kings, the one of the Moabites, the other of the Ammonites, the last being set forth by the name of a servant, because a vassal to this King, as indeed the other also was, but this is left to be understood of him by this name giyen to one. Pelican and some others by Sanballat and Tobiah understand Princes of the Samaritans, who were always hitherto noted to have been most envious against the Jews. But because one is expressly called an Ammonite, that of Junius is to be preferred, because the Jews had more enemies besides the Samaritans, and Moabites, and Ammonites, especially.

When Nehemiah was come to Jerusalem, and had spent three days there in refreshing himself after so great travel, as Ezra before had done, Ezra 8. 32. and visiting friends. He went out in the night with a few men to view the walls, keeping his intention yet secret, till he saw, what possibility there was of effecting it, and that the rumour of it might not be spread abroad amongst the enemies, till the work was in doing. And he saith, that he went by the gate of the valley, that is, where that gate anciently stood, but now only a passage with ruins on each side, and it was Westward, and had the name from the valley, because saith Junius, it stood at the foot of the Hill, whereupon the upper City was built. The Septuagint of Sixtus calleth it portam Galila, that is, the Gate of dead men's skulls, because in the valley without there was the place, in which they were laid. Then to the fountain of the Serpent, Vulgar Latin, Before the fountain of the Dragon, Junius thinks that it was so called, from the slow running of the water there, and that it was the pool Siloam, Isaiah 8. 6. said to run softly, then to the gate of the dunghills, that is, on the East part where the brook Kedron ran, and washed away the filth of the City, brought out to that place. Here he brake off a piece of the wall, to try the soundness or unsoundness of that which remained of it, that he might know whether it should need to be all pulled down, that a new foundation might be laid, or whether it might be built upon. Then he went to the gate of the fountain, and to the Kings fishpool, where there was no room for the ruins, for his beasts that he rod on, to pass. The gate of the fountain was that saith Junius, whereby men went out to the pool Siloah and Rogel. Here because he could not ride on, he was forced to fetch a compass, and so came up by the further side of the brook, till he returned again by the same gate, at which he went out.

But to the Rulers he saith, that he had not yet shown his intent, that is, to the Presidents placed there by the Persian Kings, or to the Priests or common people of the Jews, or the overseers of the work. But now having secretly viewed all, he stirred them up to building, showing them what had passed between him and the King for their encouragement: And this he did, saith Josephus, calling them together into the Temple, and his exhortation took such effect, that with all cheerfulness, they presently fell to the work. But when Sanballat, Tobias, and Geshem the Arabian heard, they mocked at us, and despised us, &c. Here besides Sanballat and Tobias, mention is made of an Arabian, that is, the Toparch of Arabia, who together sought to discourage them from this work, calling it a rebellion against the King. This derision of the Heathen, is again spoken of Chap. 4. Now, they coming to Jerusalem, when they heard what they went about, then at home amongst themselves, when the work went forward. For now Nehemiah answered them, as present, saying, The God of heaven will prosper us, and we his servanrs will rise and build, but ye have no part, &c. He vouchsafed not so much as to tell them of the Kings license, so little did he fear them, but shakes them up as having nothing to do with this work about Jerusalem, seeing it was not within any of their Principalities, but the government of that place was now committed unto him.




CHAP. III.

THen Eliasib, the chief Priest and his Kinsmen built the gate of the flock, &c. This gate, saith Junius, was on the South part in a valley before the Temple, where a Market used to be kept to sell sheep for the service of the Temple, see more of it, John. 5. 2. there was the pool of Bethesda, Lyra addeth moreover, that by this gate, the cattle which were for sacrifice were brought in. And that their proceeding in building, might be the more distinctly understood, he observeth that there were about Jerusalem three walls, within the innermost of which dwelt the King and the Priests: within the second, the Nobles and Prophets: and within the third, Artificers and other sorts of people: and therefore the relation of the building, beginneth first with the outermost wall, wherein were six gates, and then proceeding to the second, ver. 19. where Heser the son of Ieshuah is said to have built the second measure, that is, the second or middle wall: lastly, to the third wall, ver. 28. where it is said to be above, and it is begun with the horse gate. That gate which was nearest to the Temple, the Priests began first to build, to give example to the rest, and not only the gate, but also the wall to the centenary Tower, and the Tower of Hananeel, that is, according to the signification of the word, most probably, 100 Cubits. And they are said, when they had finished the gate, to have sanctified it, that is, according to some, to have adorned it, and made it most beautiful, but according to others better, to have sanctified it by prayer, from thence forward to be counted holy, as an appurtenance of the Temple, or rather feasting and offering sacrifice, when they had finished it, as was wont to be done, when a new house was built, and it was dedicated. Next unto the Priests built the men of Jericho, that is, the wall, as some think, because that part was right over against their City. But the Fishgate built the sons of Hassenaah: This was so called, saith Lyra, because fishes coming from the sea, were brought in at it: but now it is called the gate of David, because it was nigh unto Zion, his City, but by the Sea understood, the Sea of Galilee.

Then built the men of Teknah, that is, of that place, of which Amos was, but their Nobles would not put their neck to the work of their God. The great ones of Teknah are thus branded to their disgrace, when those of an inferior condition, did all put their hands to a good work, such as the building of the wall of the City of God was, for which it is called the work of their God, yet they did nothing, who indeed ought to have been the forwardest, and to have done most, as they were most to God obliged. But it oft times falleth out thus that the meaner sort show most love and zeal, when the greater are cold, and do nothing to [Note.] further a good cause, and so it was under the Gospel, Not many Noble were called.

The old gate built, Joaada the son of Phasheah, &c. This, saith Lyra, was otherwise called the Gate of Judgment, and here the old gate, because the Elders sat here in judgment: some think that it was called the old gate, because it had in part continued ever since the Jebusites time, and lead into the old City of Salem.

From hence forward are said to have built Melatiah the Gibeonite; Iadon the Meronothite, the Gibeonites, and the men of Mizpah, even to the throne of the Prince on this side the River, according to Junius his reading. But the vulgar Latin, For the Captain, which was in the Region beyond the River, expounded by Lyra, as being set awork by him although an Heathen, for the good will, which he bare to this work; whereby it should seem, as Pelican gathereth, that he was a Proselyte. Hebrew it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to the throne of the Prince beyond the River. But if we take 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as Pelican doth for a proper name, and so read it, unto the Prince Chisse beyond the River, it must be understood, unto that part, which he being a Prince of the Persians beyond Euphrates, yet out of his piety was at the charge to build. If with Junius we should understand, to the throne of the Prince, that is to the Hall, where the seat of judgment stood, what reason can be yielded of adding these words, beyond, or on this side the River, certainly none.

Then speaking of the building of Huzziel and Chananiah, he saith, they left Jerusalem wheresoever the wall was broad, as Junius reads it, giving this for the sense, they were not careful about repairing the middle Wall, whereby the upper City was divided from the nether. The vulgar Latin, they dismissed Jerusalem even to the wall of the broader street, which Pelican expoundeth only by saying, that there was a spacious place for a Market or Faire to be kept, Lyra, they dimissed Jerusalem, that is, they extended the Wall thereof. Hugo Cardinalis, they built the outward Wall so far, as till they came, where the City was most spacious and of greatest compass. Hebrew, they left Jerusalem even to the broad wall, that is, as it seemeth rather to me, they built so far, or went on so far in building, that they brought their work past the City on one side to a Wall, that because of the greater thickness and strength remained hitherto undemolished, and so needed no building, which happily might be that, which Uzziah built so strong, 2 Chron. 26. 9. and because of the strength more labor being required to beat it down, the Chaldees weary of the work in demolishing the rest left it untouched.

Next built Rephaias Governor over half the tract of Jerusalem, that is, saith Junius, that part which belonged to Judah, the vulgar Latin, Prince of a street of Jerusalem, but Hebrew, it is of the half division of Jerusalem, by some understood of half a street, because Shallum is said to have been Prince of the other half, Verse 12. but Junius will have that other half to be understood of that part of the City, which belonged to the Benjamites, that is, the North part. Now Rephaias is said to have built next unto Chenaniah, because, although there was a space betwixt their two buildings of the broad Wall, which needed no building, yet none came between them.

At his side built Jedaiah, right over against his own house, he being most probably assigned to that part, because it was thought, that he would build the stronger for his own security.

In the other measure repaired Malchia the son of Charim, &c. that is, saith Junius, so much by measure, as Chattush last before spoken of had done. The vulgar Latin, the middle part built Malchia, which Pelican knoweth not, whether to expound of the wall or of the street, and if of the wall, whether of that before passed over, it being meant, that whereas it needed some repairing, he did that. But because it is not in Hebrew, the middle part, but the other measure, it is to be thought, that Junius expounds it best of the like quantity. And by some it is conceived, that there was a space of wall between two Towres, to which this second measure hath reference, and of this when the three before going had built part, the two following named in this Verse built as much by measure, and the other Tower of Furnaces or Ovens also.

Next built Shallum another Prince over the other half tract, &c. and his daughters. How this is to be understood, see before upon, Verse 9. and his daughters are spoken of, as his heirs, because he had no sons, and the work being by him began, haply he died, and left it to his daughters to finish.

The gate of the valley built Chanum, together with the inhabitants of Zanoach, &c. Of the gate of the valley see before, Chap. 2. 13, as also of the gate of dunghills here named, being 1000 Cubits of.

The gate of the dunghills built Melchias the son of Rechab, Prince of the street Bethacharem. Of the Rechabites, read Ier. 35. how abstemious they were, and observant of their fathers precepts in their rigid living. Of them the Essees are thought to have come that dwelt afterwards in this street, and from them the gate was called the gate of the Essenes. The street, that this Prince was over, saith Pelican, had the name from Vines, which, it seemeth, abounded there, for Charem signifieth a Vineyard, and Beth an house, of which it is compounded.

And the gate of the fountain built another Sellum, of which before, Chap. 2. 14. here was a Conduit to convey the water, it being next unto mount Zion, or the City of David. After him built Nehemiah's, that is another of this name, being Prince over half the street Bethzur, which Pelican saith, is not to be understood of a street in Jerusalem, but of the Town Bethzkr: but it was plainly a street called by this name. And his work was drawn over against the Sepulchers of David, and the fish-pool built with great cost, that is, of Hezekiah, a King 20. 20. even to the house of the valient, that is, saith Junius, where the Warders of the City of David kept, Lyra, where the Worthies of David and other successively of the most valiant, who were there trained up to feats of Arms, that they might be ready and the more fit upon all occasions to defend the City.

Then built Heser the Governor of Maspeh another, or second measure. Here saith Lyra, beginneth the building of the second or middle Wall, but Pelican will have nothing else meant by the second measure, but that the wall to be built being divided by equal measures, whereof one man was to build one and another another, this Heser not contenting himself to build one only, built two of them. But it is not said, he built two measures, but the second, wherefore that of Lyra seemeth more probable especially because these words the second measure are often used (from henceforward) but seldom in speaking of the Wall hitherto built, right over against the ascent to the Armory Mikzohah, that is, saith Junius, to a Tower or Munition, in a most high place of the City of David, called Mikzohah, as also 2 Chron. 26. 9. from the cragginesse thereof. But Mikzahah signifieth a corner, and therefore it may better be rendered, the ascent of the corner Armory, seeing the word Neshek here used, signifieth Arms, the vulgar Latin, the ascent of the most firm corner, so called, saith Lyra, because two walls met here, and so it was most thick and strong. But thus the reason of the strength of this place, is not all shown, for it was because a Towrestood here wherein Arms lay.

After him built with a burning mind Baruch, so Junius, vulgar Latin, upon the Mount, built Baruck. But the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 here used doth not signify anything else but wrath or fury, and therefore it may best be read, choleric or wrathful Baruch, even to the gate of the house of Eliashib the High Priest, not, as some conceive to a gate of the City, supposing that the High Priest had dwelt so, as that the entrance by that gate had been into the High-Priests house: but to the gate of his house, which was doubtless a place of note for his eminency, and very great, because the next man built no further, but all along behind it, and then came the part which the Priests built.

Then built the Priests the men of the plains, the vulgar Latin, men of the plains of Jordan, adding the last word, which is not in the Hebrew Text for explanation. But it appeareth, Chap. 12. 28. to be a mistaking, because they are spoken of, as dwelling in the plains about Jerusalem.

Mention is made of another measure to Mikzoah and the former, that is, the other corner of the City of David, where stood a Tower also, as is said of the other corner before, ver. 19.

Mention is made of the Kings house, joining to the Court of the Prison, of which see, Jer. 32. 2. ver. 26. But the Nethinims dwelt in Ophel, right over against the gate of waters. Ophel, saith Lyra, was a Tower near the Temple and the Priests chambers, and because they ministered to the Priests wood and water, they were placed here, as was most convenient. Of the gate of waters, and the street before it, see again, Chap. 8. 2.

Above, the gate of horses built the Priests the vulgar Latin, above at the gate. Here, saith Lyra, began the third and innermost wall, where the Priests dwelt, and therefore they built it, every man against his own house. The gate of horses was so called, because, hitherto men might ride towards the Temple, but no nearer, when the King himself came, he must alight here, and go afoot to the Temple. Junius and others, say nothing here of a third wall, but understand by this word, above, the horse gate to have stood in a descent upon the ground, rising from which the Priests built.

Then built Zadok and Shemahiah, &c. After the Priests spoken of in general, here they are set forth by name, and it seemeth that they built on each side of Nehemiah, because, ver. 30. he saith, After me built Chananiah and Hanun, &c. omitting, out of his modesty, to speak how great a part he built, yet Chap. 4. 16. and Chap. 5. 16. he saith, that he and his servants were in the work and built. The vulgar Latin, nether here, nor ver. 31. where again it is said, after me, doth render it so, but after him, as if nothing else were meant, but after the man next before spoken of. But in Hebrew it is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that is, after me, but that commonly when the word signifieth after me, it is put without a prick above the Jod whereas here it hath one, and in the margin, to express the force of it, it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 after him. But it is put both these ways, that Nehemiah might most covertly set forth his own work, to avoid all show of vainglory. Here Chanum the son of Tala is called the sixth, as is supposed, because he had five brethren elder then himself.

It is said, Right over against the gate of the commandment, so Junius, the vulgar Latin, contra portam judicialem, and the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth a Governor, and most probably the gate, where the great Senate, called Synedrion, sat is meant.

Finally mention is made again of the gate of the stock, where the Goldsmiths and Apothecaries built, whereby we may gather, that the wall by this time was brought round about the City, seeing these last left where the first had begun, ver. 1. Therefore as Pelican noteth against Lyra, there were not three walls now repaired, but one only, and this was a great work, as the state of the people then was, and as much as was needful for the present. But Lyra will have this understood of the middle, next unto which by the outward, these men dwelt, so maintaining his tenet touching three walls still. All the gates here mentioned are but eight, yet there are that number 12, whereof four Eastward, the Potters gate, the Water gate, the horse gate, and the gate of the Flock: four Westward, the corner gate, the gate of the valley, the dunghill gate, and the gate of the fountain: and four Northward, the gate of Benjamin, the fish gate, the old gate, and the gate of Ephraim, for Southward the hill upon which the City stood, was so steep that there was no entrance in that part. And as the old, so the new Jerusalem is set forth▪ as having 12 gates, Revel. 21. but no more, but these eight needed repairing. Of these gates Lyra draweth six to an allegory, first laying it for a ground, that Jerusalem which was now built, figured out Jerusalem above, which is heaven, Gal. 4. And then the gates leading into Jerusalem, figured out the way leading to life, according to that of our Lord, Wilt thou enter into life, keep the Commandments. And as these were both negative and affirmative, the one sort serving to restrain from evil, the other to stir up to the doing of good, according to Psal. 34. 12. so there be three things, the consideration whereof may restrain us from evil, and thirdly, to stir up to good. The first three are, Vitii foe or, judicu terror, supplic i horror, set forth by the dunghill gate, the judicial gate, and the gate of the valley, because hell is below, for which the valley of Benhinnon is applied hereunto. The second and third are Decor operis, dulcor foederis, valor muneris, because to do good is comely, linketh unto God, and is rewarded in heaven, and these are set forth by the gate of David, who was comely, the gate of the fountain, because by water the Covenant is entered into with God, and the gate of negotiatours who traffic and truck for gold and pearls. Thus he, but because no gates serve only to keep out, but for entrance also, this allegory will not well hold, wherefore Beda betters makes Jerusalem a figure of the Church, the building of the gates figuring out the Apostles, who taught the way to heaven, and that whereby errors may be kept out of the Church, as gates serve both to enter by, and to keep out enemies, and the builders of the walls, other pastors and teachers who watch continually, and are as a wall of defense about the Church. Nehemiah his particular registering of the names of them all, figureth out the writing of their names in heaven, that they may be had in everlasting remembrance, who help to the perfecting of this spiritual building. Morally Pelican showeth, that in these repairers of the gates and walls of Jerusalem, thus accurately set forth to their [Note.] praise in the Generations to come, they who do the like for their native Country and Church, laboring to reform things amiss, and to repair the decays of both are praised, and we are taught always to have them in remembrance, as most worthy instruments.




CHAP. IV.

BUt when Sanballat heard that we built the wall, he was very angry and said, &c. Of this Sanballat and Tobias, see before, Chap. 2. 10. Note, that this is the [Note.] sequel of seeking to repentance, the decays of God's Church, the wicked are always mad at it, and deride and oppose it, as also some of the Tribes, in the days of godly Jehoshaphat did, when they were building the wall. There were three impediments, as Lyra noteth, the first set forth in this Chapter, the second, Chap. 5. the third, Chap. 6.

What will these weak Jews do? He calls them so in contempt, as thinking them who were but lately come out of captivity unable to perform so great a work, should they suffer them, that is, will the Gentiles suffer them? as the vulgar Latin expresseth it, although they were able to build it, Will they finish it in a day, and build it of burnt stones out of the rubbish? they add this as thinking it as ridiculous, as if men should think to build so great a building in one day, and that of stones unfit for building, because burnt in the days of Nebuchadnezzar, and partly by reason of that burning, and partly by the weather in so long a time, made unuseful for building.

Tobias to increase the derision, answered, when they have built, if a fox go but upon their wall, he will break it down, and therefore we need not care, let them build what they can, their wall will not be able to endure the least force coming against it, of this Nehemiah complaineth to God, and prayeth him not to cover their iniquity, that is, to forgive it. He prayeth not, saith Pelican here, that for their sin they might not be touched with repentance, but being manifest oppugners of God, and enemies to his people, and so incorrigible, they might be made examples by God's judgments against them. Thus he prayed, but they neglected not to build still, yea, the heart of the people was provoked to the work, their scoffs made them the more earnest in it, until the wall was half finished.

Then their enemies Samaritans, Ammonites, Arabians, and Ashdodeans, which were of the Philistines, were greatly incensed at the going on of this work about the Wall, and the repairing of the wide breaches thereof and assembled together to fight against the Jews.

Hereupon they did flee to God by Prayer, and set a watch night and day, that they might not come upon them unawares. For God is first and chiefly to be sought unto in danger, and then means of prevention are wisely to be used.

But the Jews said, the force of our burden carryers is weakened, and there to much earth, &c. After one impediment by the Jews enemies, here followeth another amongst themselves, they murmured for the labor in carrying so much rubbish away, as lay about the Wall, giving it impossible for them to perfect this building, having also so many enemies to interrupt them.

The enemies also according to their combination before spoken of, attempted to come secretly upon them, either to slay them or to hinder their work, but they being forewarned of it by their friends abroad, ten times disappointed them of their enterprize by fitly placing armed men to encounter with them, if they had come, and Nehemiah made an exhortation to them not to fear, but to trust in God, and to fight manfully for their Country.

The enemies seeing that their enterprises were discovered, God wrought so hereupon with them, that they were confounded, and the Jews returned to the work, having for a time intermitted it for their necessary defense.

Yet they did not altogether leave their arms, for part of his young men labored in the work, and part held shields with darts and bows, &c. thus Junius, but the Vulgar Latin, half of the young men did the work, and half was prepared to the war, and spears and shields, &c. And this agreeth more to the Hebrew, and to sense, seeing the intent is not only to show what his young men did, which could not be many, but what the workmen in general did, who were young and lusty, and whereas he hath it shields with darts, Hebrew it is, holding both spears, shields, and bows, so that neither hath the vulgar Latin rendered it rightly in this clause nor sensibly, and the Princes after them in all the house of Judah, that is, following them some to the work, and some to their arms to order them, encourage and defend them.

Also the builders went to their work armed with swords girt unto their sides and they sounded with the Trumpet by Nehemiah, that is, when need required that they might come altogether to that part, where their enemies came to assault them. For so he yields the reason, why the Trumpet sounded by him, verse. 19, 20. because they were at the work of the Wall far asunder, and he taking upon him as a Watchman carefully to foresee the danger would give them warning in all parts by the sound of the Trumpet.

He also provided, that there might be a watch by night, in which he and his friends and servants bare a part, not putting off their clothes, but only for washing. Junius, Cuique gladius suus & aquaesto. Hebrew, Everyman put that into the water, that is, his garment, when need required to be washed, but Junius going upon another signification of the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , his sword, reads it otherwise, as if the meaning were, let everyone go with his sword to the water, as Pagvm. expounds it. But if the word be rendered, a sword here is no more said, but each man his sword, the water. I hold it therefore better to follow the vulgar Latin, but each put it off for washing, because his purpose here is not but to show how they did to keep themselves cleanly and from being nasty, seeing they did not at night put off their clothes, viz. by saying, that they put them off to be washed, either as was requisite of course, or as the Law required, upon the contracting of any uncleanness, mystically by the enemies of this building, Heretics and wicked men are set forth, who deride and seek by all means to hinder the spiritual building, that is, reformation of Doctrine and Manners, from which they are most averse, the builders that complain of much earth, which must be digged and carried away, to lay a firm foundation, the spiritual builders who are wearied with laboring to remove earthly thoughts from men's minds, that they may be well founded upon the Rock Christ: the enemies plotting to come unawares upon them, the Devils stratagems to surprise men's souls unawares: their arming against them, the taking of the spiritual armor, Ephes. 6. 12. The Laborers being armed, even when they wrought, the watchfulness which should be in all the people themselves, besides the watchfulness of the Pastors set to defend them: or, according to Pelican, the double work which spiritual builders have to do, both of building up in grace, and impugning error. And it is to be noted, saith Beda, that when Solomon built the Temple at the first, he did it without opposition, but now it having been destroyed for sin, the rebuilding of it is with great difficulty, to show that a man's first conversion is more easily wrought, but he being again drawn away to sin, to bring him to be renewed by repentance, is of greater difficulty, because it is more hard for him that hath once and again felt the pleasures of sins to refrain from them, then for him that hath not so deeply tasted thereof: They are like stones burnt in the Devils fire, as these in Nebuchadnezzar's, making the enemies to deride the attempt of building herewith. And so some Heretics speak against such, as in the time of persecution have fallen away, as if they could not be renewed by repentance, denying them therefore any admittance into the the Church, whereas indeed it is a work not impossible, but far more difficile. Lastly, their watching by night, and not putting off their clothes, shown the vigilancy of every faithful person against sin, out of the danger whereof it is so hard to be kept, for which cause we must always keep our spiritual armor about us, and never put it off either by day or night.




CHAP. V.

HEre is another great impediment in this building, a complaint is made by the poor of three things. 1 That for sustenance they gave their sons and daughters as servants to the rich. 2 Others sold their possessions, that they might have wherewith to buy sustenance, there was such a famine. 3 Others were enforced to take up money upon use, to pay the Kings Tribute, and this they did, laying their fields and vineyards to pledge therefore. And to these straits they seem to have been brought by their continual attending upon the building, the works of husbandry being neglected, whereby they should have gotten their living, touching tribute paying although the Priests and Levites were by the King freed here from Ezra 7. yet all others paid it. And partly by the charge that lay upon them for this, and partly for this building, the meaner sort, which were the far greater part, waxed very poor, and were enforced thus to complain against the rich. Now they say, that their children were as their kinsmens children, free by God's Ordinance, as being part of them that were delivered out of the Egyptiacall bondage, although they now being grown poor, were enforced to sell them to the rich for servants.

Nehemiah hearing this was very wroth with such miserable men, as thus sinned against charity towards their poor brethren: for they ought in this case to have lent money to them freely. And first he reproved even the chiefest for this a privately, then Congregation being called, publicly, saying we, according to our power, redeem our brethren from the Gentiles, that have been sold unto them, that is, so many as are able and fear God: for thus it is commanded, Levite. 25. 47, 48. and do ye fell your brethren that they should be sold unto us? that is, be redeemed by us, as the vulgar Latin hath it, and the meaning is: when ye out of your hard heartedness, rather then lend gratis unto them, have enforced them for your money to sell themselves unto you, that ye might for your advantage sell them again, will ye commit such an absurdity, who are as near unto them, as we are, as to expect, that we should give you your price for them to set them free again? Thus he upbraids them by dealing as hardly with their brethren, as the Gentiles, and so frustrating the grace of God towards them in bringing them from amongst the Gentiles in their own Country again, seeing they thus made them servile here, when as the Gentiles themselves had dismissed them freely. Wherefore he willeth them to consider, what the Gentiles would say, when they should hear of this to the disgrace of them and of their Religion.

Should I, my kinsmen, &c. exact money of them, &c. the vulgar Latin, we have lent them, as if he had spoken affirmatively, whereas the word used signifieth lending to usury; which Nehemiah would not doubtless do, wherefore it is better rendered interrogatively, implying that both he, and all that belonged unto him, abhorred from doing thus, and therefore he moveth them to case their poor brethren of this burden, as indeed by the Law of God they ought to do, seeing usury to the poor is therein so strictly forbidden. Then showing how he would have them ease the poor, he saith, Restore unto them their fields and vineyards, &c. that is, which are made over to you till the jubilee, to make amends for your former exactions, restore now again to the poor owners, as their need requireth, and the hundredth part that ye exact of them, that is monthly, so that every month they exacted one shilling for 100 shillings, that is, 12 shillings for twelve months, and for 100 pounds, 12 pounds. This also he requireth them to remit, whether it were to be paid in wine, oil, or corn, and to lose the time which they had until the year of release, in their lands and houses, as brotherly love required.

And when they yielded to do thus, he cursed all that should not indeed perform it, using for a form his coat, which he shakit and said, so let God shake all that do it not, and make that from all their labors no good may come unto them, but that they may be as a tree, the fruit whereof is shaken off. Then the Priests being called for witnesses, he adjured and sware these men to it, that being done, in their presence, who stood for God, they might think themselves the more strictly obliged. Pelican saith, that by calling the Priests to be present at this Oath, he shown that they should be shaken, and excommunicated out of the house of God, and from the Congregation of his people. Sallianus understandeth these words, I adjudged them, of the Priests, whom being guilty of the like sin, he admonished and adjured privately for honors sake, when he first publicly dealt with other rich men.

Nehemiah having this way, promoted the good of the poor Jews, showeth in the next place, that he refrained from taking ought of them all the time that he continued Governor over them, which was twelve years, contrary to the manner of others, that had ruled there in times past, who lived upon them to the impoverishing of them the more. Wherefore it seemeth that he was a man of great wealth, as they commonly are that be in office about great Kings, and from him should other Rulers take example to favor their Subjects in matters of charge, as [Note.] much as they can, and not oppress them to maintain themselves in greater pomp, and worldly glory.

He also recordeth his own work, and his servants in helping to build the wall, not for ostentation, but to show how greatly the fear and love of God, to the honor of whom this was wrought in him, as P. afterwards speaks of his labors, and forbearing to take maintenance, for the good of God's Church being yet weak and poor, to draw on others for a more general good, to do likewise in the like case. He meaneth, saith Lyra, that he wrought with his own hands to draw on others the more, when they should see their Governor himself so intent to the work. A notable example set to all in high place and authority, that they from [Note.] hence might learn to go before others in doing that good, which they stir up them to do. And he saith, that he purchased himself no field, that is, he kept not the surplusage of his revenues to increase his possessions withal, as rich men commonly do, but spent all for the public good.

Also 150 men of the Jews being Presidents, and those that came from the Gentiles round about, came to my table, that is, they that for their public offices should have been maintained by the public charge, I daily gave diet to, and to Samaritans, Arabians, Philistines and Ammonites round about, that came upon occasion of business to Jerusalem. Finally, he showeth, what his daily provision was, one ox, six smaller beasts many fowls, &c. in regard of all which he desireth God to remember him for good, that is, according to Lyra, both of grace and glory, seeing that out of Charity to his people that were poor and brought low, he did all this that they might be the more spared from charges. Morally in that Nehemiah required the chief amongst them to do nothing in way of charity towards their poor brethren, but that wherein he went before them in his own example, all Governors may learn it to be their duty to be the first and chief in doing the good, which they require others to do. And in that, with shaking off his garment, he cursed those that either were uncharitable to the poor, or oppressed them, or went from the good profession which they had made: Note, that whosoever doth any of these things, must not expect to prosper, but be blasted in all his goods and labors.




CHAP. VI.

THis let of building the wall being thus overcome, now ariseth another, when then the wall was finished, but not the gates of the City, for they remained yet imperfect. Sanballat and other enemies of the Jews inhabiting near unto them, and being Governors of those parts sent unto him to meet with them, that they might make a Covenant together, thinking to take an opportunity thus to kill him, and the place which they appointed was the valley of Omin, of which see Chap. 11. 35. whereby we may see into what dangers godly Governors come, through the malice of wicked enemies of the truth, when they endeavor to repair the walls of Jerusalem, that is, to reform things amiss in the Church of God, [Note.] by restoring sound Doctrine, wherein soever it hath been corrupted, but God will preserve them as he did Nehemiah. And it is to be noted, that these enemies took their opportunity when the gates were not yet finished, for if they could but yet have caused the work to cease, all that was hitherto done had been vain.

But Nehemiah wisely foreseeing their drift, sent them answer that he was about a great work, and if he should come abroad to consult with them, it would be hindered, but notwithstanding he was urged by them to come four times. Prudence [Note.] is necessary as well as innocence to see into the subtleties of our enemies. For Nehemiah wisely foreseeing what these wicked Princes went about, would by no [Note.] means be drawn to go out of the City, in which he was in greatest safety.

Then Sanballat sent unto him the fifth time by a servant, writing something to terrify him, viz. that it was reported amongst the Gentiles about, that when the Wall was finished with the gates, the Jews meant to rebel, and he to make himself King, wherefore he willed him to come forth, that they might consult together, pretending great good will towards him to give him advice, what were the best course for him to take to prevent the coming of this rumour to the Kings ear, and consequently the danger that would ensue hereupon. Yet he wrote not so plainly, but that he left him doubtful, whether this were the end of his sending for him, or to get somewhat out of his own mouth, whereof he might accuse him to the King, or else to conspire with him.

But Nehemiah having a good conscience was nothing moved at this, but answered, that he feigned this of his own head, that they being afraid, who were in the work, might break off from it, and therefore he applied himself the more earnestly unto it, praying God to strengthen their hands in the work.

This policy of the enemies being thus frustrated, another device of theirs was, to suborn a false Prophet, to tell him, as if it had been from God revealed unto him, that they would come upon him in the night and slay him, which they might easily do, because the gates of the City were not as yet perfected, and it was no doubt, but that they would be ready enough to do so, for the hatred which they conceived against him, in regard of his attempt to fortify Jerusalem, and because of his contempt shown towards them. Therefore he persuaded him to go with him into the Temple, which was as a fort, that he might there be safe. This false Prophet was Shemahiah, who came of Delaiah, of whom see, 1 Chron. 24. 18. he was one of the principal Priests of the 23 course, and he is said to have been shut up, that is, one who sequestered himself from company, as being most strict and holy in the course of his life, that he might be in the more estimation, as conversing the more with God, and by him graced with the spirit of Prophesy. Junius renders it, detained, or held by vow to do all that he could for the good of Nehemiah. It is most probable, that Nehemiah being sent for to him, as to a man of God, came to his house, and there under a pretence of speaking by Prophesy for his safety, he sought to move him to make the Temple the place of his refuge, that so he lurking in secret for fear, all the Jews who were in the work, should be terrified and cease from building anymore, to his great ignominy and disgrace: or, as Pelican hath it, he should thus endanger that holy place, of being defiled with blood, if they should there be let in to him, as by the fraud of the same false prophet and his complices, they easily might.

Into the house of this Shemahiah, Nehemiah saith, that he went, as supposing him to be a friend, but when he heard him speak to the effect aforesaid, he easily discovered the contrary, and that he was one of the evil minded Jews, who held correspondency with the Samaritans against Nehemiah and the rest. Therefore he answered him, Should such a man as I flee, or, who being as I, can enter into the Temple and live? that is, should I that have hitherto professed so great confidence in God, and persuaded others to do the like, now distrust his providence, and show it by fleeing so shamefully to hid myself? surely if I should do thus, I might justly fear that God would protect me no longer, but give me over into the hands of my wicked enemies, to be slain for this my sin against him.

Moreover he saith, that he understood, that God sent him not, but that he dissembled in speaking thus, being hired unto it by Sanballat and Tobias for a reward, to draw him to sin, that is, to do so cowardly against that which the dignity of his place required, being Governor over all the people, that he might afterwards bear reproach for it. Whereas he saith, that he understood, &c. this is generally thought to have been by divine revelation, which came unto him after that he had given him the repulse, but it may as probably be held to have been by some faithful man or men, who knew of the compact, and discovered it unto him.

This danger being thus escaped, Nehemiah prayeth God for this treachery to remember Sanballat, and Nohadiah a Prophetess, &c. viz. which joined with Shemahiah in this dissimulation, and together drew on others to pretend the same, whereby we may see how dangerous a plot this was, when not only a man, but a woman also, and others came and spake unto him about the same thing, as Prophets sent by God.

At length the wall was finished the 25 day of Elul, the 52 day. The month Elul amongst the Hebrews, answereth to our August in part, and in part to September, by 52 days he meaneth from the beginning of their working, so Lyra, and all other Expositors almost, except Vatablus, who would have it 52 days after the Epistle sent by Sanballat to Nehemiah, but certainly erroneously, because the wall being all repaired before, they might well in far less time have finished the gates.

And it is to be noted, that the time which the wall was in building, is set down as wonderfully short, that God might therefore be praised, by whose singular help it was done, notwithstanding all the delays caused by the enemies, in so few days, to intimate which, it is said, that the enemies acknowledged that it was the work of God, which made their stomachs that were so stout, before now to quail. Vers. 16. Josephus therefore is far wide, when he saith, that the wall was in building two years, and three months, and Eusebius much wider, who reporteth the time to be 12 years, mistaking, doubtless, the time of Nehemiah his being Governor there, for the time of doing this work. And whereas some think that this building was in the last year of Nehemiah his Government there, as Jerome, who saith, he came to Jerusalem, Anno 20 of Artaxerxes, and made an end of building the wall and City, Anno 32, which some others follow, because the end of his coming was only to build, and this being done he was to return again, it is to be conceived rather, that he set to the work in the first year, and finished the wall, and from thence forward he intended the building of the City, as long as he stayed, which doth not disagree from Jerome. Of this short time in building the wall, Daniel seemeth to Prophesy, when he saith that it should be built again in augustiis temporum, in the straits of time. If any man shall say, how could a wall of so great compass be built in so few days, although God prospered the work never so much: It is answered, that many thousands labored in it with all diligence, and the Princes also were present to stir them up, neither needed it building from the foundation, or in all parts, but repairing and building in most places, upon the old foundation.

Here another impediment or plot is mentioned, whereby Nehemiah is also endangered, which tendeth the more to the magnifying of God's mercy in preserving him, till all the work was finished. There came some of the chief of the Jews, who were allied to Tobiah by marriages, and therefore these were in covenant with him, confirmed by oath to do what they could to betray Nehemiah to him and his fellows, and to hinder the building, and to this end there went Letters between them, from time to time, wherein the speeches and counsels of Nehemiab were discovered, and they praised Tobiah unto Nehemiah, as meaning him no hurt, but ready to advise him for the best, that he might be drawn to go out unto him as to a friend, that so he might be endangered.

For the Allegory of this, Beda saith, that these Samaritans figured out Heretics, which desire to be in league with the Orthodox, that by conversing with them, they may have advantage against them, and hinder the proceedings of the truth. Nehemiah his going into the house of Shemahiah, as of a friend, but he found him deceitful, showeth how the Orthodox are assaulted, not only without by known enemies, but also within by false brethren, feigning themselves friends, of whom they must beware, as Nehemiah did of them. Lastly, the wall finished, the sixth month, answered both unto the six days of God's working to make the world, after which a rest followed, and to the everlasting rest in heaven, after six ages of the world spent in toile and labor.




CHAP. VII.

THE gates being now finished in all points, as well as the wall, the Potters, Singers, and Levites were recounted, &c. Of Porters, saith Pelican, here, we may conceive a reason, viz. to keep the gates, by opening and shutting them again in due time, and of the two Ananyes, Vers. 2. to whom it is commanded to see this duly done, as super-intendents over the Porters, and of others set every night as watchmen of the inhabitants near to each gate, for more security, Vers. 3. But what Singers and Levites should do here I see not, unless the Singers or players upon Instruments, were set to give notice of strangers approaching to the City, and Levites sat there to hear causes with other Judges. But it is more probable that these, both Porters, Singers, and other Levites, were now recounted to see if there were of them a number sufficient to sanctify and dedicate the wall and gates being now fully finished, the keepers of the gates, and their overseers next spoken of, only being employed about the gates, because, Chap. 12. 27. it is said, that Levites were sought from divers parts, for the dedication of the wall, both singers to praise God, and to exhilarate all that were present, and Priests and Levites to sanctify the wall, gates, and people, and ver. 45. mention is made of the porters then present also. The first Hanani, whom Nehemiah called his brother most probably is the same spoken of Chap. 1. who first told him in what case Jerusalem was, the other a most approved honest man, in whom he might confide also to look diligently to this business, there being so many, both open and secret enemies about the City. And he is called the keeper of the House or Palace in Jerusalem, intimating that he was a man of note. In that he being so highly commended, it is added, that he feared God more then others. Note, [Note.] that the fear of God is the ground of all goodness and fidelity, he cannot safely have any matter of moment committed unto him, that doth not fear God. And when the gates were shut at night, he biddeth these to whom he committed the trust, to feel with their hands, whether they were made fast or no. The vulgar Latin and Greek, to see them shut and barred. And the keepers appointed were the inhabitants near dwelling, but ver. 4. it is said, their houses were not yet built in the City, therefore Lyra understands it of Tents or Cottages, wherein they for the present kept, when it is said, everyone right over against his house, but for so much as, Hag. 1. it is said, they dwelt in seiled houses, it is rather to be understood of whole rows of houses, for the houses yet built were but few, for the City he saith was large, but the people in it few, because, as is most probable, the Heathen round about infested that place most, so that in other parts of the land they might more quietly follow their businesses to get their living. Now for so much as here was the Temple, where only Sacrifice might be offered, and this was the City which God professed to own more peculiarly, the good rules Nehemiah applied his mind most seriously to study how it might be better peopled, after that it was thus fortified. Then God, he saith, putting it into his mind, he gathered the Princes and Presidents together, that the number and names of the Jews who returned out of captivity being taken, a certainty of them from either part of the Land, might be appointed to come and dwell there, and that was as is shown, Chap. 11. every tenth man. Now when he went about this, a book came to his hands, wherein they were set down by their Generations, who came first to Jerusalem with Zerubbabel & Jeshuah the High Priest, of which numbering see Ezra 2. for this is the same verbatim, but only that in the numbers of divers families, here are recounted in some fewer, and in some more then there. For example, the sons of Arachi are there said to be 775, ver. 5. here 652, the sons of Phahath there 2812, ver. 6. here 2818, the sons of Zatthu 945, ver. 8. here 845, &c. touching which difference we are not to hold with Pelican, that these differences happened by the negligence of the Scribes who wrote out this Register, for by this reason there would be no certainty of the truth in any copy, but rather with Junius and some others, that they, Ezra 2. were set down in Babylon, but the book which came to Nehemiah's hands was written when they were come into the Land of Judea, they gave their names to return whom Ezra recordeth, but some changing their minds and not going, some dying by the way, and some coming in of some families, that had not given in their names, this caused a difference in the catalogue last written, and nothing else, for that it was not any part of Ezra his book, but another writing appeareth, because it is said, There was a Book found, wherein it was written: If it had been that of Ezra, he was then present, and so probably mention should have been made of him, as giving this light into this matter, and it is not likely that his book being Canonical Scripture, should have lain hid so by this time, being but 13 years, as that it should now come forth as a book accidentally found, and not one that all men knew of.




CHAP. VIII.

BEcause Nehemiah had spoken before of his intent to gather the people together from all parts, that he might the better provide for the peopling of this City, he now showeth before the putting of that his purpose in execution, that in the seventh month, the first day of the month, the people came together from all parts to Jerusalem, yea, they were there assembled that day, to hear the book of the Law read by Ezra, because that day was a feast of blowing Trumpets, according to the Law, Levite. 23. 24. and at such times the Priests used to read and expound the Book of the Law unto them, yea this was commonly done every Sabbath day. The place where, was the street by the water gate, that is, saith Lyra, the Court, into which men assembled together to prayer and hearing of the Word, for this was right over against this gate, although not very nigh unto it, and resembled a broad and spacious street, for which it was thus called. And the people are said to have come altogether, as one man, to show their great diligence, and to give us example, as also, where it is said, that both men and women assembled there, and did hearken attentively from morning till noontide, which was a long time, whereas now the attention of many, will not reach unto an hour, but they give way to drousiness. What part of the Law was read now [Note.] it is not said, but most probably the ten Commandments, and the threatenings added thereunto to transgressors, and exhortations to observe and keep them, because the people are said to have wept verse. 10. And as Ezra being assisted with Priests on his right hand and left, read out of the book of the Law in one part of this Court, and blessed God, all the people standing and lifting up their hands, and then bowing their faces to the ground, and worshipping said, Amen: So certain Levites in another part, read the book of the Law distinctly to others of the people, for they could not all stand to hear one, being so many, and expounded it unto them, that they might the better understand. A notable president showing, [Note.] both how the Scripture should be read in the congregation, viz. with interpretation, and what reverence and affection should be shown by the people, in standing, bowing, and saying, Amen, to the blessings and praises that are given to God by their teachers. And because when Ezra disposed himself to read, and teach the Law, he began with blessing of God: Lyra well noteth, that from his example we learn to begin our reading with prayer, and likewise our preaching at all times, as is commonly used by all our Ministers.

The people hearing the threatenings of the law for sin, and knowing their own guiltiness wept for sorrow, being moved the more by thinking upon their late sufferings. But Nehemiah, Ezra, and the Levites forbade them to weep, because it was a day of joy, for such was every new Moon, Numb. 10. 10. Here it is not to be conceived, that they spake altogether, for that had been a confusion, but some in one part of the assembly and some in another, as was necessary, that in all parts they might be heard. Whereas Lyra having sometime thus expounded it by & by recanteth, because it is said, they came together as one man, whereupon he inferreth, that they were not spoken to division, but altogether as if they had been one man, & so expoundeth Ezraes and the Levites speaking, as if he only taught, & they assisted him, by repressing the noise made amongst the people by their weeping, I cannot herein assent unto him, because it is expressly said, that the Levites also taught and gave the sense, and both Nehemiah, he and they admonished them to cease weeping at this time, &c. that is, each one where he might best be heard. Neither did their coming together as one man hinder their being divided, when they were there, as necessity required, that they might hear the same things from divers teachers, which they could not all at once hear from one of the name Athersata, see before Ezra 2. 63.

Also the people are bidden to go home and make merry, and to give some of their good cheer to the poor, and the Levites especially looked to the stilling of them, that they might not continue in lamenting. So we see there is a time to laugh and to be merry as well as to weep, and we must rejoice in God in days of thanksgiving as well as weep in days of humiliation. And then do we keep times of rejoicing aright, when as we see ourselves more liberally, so we feed the [Note.] poor also, and thus it was appointed to be done at the Feast of Purim by Hester, and Mordecai, and Christ commands it, Luke 14. Yet in all Festivalls, and always we must keep within the bounds of temperance.

And the next day came the Princes of all the people and Priests and Levites to Ezra, &c. because Ezra was most expert in expounding the Law, even they that taught other came to learn of him, how some things, that were more doubtful and difficult should be understood, that they might be the better able to inform the people. And here is a president given to men of understanding after hearing [Note.] to inquire of the Preacher more, if they be unsatisfied, as touching the full knowledge of anything by him taught.

Then having found the law of keeping the Feast of Tabernacles the same month, they prepared for that also. But it is to be understood, that there were three times appointed in the Law to be kept holy in this month. 1 the Feast of blowing Trumpets, as Lyra saith, in remembrance of Isaac's being delivered, when he was about to be sacrificed, the first day. 2 In remembrance of the sin of Idolatry committed in the Wildernes with the golden Calf, & for the expiation thereof upon the 10 day, which was appointed to be a day of humiliation forever. 3 In remembrance of their dwelling in tents for the space of forty years, being all that time miraculously fed with Manna from Heaven, the 15 day. Now he having shown, that the first day was kept, omitteth to speak of the next, touching which yet some think, that it is to be presumed, that it was kept also, because they had so good a guide, viz. Ezra, although here passed over in silence. Lastly, he showeth, that the Feast of Tabernacles of seven days continuance was kept, and Chap. 9. 1. a day of humiliation immediately after those days ended, for their great sin in making marriages with Idolaters. For the Feast of Tabernacles beginning the 15 day, the seventh was the 21 and the eighth, wherein was also a solemn Assembly the 22, after which in the 23 day, they separating themselves from such Wives as they heard by the Law read unto them, that they ought not to have taken, they came again together the 24 day to humble themselves in fasting and prayer therefore. So that it seemeth, the tenth day was not at this time kept for humiliation, upon what occasion we know not, but certainly there was some impediment necessarily hindering it, as the High Priests not being well, or accidentally polluted, or some other great cause, wherefore the 24 day was kept instead thereof.

But to return to the Feast of Tabernacles now kept, it is said here, that it was not so done, since the days of Joshua, the son of Nun, and the reason hereof is rendered, Verse 19. because now they kept holy seven days together, the Law being read and expounded unto them every of those days, whereas by the Law made, Levite. 23. 39. they were required to rest only the first day and the eighth, and they rested now every day to attend unto the word through the great desire, which they had unto it, that by hearing it day after day they might be brought to take better heed unto it to live accordingly, by the neglect whereof they had hitherto suffered so great misery. Thus Junius, but Pelican referreth the preference made of this to the joy, which was now greater, then at any time before by reason of their Walls new built, which had lain wast so long, and their deliverance from their enemies round about, so that they might now so quietly keep holy days to the Lord, which they could not do in the long time of their captivity, viz. 70 years, nor since their return, because the City lay open to the assaults of the Enemy until this time. Lyra understands it both in respect of all Israel now gathered together as one man, the like to which hath not been said before, and in regard of the case wherein they were being servants and tributaries to a foreign King and poor, whereas formerly they were free, and rich, and prosperous, having mighty Kings of their own, and it is as if it had been said, never was such a Feast of Tebernacles kept by Israel in so poor a case, and yet so unanimously consenting about it. I think not for one, but for all these respects this Feast now kept is thus preferred.

And the eighth day they made a gathering according to the right, so the vulgar Latin and Lyra, they gathered for necessaries about the Temple, Junius a day of Interdiction, but the Hebrew word here used is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , signifieth retention, and nothing else is hereby meant, but holding of the Congregation together, as the Law appointeth, for there must be an holy convocation the first, and again the eighth day, wherein no servile work must be done.




CHAP. IX.

AFter the Feast of Tabernacles kept with so much joy, now followeth a fast, or day of humiliation for sin the 24 day of the month, especially for their sin in marrying Idolatrous Wiwes, from whom, to show their true penitency, they were now separated; And hereby, and by that Ezra 10, it seemeth, that this sin cannot be sufficiently repented of without such a separation. For although, 1 Cor. 7. he that hath an unbelieving Wife, is bidden not to part with her, unless she will, yet this is to be understood only of such a couple as were formerly both Heathens, but at the hearing of the Gospel one being converted, the other remained an Heathen still. For in such a case it is not necessary to put her away, but only when a man that is faithful hath rashly against God's Law, married a woman, an idolatresse. The ceremonies in this day of their humiliation used were, fasting, sackcloth, and earth upon them, which seemed in those times to show the greatness of their sorrow. Then they confessed their sins, and the sins of their fathers, which is the only way to obtain pardon, for if we confess our sins and forsake them we shall have mercy. Then they, that is, the people, standing in their places, the Levites read in the Law, the fourth part of the day, and the fourth part confessed their sins, the people stood for reverence, and whereas it is said, the Levites read, the word Levites is understood by Junius, there being no more in the Text, but they being lifted up in their station read, &c. But because in the public place, the Ministers of God only ought to act that part, of confessing and reading to the rest, as appears, Chap. 2. 3. Joel 2. 17. it is to be understood, that they did so at this time, they one while set up someone amongst them to read, and then another and another, while they confessed their sins the fourth part of the day, that is, as Junius hath it, from the third hour to six, which was the time immediately following the morning sacrifice, they read, and again, from the six to the ninth they confessed, which time the evening Sacrifice immediately followed. So that the day being divided into four parts, two were spent in offering the daily continual sacrifices, and two in reading, confessing of sins, praise and prayer, as here followeth, ver. 4. The vulgar Latin then erreth, in which it is, four times in the day, and four times in the night, rather we may hence gather, that after the morning sacrifice ended, by nine of the clock in the forenoon, the Levites fell to reading till noon, and then fell to confessing of their sins, which they saw, were against the Law, standing up in their places, and using a long form of confession and prayer, till three in the afternoon, after which, the day was concluded with the evening sacrifice, whereas the first part of this days holy work, seems to have been performed by the people, ver. 2, 3. it is so said by a Prolepsis, usual in Scripture, the thing done being related in general, then more explicitly and particularly. The meaning then is, they confessed their sins, that is, such of them as by their callings were a mouth to the rest, and in like manner, it is to be conceived of their reading.

The Levites from an high place where they stood, crying unto God aloud, were Ieshuah, Ba •• , Cadmiel, &c. They then first all together stood up to praise God, and to beseech God that they might bless him, and that he would exalt his own name. After which it seemeth that one alone, that he might be heard more distinctly, and understood of all, fell into a long and fervent Prayer, from ver. 6. to the end of the Chapter, & this is expressly said in the Septuagint & vulgar Latin, to have been Ezra. And Ezra said, thou art Lord alone, &c. but in Hebrew, no one particular is mentioned as speaking alone, yet most probably it was so, least all speaking so long together, it should make a confusion: yet not Ezra, for he is not here named, but one of those named in the Text, who be eight, and eight of whom it is not to be conceived that any stood up for cyphers, but confessed and read all, each one in his turn, most probably also expounding, though it be not mentioned of both these, see some grounds, 1 Cor. 14. 31. Nehem. 8. Act. 15. 21.

In this Prayer first, the great works of God in creating all things are commemorated to his praise. 2 His singular grace to Abraham, in bringing him out of Ur of the Chaldees, and promising the Land of Canaan unto him. 3 His mercy to them, his posterity in Egypt. 4 His wonderful acts in the Wilderness towards them. 5 Their rebellions there. 6 His subduing Canaan unto them. 7 Their rebellions here. 8 His delivering them sundry times when they cried unto him. 9 Their rebellions renewed, and punishments by the Assyrians, to whom they were now servants, in regard of which they were now humbled before him. And to move the Lord the more effectually to mercy in delivering them again from foreign powers, they after this praying, add the making and sealing of a Covenant unto God, to become his servants for all time to come.




CHAP. X.

HEre are the Princes, Priests, and Levites, first named, that sealed the Covenant, unto ver. 29. viz. Nehemiah the Kings Legat, and 22 Priests after him, then Levites 17. Vers. 9. that is, Princes or chief fathers of the Priests and Levites families, for others of them that sealed are mentioned, ver. 28. Lastly, Princes of the people 45. All these both subscribed and sealed, binding hereby all those that were under them, and were witnesses of the like Vow and Covenant made by all the rest, both Priests, Levites, and people, men and women, that were present, so as that they could not but think themselves most solemnly bound hereby. Here because that after Nehemiah and the Priests spoken of, it is said, these were Priests, some think that Nehemiah was a Priest also, but this evinceth it not, seeing a distinction is plainly made, in that he being named, it is immediately added to show what he was, Athersata, the Kings Legat or Deputy, whereas then after the rest named, it is said, these were Priests, this is to be understood only of them that are named after him, over whom all, as over the Levites and Princes he was for the time set by the King as chief Governor. Moreover, if he had been a Priest, this would not doubtless have been omitted, no more then it was when Ezra was before sent over by the same King, Lastly, he would have been one doubtless, standing amongst the other Priests, to read and expound the Law, Chap. 8. if he also had been a Priest, seeing he was so pious. Here it may seem strange, that neither Ezra, nor Eliashib the High Priest, as he is called, Chap. 3. 1. are mentioned amongst the Covenanters. But haply, as in the Covenant made formerly before Ezra, no Priests or Levites covenanted, but only such as had sinned in taking strange wives, so at this present some were not required to subscribe, as being of most approved lives, and undoubtedly set to walk in the ways of God, as Ezra was. But Nehemiah would seal as the principal man, and leader to all others, or because they covenant here, not only to put away strange wives, but also about other things, necessary for all to bind themselves unto, some are named who were guiliy, but all others who were not mentioned only in general, ver. 28. amongst whom Ezra and Eliashib may be understood.

Now the particulars, which they covenanted, were first to keep all the Laws given by Moses, both Moral, Judicial and Ceremonial, both they and all such as were under their jurisdiction, that is, by God's help and grace, and so far forth as their authority could prevail to cause all to do so.

2 To refrain from mixed marriages, which was a thing so much impugned by Law.

3 Not to buy or sell upon the Sabbath, which was a work forbidden in the fourth Commandment, and often spoken against by the Prophets.

4 To observe the seventh year as the Law commanded, by making it Sabbatical.

5 To pay for the use of the Sanctuary yearly the third part of a shekle, that is, as Verse 33. is expressed, to buy burnt offerings for the Sabbaths, new Moons, and other Solemnities, and for the daily continual sacrifice and show-bread. And this they speak of, as a thing imposed upon themselves, because this service must be maintained according to the Law, Exod. 30. and Numb. 28. 29. but how otherwise, to provide for the maintenance of it they could not tell. For whereas Exodus 30. 12. half a shekle is appointed to be paid by everyone when they were numbered, which was to be laid up in the Sanctuary, that is, thought by Ibn Ezra, not to have been sufficient at this time, the people being so few, and therefore they added hereunto the third part of a shekle more. For although Junius denieth that half shekle to have been for this expense, because Verse 16. it was to be laid up in the Sanctuary for a Monument, yet it hath been shown upon Exodus 30. 12. that the sacrifices, &c. were hereby to be maintained, and that to this end this tribute was also raised yearly, which Junius denieth too, but the Hebrews all consent about it. And reason saith, it must needs be so, because otherwise a charge was appointed, but not how or by whom it should be borne. For the laying of it up in the Sanctuary, this is not to be imagined to have been done that it might perpetually lie there, but to be spent upon this service as need required. And that this service might be duly executed, which by this Impost was to be maintained, they cast the lots of the Priests and Levites, and of the people for the wood of the offerings, that they should bring it into the house of the Lord, from year to year, that is, saith Lyra, because it pertained to the Priests office to maintain fire continually burning upon the Altar of burnt offerings, they had their turns assigned them by lot, which week every course of the 24 instituted by David, should attend upon this service, and because the Levites were given to the Priests to serve under them about the Altar, they had their courses appointed them also, that they might be ready to bring this wood at all times to them, and under the name Levites, he understands the Nethinims also, who were to serve under the Levites, by hewing and preparing the wood for them, for they were the Gibeonites mancipated by Joshua to this service forever. And the people are spoken of because they were to find wood for the Temple, and therefore they had times by course assigned to them to bring it thither. But Junius by the people understands the Nethinims, improperly, I think, because not they, but the common sort of the Israellites, called the Laity, are always meant by the word people.

6 They covenant to pay the first borne of the Land and the first fruits of their fruits and trees. The word in Hebrew is the same, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 first borne, or first fruits, but when it hath reference to men or beasts, it is rendered first borne, when to other increase, first fruits. And these first fruits were the 50 part, and if any would be more liberal in paying, the 40, or being poorer the 60 part. Now because the first borne of the Land, were to be distinguished into such as must be redeemed or brought in kind, it is added, for explication of the words, The first borne of the Land, the first borne of men and beasts, that is, of unclean beasts, which must either be redeemed, or the neck thereof broken, and the first borne of neat and of sheep, all which were appointed to be paid for the Priests maintenance, together with certain parts of the Sacrifices, and things vowed. Of paying the first borne, the cause was God's destroying of the first borne of the Egyptians, preserving theirs, in thankfulness for which they were enjoined this offering forever after from year to year.

The first fruits of every mass also, that is, a cake of the dough, of the year first baked: and our oblations, the fruit of the tree, wine and oil. Besides the first fruits of the olive and vine, they covenant to bring in the first made wine and oil, for of the first fruits of all trees as they grow, it was spoken before. And to the Levites to pay the tithe of all the Land, for so the Law appointed, and the tithe of the tithe, was by them to be paid to the High Priest, and the Levites, say they, shall have the tithe of all our labors in every City, in Hebrew, of all our services, Junius renders it, of all our tillage, the vulgar Latin, of all our works, which comes nearer to the Original, and hereby it appears, that tithe was paid without deduction, in consideration of the husbandmans labor, yea, of the tradesman, who had nothing else to pay. Vers. 38. And the son of Aaron the Priest shall be with the Levites, when tithe is given to the Levites: in Hebrew, in tithe to the Levites, or of the Levites, as the vulgar Latin, Junius, when the Levites pay tithe, that is, the tithe of their tithes, as in the next words, appointing them to be brought into the storehouse of the Sanctuary, towards the maintenance of the Priests. The meaning is, that the High-priest, who was ever the eldest son of the family of Aaron, should be present when tithes were paid to the Levites, and they paid tithe out of them again, because this tithe of the tithes, was to be altogether at his disposing.

To the chambers of store shall all the children of Israel, and of Levi bring their offering of wine, and oil, &c. That is, the offerings before spoken of, viz. their first fruits towards the Priests maintenance, which must be paid not only by the people, but by the Levites also. And here it is appointed, that the vessels which were of use in the service of God should be placed, and finally, they vow to maintain, about the Temple continually, Porters, Singers, Priests and Ministers, always, that the service of the Lord may never more be intermitted. And in making this Covenant, they had the Law of God for their warrant, which commanded all these particulars, so that according to this president, a Covenant or protestation should be only of things specified in the Word of God, they being named either generally, as in the time of some godly Kings, or particularly as here, that everyone may understand, what he protesteth to and do accordingly.




CHAP. XI.

AFter these things thus done, to move God to be propitious unto them, they considering how few dwelt in Jerusalem in respect of the greatness of that City, the reason whereof is conceived to be, the enmity of the Nations round about to it, above all other parts, through which it was most dangerous dwelling there, cast lots for the tenth man of all the Jews to come and dwell there, that this City might be better peopled, as being the seat of the Temple, and peculiarly chosen by God for them all to resort unto, to keep their solemn feasts, and bring their sacrifices thither. To show how few yet dwelt there, it is said, that the Princes dwelt in Jerusalem, but the people in other parts. But now by this means this City was well replenished, and it is commonly noted, that besides these there were others, that voluntarily offered to dwell there, because, Vers. 2. it is said, The people blessed all those that offered themselves willingly, &c. and that because this tended to the strengthening of Jerusalem the holy City, and shown zeal in them to the service of God, and to his glory.

Then the numbers of them that dwelt in Jerusalem are set down, it being given in a parenthesis, to understand, that the other parts of the land of Judea were inhabited by the residue of the Israelites, Priests, Levites, Nethinims, and the posterity of Solomon's servants, that is, those of the Canaanites, Hivites, &c. who were not put to death, but made tributaries by Solomon, 1 King. 9. 29. And first the children of Judah now inhabiting Jerusalem, were 468: Then the children of Benjamin, 928: Then of the Priests, 822 of the families of Idajah and Sarajah and their brethren: and 242 of the families of Adajah and his brethren, and 128 of the families of Amassay and his brethren: Lastly of the Levites 284. The total of Priests and Levites 1476, and of Judah and Benjamin 1396, so that there were more Priests and Levites, then of the Lay people, which shown their zeal then to be greatest, for besides these there were also 172 porters, who were all Levites. The residue of the people, both Israelites, Priests, Levites, and Nethinims, dwelt in other Cities in their own possessions: for so God of old had distributed them amongst the Tribes, that in all places they might have teachers of the Law of God amongst them.

And Nethinims dwelt in Ophel, that is, not in the Tower in Jerusalem, called by this name, but in a Village near to Jerusalem, that they might be the more ready to give their attendance about the Temple, as their Office required: and the like is to be thought of Siaba and Gaspha, so Pelican, but Junius better, takes these two for names of men that were over the Nethinims, and therefore renders it, Siabah and Gaspha were over the Nethinims, but the vulgar Latin, of the Nethinims, deceived Pelican, for in Hebrew it is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Super Nethinaeos, and so all others hitherto numbered, have in the end added to them their Presidents or Prince, who ruled over them, see ver. 14, 16. and because the Prince over the Levites is omitted before he is here next mentioned, ver. 22 being in the vulgar latin called the Bishop of the Levites, because, as Lyra saith, he that is over Ecclesiastical persons, is properly a Bishop, if they be Priests, but here he granteth, that this name is improperly by extension of it, put upon the Ruler over Levites, the word therefore used in Hebrew is better, Praepositus, or the President. And he is said to be Huzzi, of the posterity of Asaph the Musicians over the work in the house of the Lord, in Hebrew, over against the work, or near the work, or ministry of God's house, the meaning is, that the children of Asaph were set to sing within the house, as other Levites before spoken of without, ver. 16. Lastly, concluding about the Levites, he saith, that this was done according to the Kings Commandment, which Lyra would have understood of King David, 1 Chron. 24. but others better understanding it of King Artaxerxes say, that reference is herein had to Ezra 7. 21, 22, 24. where the liberality of that King for the maintenance of the service of the Temple is set forth, for here it is said, the Kings command was, that each one of them should have a certainty daily. Thus also R. Solomon. And to see this done, Petahiah, of the Tribe of Judah, was appointed by the King Artaxerxes, ample power being given him to take provision up for this purpose.

From hence to the end of the Chapter, nothing else is shown, but what other Towns and Cities were inhabited by other children of Judah and of Benjamin.




CHAP. XII.

BEing now about to relate the Dedication of the Wall of Jerusalem, he first enumerateth the chief of the Priests and Levites, who were present at this work, beginning yet higher, Verse 1, 2. &c. with those that came to Jerusalem with Zerubbabel and Ieshuah, many years before, but 1 Chron. 9. there is a more exact catalogue of them, and therefore they are the more briefly here passed over: yet they are here commemorated together, that we might know what high Priests here were from the return out of captivity during the reign of the Persians even unto Alexander the Great, Whereas Ezra is here said to be one of them, and yet Ezra 7. 7. he telleth of himself that he went to Jerusalem the seventh of Artaxerxes, Lyra saith, that having gone up to Jerusalem, at the first he returned again to Babylon, to obtain more favor of the Persian Kings, and having prevailed, he went again in this Kings seventh year. But because that from the first going up to Jerusalem, until the seventh year of Artaxerxes were above seventy years, this is not so probable, because so it must needs follow, that Ezra was now above 100 years old, because men in those days scarce lived so long, and if they lived, were decrepit and so unable for service, as Ezra was not, Nehem. 8. I should think therefore, that in this enumeration of those, that came Zerubbabel, it is not meant, that Ezra was one, but as Junius also hath it, two ascendings to Jerusalem are here put together, one with Zerubbabel, the other with Ezra many years after. But an exact reckoning of the high Priests is made, Verse 10. from Ieshuah the first, that returned out of captivity to Ioiadahah, who is said to have lived, till the time of Alexander the Great. And these were Ioiakim, Eliasib, Ioiada, and Jonathan, the chief Priests and Levites, of whose times here follow in order, and first in the time of Ioiakim, Vers. 12. 2 In the time of Eliasib Vers. 22. 3 In the time of Jonathan, his sons son, Vers. 23. And these are said to have been in the time of Ioiakim, and Nehemiah, and Ezra, so that they out-lived three high Priests, and now were present at the Dedication of the City. And other ordinary Levites were called from other parts to this Dedication.

Then the Priests and Levites cleansed themselves first, and after that the people, the gates and the wall, that is, according to the legal rites of cleansing in case of uncleanness contracted by the dead or otherwise. The cleansing of the Priests, saith Lyra, was by fasting, abstinence from their wines, and sprinkling of the water made of the ashes of a red Cow, of the people by sprinkling only, and of the Levites both by it and one of the other. For more must be done to the cleansing of Priests then of Levites, and more of Levites then of the people. But because the Priests and Levites cleansing of themselves is first spoken of, then their cleansing of the people, he noteth well, that who so would reform others must first reform [Note.] himself, according to which Christ saith, First, cast the beam one of thine own eye, and then thou shalt see, &c. And without cleansing no man is fit to bear a part, or to be present at the praising of God: for hereby a preparation to this Dedication was made

Then I made the Princes of Judah to go upon the wall, &c. The Dedication was made by two precessions of Priests, Levites, Princes, and all sorts of people going upon the wall, and praising God with Trumpets, Voyces, and other Instruments of Music, as they went along, one company right over against another on the right hand, which was towards the South, and on the left towards the North.

After the precessions followed sacrificing in the house of the Lord, of which it is said, And two companyes of them that praised God, stood in the house of the Lord, &c. that is, the same companyes, that went before upon the wall, or some Princes priests, and Levites chosen out of them.

Lastly, Treasurers were at the same time appointed over the first fruits and tithes for the maintenance of the priests and Levites, as David and Solomon had anciently appointed. And it is said, that all the people gave portions to the Singers and porters, and sanctified the Levites, and the Levites sanctified the sons of Aaron, that is, saith Lyra, the people by paying tithes to them acknowledged their superiority to God ward, and they likewise by paying tythe of their tithes to the priests, magnified them as their superiors, as Abraham by paying tythe to Melchizedek, acknowledged him to be greater, as is shown, Heb. 7. But in the Hebrew text, it is not the people sanctified the Levites, &c. but they sanctified to the Levites, and the Levites to the sons of Aaron, which was done by setting them apart as consecrated for their uses.




CHAP. XIII.

THe history of the acts of Nehemiah being hitherto set forth before his return to Artaxerxes, in the 12 year of his Principality granted him over Israel: now it is shown, how he found things in Jerusalem at another time of his coming thither, by a second leave obtained of the King, ver. 6. So that the first words here, In that time it was read in the Book of Moses, in the audience of the people, &c. are to be understood of the time, when Nehemiah came again from the King to Jerusalem. The scope of this Chapter then is to show, what abuses crept in amongst the Jews whilst he was gone. which put him to a new trouble at his coming again to reform them, thus Junius, but Lyra saith, that by the time in which the Law was read, is meant, that Nehem. 9. when as according to that which they found written, they separated themselves from tht Heathens. And then it is to be taken as a declaration more particularly made of that which was read at the same time against the Ammonites and Moabites in general amongst other Heathens with whom marriages were forbidden to be made. For there it is said, that they separated from all that were of another offspring, but here, that it was read in the Law in particular, that an Ammonite or Moabite should not come into the congregation, because they were not the children of Israel, &c. And this is thus commemorated for an introduction to the fault committed by Eliasib, by reason of a marriage made before by him with the family of Tobiah the Ammonite, as he is called Chap. 2. 10. and this was according to Pelican, by joining his son in marriage with the daughter of Tobiah, for hereby such friendship came to be between them two, that Eliasib being over the chambers of the house of the Lord, let him have a great chamber there, which was only to lay provision in for the Temple, for which he was greatly too blame. And this was the first abuse which crept in whilst Nehemiah was absent, whereat he was much moved when he came and saw it, as at a very grievous sin, and therefore he immediately cast out the utensils of Tobiah, purged the chamber, and brought in such things as were for the use of the Temple. Now the time when Nehemiah is said to have come again and done this, is said to be, at the end of days, certain years being past, Junius, at the end of his days or life, saith Lyra, when he now waxed old, he had a desire to go and reform things amiss at Jerusalem, and to die and lay his bones there, so likewise Funccius, the eight year after his return to Artaxerxes, which was also the last year of his reign. But Vatablus and Genebrad say, that by the end of days is meant, the end of a year, which seemeth not to have been so, because Nehemiah at his departure from Jerusalem to the King, left all things in good order, & now they were greatly out of order, yea, even so much, as one cannot think they could have been in so short a time, as will appear by that which here followeth. For it was no small, but a great chamber that Eliasib made in this time for him, for so the word signifieth, which is, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and not only he prepared, but now the stuff of Tobiah by Nehemiah's command being cast out, and the room purged, the vessels of the house of the Lord were laid in there.

Now besides this, there was another great sin committed, to the pejudice of God's worship, and to the breaking of the Covenant, to which whilst Nehemiah was amongst them, they had subscribed and sealed, Chap. 10. 39. For whereas they there bound themselves to give portions to the Levites, and never to suffer the service of the Lord's house to go down, they since gave none of those portions unto them, by reason whereof they were gone, each man to his place in the Country, and so God's service was neglected at the Temple. He therefore, secondly, gathered the Levites again together, and dealing sharply with the Princes of the people, caused the tithes to be brought into their storehouse, and set some to oversee and distribute them, praying that God would have in remembrance the good which he thus did, as he had prayed also before, Chap. 5. 19. Thirdly, finding that some were grown very profane, for he saw some treading wine-presses, and some carrying burdens of wares upon the Sabbath day, he contested against them, that is, challenged them as impious for thus doing, and provokers of God's wrath against that place, as appeareth, ver. 17, 18. He addeth also that they did not only bring, but sold, and so kept markets upon the Sabbaths, and there were certain Tyrians dwelling there, who kept these markets, and sold at those times unto the Jews those wares. Whereby it appears that it was taken for a work forbidden by the fourth Commandment, upon the Sabbath to buy and sell, for which [Note.] Markets and Fairs upon our Christian Sabbath, have been well put down in our Land. And to prevent the like doings for time to come, he caused the gates of Jerusalem to be kept shut all the Sabbath day, that none might come in upon that day anymore with their wares, threatening such with the stocks as came to the City notwithstanding. And he charged the Levites to cleanse themselves, and to look to the gates upon the Sabbath days.

Fourthly, Seeing Jews who had married Ammonitish and Moabitish women, by whom they had children, that spake Ashdodean and other Heathen Languages, he cursed and smote some of them, plucking off their hair, and adjuring them against such marriages, and showing the mischief that had formerly come hereby. All which abuses, and specially the last, argueth strongly that Nehemiah was absent much more then a year before he returned to Jerusalem, seeing strange wives were in that time married, and children were borne of such marriages, and grown up to be able to speak divers tongues.

Thus Nehemiah having told what he did to the people sinning by mixed marriages, verse. 28. he telleth, that there was a son of Iojadah the son of Eliasib the High-priest, who by such a marriage became son in law to Sanballat, the Horonite, him he therefore chaced away, as committing a more foul sin then the rest, seeing he was more straitly bound to keep the Law, being a teacher thereof, and of a most holy function, and by such an example others were corrupted. And not content to abdicate such a monster only, he prayed to God against such polluters of the Priestly office. Corruptio optimi est pessima, and therefore no marvel, though Ministers of the [Note.] Gospel being of scandalous lives, are nowadays most detested of all others. Ver. 30. Therefore I purged them from all strange women, that is, by causing them to be put away, and set the Priests and Levites in order, everyone in his Ministry, reforming the abuse spoken of Vers. 10.




ESTER

CHAP. I.

IN the days of Ahasuerus, who reigned from India to Ethiopia, over 127 Provinces. Which of the Persian Kings Ahasuerus was, is not agreed amongst Expositors, For some, as Lyra saith, hold that he was the eighth from Cyrus, the next unto Darius Nothus. But this he confuteth, by reckoning the years which passed before that time, viz. in Cyrus his reign 12, in Cambyses 8, Darius Histaspis 36, Xerxes 20, Artaxerxes 40, Darius secundus, two months, Sogdianus 7, Darius Nothus 19, being altogether 135 before which Mordecai was borne, viz. before the Babylonish captivity, which lasted 70 years, as he proveth by the 11 Chapter of Ester, being Apocryphal, and also Ester 2. 6. which is Canonical, where it is said, that he came into captivity with Jeconiah, and if so, then he must be much above 200 years old at the beginning of Ahasuerus his reign, and yet live and come to honor long after, which cannot be. Therefore some hold him to have been Artaxerxes, as Josephus, but neither will the time permit this, seeing too many years passed from the captivity hitherto, viz. 156. He therefore subscribeth to R. Solomon, who saith that he was the next King to Cyrus, but even thus also the years will not agree, because from the captivity to that time were 82 years, and some years must needs be yielded to have been on his back at the time of the captivity, and some after the beginning of this Kings reign, and so he could not be less when he was first promoted to honor by Ahasuerus then 90 years old, an age too great for such affairs, as were after this managed by him. Moreover, that Ahasuerus, otherwise called Cambyses, who reigned next after Cyrus, never had any love to the people of God, neither would he permit the Jews to proceed in building the Temple, whereas this Ahasuerus having a Jew to his Queen, and Mordec as his Uncle in so much honor, would not doubtless hinder them in a work which they so greatly desired to do. Funccius therefore holdeth that he was Darius Histaspis, as hath been already shown, upon Ezra 6. 14. But then we must not admit that Mordecai had a being in the time of the Babylonish captivity, according to Ester. 11. except it were in the loins of his father, as some say, whereunto also some light is given, Ezra 2. 2. In some others but only, that he was one of them that came out of it with Zerubbabel, according to Ezra 2. 2. As for his name differing, it was common for those Kings to be called by divers names, as appeareth in his predecessor Artaxerxes, who was also called Ahasuerus. And to place this King next after Cyrus but one, will better agree with Merdecai's age, fit to govern under the King, as he did, Chap. 10. 2. then if we take Artaxerxes, the next after Xerxes to be the King Ahasuerus here meant. For so accounting Mordecai but 20 at the time of his return out of captivity, he must needs be 94 at the least, when this King began to reign, although we reckon but 18 to Cyrus and Cambyses, for add these unto his age of 20 at his return, and thereunto the years of Darius his reign 36, and of Xerxes 20, and they altogether make 94. But allowing Darius Histaspis to be this Ahasuerus, his years will very well agree, he being by this account at that time, not much above 40. But however, Funccius be herein backed by Carian, Buntingus, Samerius, &c, and by a concurrence of the times, the circumstance of the feast, the largeness of his Dominion, &c. all agreeing to this Darius, yet some except against it, averring, Artaxerxes Longimanus to be the man. Because Herodotus who hath accurately written the story of this Darius, and enumerated all his wives being five, yet he writeth nothing of Vashts, or any wife put away, or of Hester or Haman in his time. 2 Because the names Artaxerxes and Ahashueresh, are promiscuously used to set forth one and the same man, but not of Darius. But because stronger objections lie against this opinion, as first, That some Provinces were fallen from the Persian Kings in the days of Xerxes, so that he could not be said to reign over 127 Provinces. Secondly, he was so much occupied in war, and so long with the Grecians and Egyptians, &c. that he had no leisure to attend to feasting so many days together by his third year. 3 As was said before, the age of Mordecai not agreeing, I hold rather to Funccius, affirming Darius Histaspis to be the man, although Herodotus omitteth this History in his time, for so he doth also in the time of Artaxerxes: and for Josephus, he in many places of his History erreth so much, as that his relation touching this is but of uncertain credit. And for the exception taken to the name, it is of no moment, seeing all those Kings had divers names, whereas some will have Darius Nothus and Ochus to be understood by Ahasuerus, because Ezra maketh no mention of Ester, touching whom he would not certainly have been silent, if this history of her had happened in his time: this is of too little moment to weigh against the time, much less agreeing then to Artaxerxes Longimanus, besides that no memorable thing was done by him for the Jews, as was by this Ahasuerus. Junius differing from both these, will have Xerxes to be the man, because that he in the second year of his reign, having brought Egypt to his obedience, might well now for joy thereof, make this great feast: and for Darius Histaspis he saith, that Herodotus reckoning up the Provinces that he reigned over, numbereth not so many. But seeing Xerxes had no more then Darius left him, this makes as well against him, as against his father.

And thus much for the decision of the question about this King, now to proceed to his royal feasting.

When Ahasuerus sat upon his throne in the Palace of Shushan, in the third year of his reign he made a feast to all his Princes, &c, That in the Metropolitan City of the Persian Kings, the vulgar Latin to express this hath it, Shushan was the beginning of his Kingdom, that is, saith Lyra, the chief City. And he is said now in his third year to have sitten upon his Throne, because he was now established therein, and he made this royal feast to win the more love amongst his Princes, by whose free election he had attained that Kingdom, as was shown before, and that his glory and wealth appearing herein, might make them all the more willingly to live in subjection to him, so royal and munificent a Prince. The time of this feast was wonderfully long, viz. 180 days and when the time of the feast was ended, he invited all the people of Shushan both great and small, to a feast of seven days, in the entrance of the Kings garden, in Hebrew it is, In the fulfilling of these days: For whereas it may seem, according to the common reading, When these days were fulfilled, that another time of 7 days feasting is hereby set forth, for the Citizens of Shushan, and so many Expositors gather: The words in the Original may well admit of another meaning, according to some, viz. that the feast time for the Princes yet continuing, upon the seven last days of those 180 the inhabitants of Shushan were invited, and because it was not fit for such a miscellany company of the common sort to be feasted in the Kings Palace, together with the Princes and greatest men of the Kingdom, they were entertained without, but in most costly Tents and pleasant places, that is, in the Kings garden, affording all manner of delights. And then the words may be expounded thus, when the time of this long continuing feast was now expiring, viz. in the last seven days thereof, he made a feast for all the inhabitants of the City, the Princes feast also continuing still. And that it must needs be thus understood, is shown, ver. 11, where the King is said to send for the Queen, to show her beauty to the Princes and people at the end of these seven days, wherefore the Princes coutinued still feasting with him when this was done. But of all Expositors, Lyra seemeth to me to err most about these times of feasting, in that he saith, that this feast was in preparing 180 days, but the feasting was not till after these days expired, at which time both Princes and people were feasted together seven days. Because there is a plain distinction made of the time and of the persons feasted, the first Princes, &c. 180 days, then of the Citizens seven days.

The place where this feast was kept, is said to have been hanged with tapestry, white, green, and red, supported by pillars of marble, by strings of silk, and ringles of ivory. There were also beds of gold and silver for the guests to sit and eat upon, after the old manner, and the pavement was of Smarage and Marble of divers colors. And they drank in cups of gold, no man being compelled, but everyone drinking what he pleased, and they had of the best wine. And it is said, the Kings Commandment was that none should be urged to drink more then he pleased, that is, saith Josephus, according to the custom of the Persians, who at other festival times compelled men to drink, but now the King forbad and provided that that custom might not be followed. And Lyra well declaimeth against it, as most uncivil and unseemly, and brought up first by Barbarians in [Note.] Normandy, who came and depopulated that Country.

And whilst the King was feasting with the men, the Queen feasted the women in the Kings Palace, and at the end of the seven days, the King being merry with wine, sent to have Queen Vashts brought unto him, &c. But she refusing to come by the advice of his seven Counselors, the chief Princes of Persia and Media, she was put away, and a decree made that every man should rule in his own house, and this was published in all Provinces in their own tongue. Here Lyra excuseth this Queen from contempt, holding that she did it out of modesty, which forbad the wives of Persian Princes to be seen of any other men but their own husbands, so likewise Josephus, who excepteth also those of their family, yet Memuchan took it for a comtempt, as it seemeth, and the King likewise, and therefore put her away.

Now whereas the seven Princes are described by this, that they saw the Kings face, it is commonly expounded, that they conversed familiarly with him, and were daily in his company. Of the seven Counselors of the Persian Kings, see also Ezra 7. 14. And thus a feast celebrated a long time with great pleasure, ended in bitterness, for which some condemn this Council as most unjust, both because the law and custom of the Persians, to preserve modesty in great women, was not regarded, and a greater punishment was inflicted, then this refusal was worthy of, especially seeing sometime the showing of a man's wife that hath been very beautiful, hath caused destruction to the husband, as to Candaules the Lydian. But although this was foolishly done, and unjustly in respect of men, yet God had doubtless an hand in it, both to turn the excessive pleasure in this long vainglorious feast into pain, and to cause it to bring forth such an unpleasing effect, and to make way thus for Esters preferment, and consequently for the preservation of his people Israel, as is hereafter declared.

For the mystical signification, Rabanus and others doubt not, but that under this History, the mystery of Christ and his Church is set forth, by Ahasuerus Christ's reigning far and wide, by Vashti the Jewish Synagogue, by Ester, the Church of the Gentiles, by Haman, the Devil, and by Mordecas, Paul and the other Apostles. More particularly, Ahasuerus making a great feast in his third year, setteth forth Christ in the third age of the world, making a spiritual feast by preaching the glad tidings of salvation to all the primitive believers, who as his Princes came thereunto, but towards the end of this feasting time, all, both great and small, inhabiting this royal City, that is, the Church, shall be feasted, when all enemies of the Church shall be destroyed. For unto a feast is the preaching of the Gospel compared, Mat. 22. and it should not seem strange that an Heathen King should be made a Type of Christ, seeing Cyrus also was one, and Solomon, that fell so foully, and Samson: For the Type lieth not in the evil which was in any of them, but in some rare and excellent thing in them, as in this King munificence excelled and bounty towards all. The best wine of which the guests drank, and the bowles of gold, wherein set forth the greatest refreshing which is to the soul by the Gospel, and the riches of faith wherein it cometh: The hangings so delightful and costly, and the beds and pavements so precious, the beauty of the Church through the whiteness of charity, the greenness of faith that never fadeth, and the red of the blood of Martyrs, and the firm foundation of the Church, and how the faithful sit here in heavenly places, as in beds of gold. Whereas no man was compelled to drink, this shown, that none are against their wills made Christians, but if thou wilt enter into life, saith Christ, goesen, &c. they only that would, sold their possessions, &c.

The Queen sent for but refusing to come, did set forth the Church of the Jews, which was therefore put away, as she by the advice of Memuchan, the last of the seven Counselors. For so the Jews were put away, as it were from being a people, when Paul, the last of the Apostles was made the mouth to pronounce, From henceforth we leave you, and go to the Gentiles, and being now no longer a people, they are no spouse to the great King Christ Jesus, as Hos. 2.

CHAP. II.

WHen the anger of the King was pacified, he called to mind Vashti, &c. That is, saith Josephus, being grieved when he thought upon her beauty, and the great love which he formerly bare unto her, and upon the slight occasion that he had taken to put her away, she haply refusing to come only in modesty, not out of contempt. For the decree he could not reverse, neither durst he for fear of the Princes that would not endure it so to be done, but would thereupon have been ready to rebel against him, to the endangering of his Crown, especially, he being not of the Royal blood. But when his servants about him perceived his trouble, and the perplexity of his mind about this thing, they to remove it devised to make a pleasing proposition to him of another most beautiful woman, in whom he might most delight, by him to be chosen out of all the fairest virgins in all his Dominions, whom he might make his Queen instead of Vashti. The King hearing this immediately agreed to it, and it was done accordingly. Now amongst others that were gathered together to the Kings Palace, Ester was one, being Mordecai his Uncles daughter, a very beautiful virgin, and under the government of Mordecai her kinsman, who after the death of her father and mother, adopted her for his daughter, whereas the vulgar Latin hath it, his brothers daughter, Sallianus and Serrar: themselves confess it to be an errout, supposing one word to be left out, viz. patris, seeing it should have been his fathers brothers daughter, as it is in the Greek. The family of which Mordecai came, was the same of which Saul came, viz. of Kish, of the tribe of Benjamin. But whereas it is said that he was carried captive by Nebuchadnezzar, when Jeconiah King of Judah was carried away to Babylon, this as was partly touched before, is to be understood in his fathers loins, because he must needs be then unborn, seeing the captivity lasted 70 years, and if he in person had been then carried captive, and had been but seven years old, he was by the third year of Darius Histaspis here called Ahasuerus, 98 years old at the least, and so 102 by that time Ester went into the King, for it was in the seventh year of his reign, verse. 16. which passed the age of man in those times.

Or it that Artaxerxes who is callled by Ezra Ahasuerus be the King here meant, he must be above 90, which is as unprobable. Here he is also said to have been of Shushan, but brought first into Babylon, whereupon Josephus saith, that he dwelt in Babylon, when Ester was taken for the King but then for the love of her he removed to Shushan. But here it is said, that he was then in Shushan. Wherefore it seemeth, that although he was brought in his fathers loins to Babylon yet his dwelling was now in this City. The Virgins gathered together, of whom Ester was one, are said to be many, and by Josephus 400, which is not improbable, the Provinces out of which, being 127, and they were under the hand of Hege, keeper of the women. In whose eyes, because she seemed good, and obtained grace with him; he speedily gave her her purifying and her parts, &c. The vulgar Latin hath it, and the King commanded the Eunuch to give her, &c. which Lyra, Pelican, &c, following, apply therefore not to Hege, but to the King, as if these words, She found grace in his sight, had been spoken of the King, whereas indeed she came not yet into his sight, but as it is said, verse. 15. all that saw her praised her, so here, Hege was taken with her favor and beauty at her first coming, and did for his part all that he could to show how well he conceived of her above all the rest, preferring her also to the chief place in the women's house to abide in, till she was prepared to go in to the King. The parts given her were, for diet, ornament, and purifying. Now the acceptation which she found beyond other Virgins with him, with all others that saw her, and finally with the King, was by a secret providence of God, ruling in all hearts, and making her more amiable, that she might being thus advanced become an happy instrument to deliver his people from the danger of destruction plotted against them by wicked Haman.

But she shown not her kindred, for Mordecai had charged her not to do it, because, saith Lyra, the Jews were captives and servant, and therefore if she had been known to be a Jew, it was likely that she should have been rejected. If it shall seem strange that she should be taken in without questioning about her kindred, it is to be supposed, that dwelling in Shushan she was thought to have been a Persian, as others commonly were who dwelt in that City, and therefore no question was hereabout moved, and the rather because her exceeding beauty was such, that none had a desire any way to hinder, but to further her advancement to the Kings society, and also working in this matter, so as that they could do no otherwise. And yet had her kindred been known, it was a royal race of which she came, for Mordecai and she were of the same family with King Saul.

For the manner of purifying the Virgins which were prepared for the King, it was six months with oil of myrrh, the virtue whereof, saith Lyra, was to mundifie the flesh, and six months with sweet spices, to make her flesh to smell sweet. And good reason, saith Pelican, that it should be thus done, and that she should be fed also with a finer diet, because in those Countries women's bodies, without means first used, were not haply so delicate, and some others of a meaner condition might have had to do with them before. This being done, it was long yet before Esters time came to go in to the King, for she went not till the tenth month, in the seventh year of his reign, which was the fourth year after the putting away of Vashti. It seemeth then that of these Virgins, some were brought into the women's house to Hege before others, who having been, many of them, with the King before her, yet the King took no such liking to any one, as to make her Queen as her, verse. 17. it is said, that he did to her. And this is said by Josephus, to have been done in the 12 month, that is, two months after the time of her firstcomming in unto him, but the Greek translation makes her coming in to him to be in the 12 month.

If it be demanded here, Was Ester so godly a woman brought in to the King as an whore? or how happened it, that she consented to such a marriage, seeing [Quest.] the Jews might not marry with heathen Idolators.

All the Virgins which came in to the King were his concubines, that is, wives [Answ.] of an inferior rank, which piety in a good woman did not abhor from in those times, when Kings commonly had both wives and concubines. And for her consenting to marry with an Heathen, 1 He was none of the Nations prohibited. 2 He was not merely Heathen, but was endued with some knowledge of the true God, whether he were Darius Histaspis, or Artaxerxes Longimanus, as their Histories in Ezra and Nehemiah do declare. 3 There was hope that she might be a means to further him in piety, and not be corrupted by him, seeing it may be noted indeed, that men have been corrupted by marrying idolatrous wives, but women never by such husbands, although it is true, that they are both alike forbidden, and Ester 14. she confessed that she delighted not in this worldly glory, and accompanying an uncircumcised man and a stranger, but was unto it necessitated. Therefore when she went in to the King, she asked nothing of Hege to set her forth the more, but took only what he would have her, showing that she took no pleasure herein, whereas other Virgins were very curious, to give him all the content that they could, and therefore would have all things that they could think upon to adorn them, yet she had more grace in the eyes of all that saw her, because she was of her self very beautiful and withal modest, and of the best composed behavior, and meek and silent, which are the greatest ornaments of a woman, the Lord working also in the Kings heart, that he could make none other his Queen but her.

When Ahasuerus took Ester to wife, and made her his Queen, he for the greater glory of this his marriage, and the gracing of Ester, made another royal feast to all his Princes and servants, and gave rest to all Provinces and gifts, &c. of what continuance this feast was, it is not here said, but Josephus reports it to be an whole month. The rest which he gave, saith Lyra, is expounded by some to have been from labor, by others, from paying Tribute for a year, or half a year, which is the more probable, because to cease long from work would have been no benefit, but rather an hindrance to the common people, that lived upon their labor. It seemeth to me, because it is added, And he gave gifts magnifically, that with these gifts he caused them in all his Provinces to make merry at this time, which that they might do, they kept an Otium, and rested for that time. Junius renders it, dedit immunitatem, the Septuagint remissionem, others, tribucorum cessationem, but the Hebrew word is rest, implying rest as at Festivals. The word rendered gifts, is in Hebrew a gift, expounded by Junius, of some great gift given unto Ester, after the Persian manner, by others of the revenues of some City given unto her as a dowry. But because the giving of nothing to her is expressed here, I rather hold with some others, that although it be a gift in the singular number, yet the word is not to be so restrained, but that under it, all the gifts which he bountifully gave to every Province are to be understood. Wherefore the meaning is, he gave a gift to each Province, according to the magnificence of a King, seeing to cause them to rest and keep Holy days for joy of this marriage had been nothing, unless his bounty had been also extended towards them to bear them out herein.

But whilst the Virgins were gathered the second time, and Mordecai sat at the Kings gate. Here Lyra, because he could not see why otherwise there should be a second gathering together of the Virgins, saith, that the King was offended with Estar, because that asking her of her kindred she would not declare it, in so much that he caused a gathering together of more fair Virgins to be made, pretending, for this contempt, to make another Queen, and therefore it is said, verse. 20. that Ester shown not her kindred, &c. But Junius renders it, â gynicaoregis ad sua se singulae reciperent, as if nothing else were meant, but their returning from the Court to their own homes: but for this purpose certainly it would not have been said, that they were gathered together the second time, but rather, when they were dismissed. Vatablus conceiving that as Virgins were gathered together for the Kings second marriage, so they had been for his first with Vashti, and therefore it is of this said, as done the second time, when that conspiracy against the King happened, which is related, verse. 21. But because Ester was at the time thereof Queen, and this second gathering together, when she was but yet in election, it cannot be so understood. But it is rather to be held, that the history of the conspiracy, verse. 21. doth nothing appertain to this time, when the Virgins were gathered together, neither is that congregating of them spoken of to intimate so much, but only the constancy of Ester in obeying Mordecai that had brought her up, not only at the first taking of her into the Court, but also the third year of her being there, till she came to be Queen and after, so that Mordecai as unknown in what relation he stood to the Queen, sat yet as an ordinary man at the Kings gate. Thus Sallianus both confuting Vatablus and confirming his own. But against this maketh, verse. 21. where it is said, in those days, plainly showing this to have been the time spoken of, whilst the Virgins being gathered together for this second marriage, and Ester amongst them, Mordecai sat at the Kings gate. It is therefore more probable, according to Vatablus that here is a description of the time when the conspiracy was made, yet it is not said that Virgins were congregated the second time, implying that it was so done once before, for that is uncertain, but when the King was to take a Queen unto him the second time, and so it is as if it had been said, when the Virgins were gathered, viz. the second time that the King would take him a wife, he had put away Vashti the first, and now again Mordecai his sitting there, and Ester not bewraying her kindred, is repeated to make way to this relation of a conspiracy that happened before the marriage, but was hitherto omitted, whereas it hath been objected, that Ester was Queen, and she went and told the King, when Mordecai had disclosed it to her, this makes nothing against it, because it may well be thus understood. Mordecai knowing of this conspiracy, when Ester was yet a Virgin, but upon the top of her marriage, told her of it so soon as she was accepted of by the King, and she forthwith told it to the King. For that of Lyra, because it is without ground, I pass it over.

In those days two of the Courtiers Bigthan and Theresh of the keepers of the Kings door were wroth, &c. The word here rendered by Junius, liminis, of the threshould, whereby we may understand the door may better, saith Lyra, be understood of the housholdstuffe, for the word signifieth both, and if they were keepers of the housholdstuffe, they might more easily come to kill the King, than if they were Porters. I follow the common reading, and if they kept his chamber door, who knoweth not, but that no suspicion being had of them, they might easily come at the King: and it is the more probable that they were Porters, because Mordecai sitting at the Kings gate, most probably, by the acquaintance which he attained to with them, came to the knowledge of their conspiracy. And it is not to be doubted but that they kept their bloody intention secret, communicating of it only between themselves. What was the cause of this their conspiracy is not said, but some think because he rejected Vashti, some, because Haman being a Macedonian moved them unto it, that the King being taken away, the Kingdom might be translated to the Macedonians: and some, that the preferment of Mordecai was by them envied. Of which three the second seemeth to be confirmed, because Chap. 12. 6. it is said, that Haman sought the destruction of Mordecai for his bewraying of these two conspirators. But neither was Haman a Macedonian, but an Amalekite, neither was this the cause of his spleen against Mordecai, but because he would not for reverence rise up unto him, so that the adjections to Ester thus plainly contradicting the authonticall History, plainly show the ignorance of him that made them. And for the last, Mordecai his preferment could not be the matter of provocation to these two, because it was not till after this, seeing he yet fate at the Kings gate, and the first beginning of his promotion was the recounting of his discovering this treason for which they were executed. There can then be no other reason imagined, but the putting away of Vashti, and the preparing for another marriage. At this therefore they haply took indignation, and would have killed him, but Mordecai beingfull of hope, that Ester should be Queen, that he together with her might come into favor at the Court, learning this treason out discovered it. For the means of his coming to the knowledge hereof, Jesephus saith, that one Pharnabazus a Jew, that served one of these men, perceiving it, certified Mordecai of it. But R. Solomon that they spake of it between themselves in the Tharsian tongue, not thinking that Mordecai, who sat by, understood them, yet he not being ignorant of that tongue perceived it, and told the Queen, and she the King, and so they were both, when it was found true, hanged, and this was entered into the Kings Annals by Mordecai his name. Howsoever Mordecai came to the knowledge of it, there was certainly a divine providence in it, that thus a foundation might be laid to his future preferment for the common good of the Jews, being then the Church and people of God. For the mystery of these things, many Virgins gathered together, and put under the hand of Hege, prefigured many Churches of the Gentiles under the hands of faithful Ministers, amongst whom one Ester, that is, hidden, or Edessa, that is, obtaining mercy, is chiefly beloved, to show that amongst the faithful, called together for Christ out of all Countries, there is a select company most gracious in his eyes, viz. which his Ministers are best pleased with, and therefore are most intent to give her, even without asking, all ornaments of instruction that may best set her forth to this King, and she is finally crowned, and great joy and feasting and rest is at this coronation in heaven amongst the holy Angels, and this is at the end of the world, when there shall be a perpetual Sabbath. And all this comes not from merit, but because she obtaineth mercy, for of grace we are saved. And to come in acceptably to Christ, prepared she must be with sweet ointment and spices to take away all offensive corruption, which is, when she is sanctified by the spirit, and that completely. The rest of them that are called together, when they have received the faith, go into another house, that is go astray by sin, so as that unless they be called home to Christ in particular by serious repentance, they never come into the Kings company anymore, and these are a great number to one that stands, for which it stands us in hand, if we would be the best beloved, to be most godly, for thus the soul becomes exceeding fair, and if we have wickedly erred, to endeavor by earnest prayer and repentance, that we may come in again. The conspirators against the King, set forth Heretics, who conspire to kill Christ in the hearts of the faithful, by corrupting the faith, but the vigilant Pastor set forth by Mordecai, finds it out, and so preventeth this mischief, the true faith being upheld, and they hang in hell for it, but Mordecai his fidelity is put upon record, when a book of remembrance is written, and his promotion shall follow after, when to him that had the Talents and used them well, it shall be said, well done good servant, thou hast been faithful in little, &c.

CHAP. III.

HEre is the History of Haman, of Agag posterity, who had been King of the Amalekites, the most deadly enemies of the Jews, and being for this destroyed without partiality by Saul, both young and old, males and females, there was now an inveterate hatred in such, as chanced to escape them, against all the Jewish Nation, which made Haman so readily to take occasion against them for Mordecai his sake, as here followeth. Whereas Chap. 15. Lyra saith, that Haman is called a Mecedonian, and troubleth himself about reconciling it, this labor may well be saved, seeing he is neither so called there, but Chap. 16. 10. and if he were, it is not the only error of those adjections bewraying the ignorance of him, that wrote them, as hath been partly touched before. Pelican assenteth not to this, that Haman was an Amalekite, although descended of Agag, because there might be a man of another Nation of the same name, but for so much as divers Nations have diversity of names, and seldom is a name peculiar to a man of one Nation, given to one of another, although in the same Nation oftentimes it is, and he guesseth not at any other Nation of which he he might be, and the Amalekites of all Nations hated the Jews most, I shall still hold according to the common opinion, that he was an Amalekite. Unless it may be thought according to some, that he was by the fathers side a Macedonian, by the mothers a Persian, being descended anciently of the Amalekites, and by place an Agagite: for Sulpitius saith, that he was a Persian, and of Agag he is said hereto come. But why did the King so highly exalt him above all others? Ans. Some imagine reasons, but truly no reasons can be given, but that which the King himself mentioneth, Chap. 13. 3. that he excelled all other men in wisdom and fidelity, so Joseph was advanced by Pharaoh, and Daniel by Darius, and Ieeho ah by Evilmerodah, although not for the same, but a divers reason, 2 King. 24. Whereas in this exalration it is said, that all the Kings servants bowed their knees unto him, and worshipped him, for so the King had commanded, but Mordecai alone refused so to do, for he said that he was a Jew. It may be demanded what this worship was, seeing that of bowing the knee hath been commonly used amongst the Jews to great and honorable persons, as of Jaacob to Esau, seven times together, of David to Saul, Nathan to David, and of the Egyptians and Josephs brethren to him. And Isaac in blessing Jaacob saith, Let thy mothers son bow unto thee. Ans. It was not civil but divine, for so the Persian Kings who would themselves be worshipped as God's, most probably would have the same honor given to him, whom they pleased to advance, as thear second, and this is the cause alleged by Mordecai himself of his refusal, Chap. 13. 12. and according to this those words of Mordecai, Verse 4. are to be construed, He told them that he was a Jew, that is, when he worshipped not Haman as they did, that they might herein rest satisfied, seeing it was commonly known that the Jews by their Laws might not worship any other, but the Lord their God, Deut. 6. 13. as it is rendered, Matth. 4. Pallican contrariwise holdeth, that he might have adored him, as men commonly did the King but because he thought this would be an humouring of him in his pride, he refused, God singularly stirring him up thus to ve that proud Prince, that he might not have his ambitious desire fulfilled, but he crossed in his proud way to hinder his joy therein, and to make it seem to him as nothing, and to make way to the magnifying of his power and his people, when upon occasion hereof their destruction was sought and they were so mightily delivered. And if it be thus taken then, it is no example always to be imitated by others, and that must not be true, Chap. 13. 12. neither must his telling them, that he was a Jew be taken, as having reference to God's Laws but only as preparatory to the History following of Haman's attempts against the Jews, when he knew this, and so no reason can well be rendered, why he told them of what Nation he was, I adhere threfore to the first. And if it be said, divine honor should also have been denied to the King, which how can it be conceived, that others as worthy men as Mordecai did not give, as Nehemiah, Ezra, and Zerubbabel, seeing they had accefle to the Kings of their times, and access none might have without such adoration? Ans. It is most probable, that those Kings being favorers of those Jews; dispensed with them, for their Religions sake, and so might Mordecai, and probably was afterwards dispensed with by the King when he was advanced by him. But seeing the knee is bowed to Kings and other great persons in doing them civil honor, what more was required to be done to Haman, if the adoration required to be done to him were divine? Ans. There was doubtless no more done unto him or to the King himself, but yet it is said to be divine and unlawful, because it was done in aknowledgment of some excellency super-human, yea, divine in them, as the pride of their hearts put them on to require. Lyra to the same effect having argued much about bowing the knees to men concludeth it to be lawful, and that the sin is only in the intention, when it is to honor man as a god. And for the like reason bowing the knee before an Image representatively, a god is unlawful and abominable, [Note.] because all worship done to that, which is set up merely in relation to God is divine and so unlawful and abominable: so that here is no place for civil worship, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , but only for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or divine. Some Hebrews say, that Haman's apparel had Images upon it, which they worshipped that worshipped him, and some that man may be bowed unto with one knee, but not with both, that being too much honor, and peculiar to God only. Some that he had an Image hanging about his neck, and some that Mordecai looked at him as an Amalekite against whom the Jews must always be, by God's express command, Exod. 17. and if so, then a Jew could not give honor to them.

Haman taking this refusal of Mordecai for a contempt of him, soon set his thoughts a work to plot the destruction of him and all the Jews. But that he might attempt this with the better success, he first caused Lots to be cast before him in the first month, the month Nisan, the 12 year of Ahasuerus his Reign, and thence forward from month to month unto the twelfth called Adar, that is, from March to February, so that he was plotting this mischief above ten months together, and to find out a good day, promising success to move the King about it, and to prevail herein, and it seemeth, that he found the 13 day of Adar out as the best for this bloody execution. A Lot in the Persian tongue is called Phur, in Hebrew Gorall. Pagninus derives it yet from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 an Hebrew word signifying to break or bruise, for which a Wine-press is so called, and consequently the vessel, wherein Lots were cast, and Metonym: the Lot itself. Wherefore the vulgar Latin hath it Lots, in Hebrew Phur, and superstitious men were much addicted hereunto, thinking thereby to be directed in choosing the best time for any enterprize, although by the example of Haman it appeareth to be plain. He most probably wrote the names of the twelve months of the year in several papers, and put them together in a vessel stirring them together, and then one blindfolded pulled one out, having before prayed to the gods, that the month which first came out, might be the month for this execution, and the month Adar, which was the last was drawn, and the same it seemeth, being done from month to month, that month still coming out, at the last, when that month came, he by the like means found out what day of the month he should send out to have it done, and lighted upon the 13 day thereof. And herein his discretion is backed by Expositors, in that he labored to find out a good day for his end, but never considered that the King might deny him his request. But I see no cause, why we may not take his lot casting to be for both, viz. to move the King with success and to destroy the Jews, seeing he both moved and prevailed, and sent out about the execution, doing all upon the same day. But it is worth the noting, that [Note.] when this cruel tyrant thirsted so much after the blood of the innocent Jews, he could not yet find a time according to his own way to shed it, till almost a year after, so did the divine providence moderate even in his lots, and Ester had been wife now to the King five years to confirm his love towards her the more, and Mordecai was so little ambitions, that he would not have her yet to discover her people, and his relation unto her, that he might have come to a better place then to sit at the Kings gate amongst the common sort.

Haman having by lot found out a fit day, immediately moved the King against the Jews, saying, that they were a people that had singular new rites by themselves, that is, circumcision, adoration towards Jerusalem, and divers washings, and abstinence from some meats as unclean, and that they contemned the Kings commands, as this of bowing to Haman, whereby it might be gathered how stubborn they would be if they should be tried in other things. And he saith, that they were dispersed in all parts of his Dominions, intimating that they might easily be destroyed by the people in every place where they lived, wherefore he besought him, that a decree might be sent out under his Signet, for the destroying of them, all their spoils being given to those that did the execution. And lest the damage which should hereby come to the King should make him averse from this motion, seeing a great tribute was hereby paid by the Jews, he offered to pay into the Kings treasury 10000 talents of silver in lieu thereof.

The King was no sooner desired, but without examining the truth of his allegations, he granted him liberty to do what he would to them, so wise and faithful did he count him to be, and that he might have authority to do so, he gave him his Signet, wherewith he immediately sealed letters written in to all parts in the Kings name, commanding this execution to be done upon men and women, young and old, upon the 13 day of the month Adar, that is, in the year following, because it required a long time before it could come to the knowledge of those that dwelt in remote parts, for Ephesus situated in the farthest parts of Asia, as Herodotus saith, was a journey of three months and seven days, and India as far from thence, and Egypt likewise all under the Persian King at this time, so that a years liberty was taken to send, and for the Jews enemies to prepare for their destruction, that they might be strong enough, and sufficiently armed against them, and the day of the month held now to be a fatal day for them kept for this enterprize without varying from it, lest if it should have been attempted upon any other day, it should not have succeeded. Thus it seemeth that when Haman sought out a fit day by lot, he intended it both to move the King, and to send out order for the execution and to have the said execution done. And thus a great doubt, which I see most Expositors to pass over in silence, may be resolved, viz. how the destruction of the Jews could be the same day in all parts that letters were wrote about it, and after this three days could be spent in fasting before it, and letters written two months after, viz. in the third month, time enough to prevent it, as they were, Chap. 8. 9. for betwixt the 13 day of the month Adar, in the 12 year of Ahasuerus, to the 13 of Adar in his 13 year, there was time enough for all these things.

Things being thus ordered, the King and Hamon were merry and feasted, but the poor Jews in Shushan were full of perplexity, for there the Kings decree was first hanged up publicly that all might see it.

By Haman thus exalted signifying iniquity we may understand mystically Nero, the first persecuting Roman Emperor, and such persecutors as succeeded him, who being most highly advanced, would have divine honor done unto them and to their Idols, but Mordecai, that to the Christian refusing to do it in Rome, by and by persecution was stirred up against all Christian people in all places, which made them full of sorrow, although when they came to suffering for the truth, they were joyful and patient, or if we understand the Pope by Haman it will better agree, for the Emperor advanced him as this great King did Haman, and he must by all be acknowledged Christ's Vicar general and adored. But the reformers refusing so to do are destined to destruction, the Emperor being stirred up against them, first in Babylon, then in Germany, yet God preserved them, many of their enemies being destroyed by their hands.

CHAP. IV.

MOrdecai seeing what was done, rent his garments for sorrow, after the manner of those times, and put on sackcloth for more humiliation, and cried out against the injustice of this edict before the Court gate, but in he might not enter, nor any man in so base an habit. Pelican saith, least the King seeing and hearing him might be moved with compassion to poor men in such distress. The news of this was soon brought to Queen Ester by her maids and Eunuchs, for she was kept in a closer place then they, not having the liberty of going abroad, as others had, because the Persians that were of highest quality, used so to keep in their wives, and if they went forth at any time, they were carried in a close chariot, so as that none could see them. When she heard it, she sent to Mordecai to take away his sackcloth, and to put better apparel upon him, that he might come into the Court again, and he refusing to take it, she sent Atach her servant to him, to know the cause of his thus doing. And when he had declared it, he sent him back again unto her with a copy of the decree, and to require her to make intercession to the King for her people. She sent a reply that this she could not do, till she were called unto him, which she had not been now in 30 days, for otherwise to enter in to him was death, unless he reached out his golden Scepter in token that he would have one to come in. Which provision was made for reverence to the King and his greatness, and the more to secure his person from treacherous attempts. Lyra thinketh that it was now only so provided least any showing the King of the pitiful plaints of the Jews, he should reverse the decree, and so he takes it as a policy of Haman. And for the Queens being so long from him, it is to be conceived, that he had many more wives and concubines, with whom he would company also at times, for his greater pleasure in variety of women.

Mordecai not resting in this reply, sent to her again, not to frame any excuse, but to do it, if not, he puts her in mind, that God had other ways to save his people, but she with all her fathers house, must look by his just judgment to perish, if she would not adventure her self in this case of so great necessity to speak for them, being the elect people of God, to whom so many gracious promises were made. He seemeth also for this her reply, to charge her with a neglect of all her brethren the Jews, as if she cared not though they all were destroyed, so that she might escape, in these words, Think not that thou only shalt be preserved in the Kings house. Wherefore now he would not have her to conceal her kindred any longer, but to disclose of what stock she came, that for her sake all the Jews might fare the better.

The Queen hearing this, to show how dear her people the Jews were unto her, sent to Mordecai again to gather the Jews together, to fast and pray three days together night and day, promising that she and her maids would do likewise, and after this, she would go in to the King, though with the danger of her life. In extremity of danger, the holy woman steeth to fasting and prayer, before she would adventure her self, teaching us when we are to go about any weighty work of life and death, to prepare unto it likewise. And it is to be noted, that she is the author of this counsel to Mordecai, who was as her father, when as he [Note.] ought rather to have first advised to this course. But sometime the woman directs the man, as also Saraah did Abraham, and he obeyed her voice, and so did Mordecai Ester, as God pleaseth to employ either to put on the other to do for the best. Here Lyra, although it be expressly said, eat nothing, neither drink in three days, saith, that they did not certainly refrain from all food so long a time, for in this there had been no discretion, but so little once in a day, as was counted nothing towards a good meal, as Ethic. l. 2. And because, Chap. 5. 1. Ester is said upon the third day to have gone in unto the King, some think that three days are to be understood synech-dochically, for two, and part of the third. How Ester in this time prayed, and how Mordecai, see in the adjections to Ester, Chap. 13, 14. which are in the Septuagint Xisti, inserted into Chap. 4. Junius renders it, The third day being complete or ended, but in Hebrew it is upon the third day.

Mystically, Mordecai his mourning, setteth forth the sorrow of faithful Pastors for the flock, in the times of persecution, when both they and the people pray earnestly one for another, as Mordecai and Ester did, and Paul for the Ephesians, and willed them to pray for him. And Mordecai crieth at the Court gate, when the Pastor prayeth earnestly in God's house, whereas Lyra would have Ester to represent the Church triumphant, and gathereth by Mordecai his seeking to her to petition the King, that we should seek to the Saints in heaven, and pray that in their praying for us they may prevail, it is altogether from the scope of this place, unless we will strain Histories to Allegories contrary to Scripture, seeing Isaiah rejects praying to any departed, and restrains it to God alone.

CHAP. V.

QUeen Ester being prepared by fasting and prayer, now adorneth her self royally, to put the more grace upon her, and to incline the Kings affection unto her, and so goeth into the inner Court, next to the place where the Kings Throne was right against the door, so that he might see such as came in, and if he pleased call any unto him, otherwise not one might presume to enter upon pain of death, and he used to call by holding out his golden Scepter towards the party called. To Ester therefore, so soon as he saw her, he held out this Scepter, and she drew near and kissed it for reverence to the King, so that Esters devotion was not without effect: for God being hereby inclined to pity his people ready to perish, inclined the Kings heart towards her so soon as he saw her, which is expressly said, Chap. 15. The Queen in her royal apparel went with two maids through all the doors of the inner Court, leaning upon the one, and her train being born up by the other, but then seeing the King in his glory, looking with a terrible countenance she fainted, and her color changed, this the King seeing, God suddenly changed his mind to mildness, and descending from the Throne, embraced her and kissed her, &c. thus also Josephus, but the Hebrew Text saith no more, but that he reached out his golden Scepter to her, and spake to her comfortably, asking what her Petition was, and promised to grant it to the half of his Kingdom. She then desired that he and Haman would come to a Banket which she had prepared that day. And herein she did wisely, because she knew that the King delighted in feasting and banquets, and therefore she hoped by this means so to win him, that her request should be granted the more easily when he should be merry with wine. Moreover, Haman was not then present, and so it was no fit time to open her request and others haply were present, who she was unwilling should hear it. But the Eunuchs were by and by sent to hasten Haman to this feast, and so both the King and he came. But whether it were to a dinner or a supper some question, they that are for a dinner urge the time that was after it the same day, for Haman to go home and to consult with his friends about Mordecas, and to provide a gallows for him the same day: Josephus saith, it was to a supper, but it is more probable that it was neither, but a banket in the afternoon, as the manner is at this day, and after it Haman might well do all those things. The King being merry with wine asketh her; what her Petition was, making a large promise as before. She again being by this second offer further confirmed, yet wisely deferreth to open it, till the next day partly, that Haman's fall might be the greater, from such singular favors wherein he seemed to be both with the King and Queen, as none other Prince was, to the extraordinary rejoicing of his heart, to be put to such an ignominious death, to the terror of all such enemies of the Jews as he was. And it is not to be doubted, but that a singular providence of God wrought herein, that the exaltation of Mordecai might intervene, as here followeth: for this could not but be taken by the Queen as bonum omen in respect of the Jews cause which she had in hand, seeing he was a Jew, and the most of all others spighted by Haman, and dearest to her, so that she might the next day with more assurance proceed to her Petition.

Haman by this second invitement, was cast into a fools paradise, for he went home most joyfully and told his wife and his friends of his surpassing glory, so as that the other Princes of the Empire might well envy him, but not one of them come near him. But the more proud he grew upon this, the more irrespective was Mordecai of him, for now he would not only not bow the knee, but not rise up unto him from the place where he sat, because he knew that he machinated the destruction both of him and his people. At this Haman was so vexed, that he had not so much joy of all his honor, as grief and disquiet in his mind therefore, so that all seemed nothing to him. Such is the misery of men in worldly [Note.] honor, which showeth that it is not worthy the desiring, for such bitterness is often mixed with it, by means even of the poorest and most abject, that there is no true pleasure in it, and it is also most uncertain, and soon turned into the greatest dishonor, as is proved by this present example.

His wife and other friends being made privy to this his grief, advised him to cause presently a gallows to be made 50 cubits high, that Mordecai might the next day be hanged upon it, and this was prepared accordingly. So Haman was let go on in his malice, till it came to the highest, and Mordecai let come even to the pits brink, so that there was but one might betwixt him and a shameful death, and then opportunely God struck in by his providence and saved him, [Note.] and confounded the other, as the six and seventh Chapters showeth: and thus let every godly person comfort himself against the practices of the malicious, when yet he seeth not how he may possibly escape, for God seeth, and let the proud and malicious fear, that when all things succeed according to their hearts desire, for the effecting of their malicious ends, the mischief which they plot against others, shall fall upon their own pates suddenly.

The gallows was made so high, saith Lyra to put Mordecai to the more shame, when he should be hanged upon it to be seen by the more all about.

Mystically, the Queens inviting the King to a banket, prefigured the Churches communicating with the King of Kings in the Lord's Supper, unto which Haman also coming prefigured Julian the Apostate, who was at the first a Christian, but he had a false heart towards Christians who are the people of God, and persecuted them all, in particular, his spleen was most against Basilius a Bishop, that would not obey his sacrilegious commands, in so much as that he threatened at his return from fighting against the Persians to destroy his City and people, but God by cutting him off first prevented it.

CHAP. VI.

IN the night before the second feasting day in the morning, whereof Mordecai should have been hanged, God would not give Ahasuerus any sleep. Wherefore as a means to bring him into a sleep he would have the Annals read unto him, wherein the notable things happening in every Kings reign were set down, and it was read to that which was recorded touching Mordecai, Chap. 2. 23. and this specially, as tending to the comfort of his faithful servant, God would have read and marked by the King at this time, not suffering any sleep to come upon him till the morning. And having asked and heard, that nothing had been done to Mordecai in way of recompense for that his good service, he studied a while with himself, what he should do for him. Then Haman coming into the inner Court, the King calls for him, and after some consultation about the honor to be done to him, whom the King would honor, he straitly charged him to do it to Mordecai. And he having done it, with an heavy heart went home, sorrowing and ashamed, which is shown in saying, with his head covered. And then both his Counselors and wife and all could read his destiny, that if Mordecai, before whom he had begun to fall, were a Jew, he should by his means be brought to utter ruin.

Touching Mordecai not hitherto rewarded, Lyra saith, that he was upon that occasion brought into the Court to wait for a reward, but it being now six years since, he had none. But this is contrary to the Text, Chap. 2. where it is said, that he sat at the Kings gate, before that he discovered the treason against the King, wherefore it is not to be thought that he waited there that he might be rewarded, but to be near unto the Queen, that he might hear of her, and she of him, and have directions from him from time to time, what to do for the best, and that his exaltation came unexpectedly.

The time of the night wearing away, and the day coming on, whilst it was read unto him, and he talked with those about him touching Mordecai, Haman cometh to the Court early, but to no good for himself, according to the proverb, Early up and never the nearer. At that instant, saith Josephus, the King asked his servants attending about him, what time of day it was, and they telling him that it was day light, he bad one see, which of his Counselors was come, for he thought long to advise with him about the rewarding of Mordecai: for as the same Author also saith, in reading some notable acts done by some others, had been recited before, and how each one was rewarded, but touching Mordecai, nothing was recorded to have been done for him, which made the King to ask about it, And in that the Courtiers about him answered nothing, but plainly, he had no reward, whereby the King might bethink himself of some way of remuneration. It may well be noted, as a singular providence of God, seeing Courtiers commonly envy the preferment of one another, as thinking it prejudicial [Note.]