Commentary on the Old Testament Volume 2-4
The second year of Pekah the son of Remaliah, began Jotham to reign over Judah, &c.] The history of Jotham being intermitted from v. 7. hitherto (that the kings of Israel, who began to reign before him, might be shown together, Zechariah, Shallum, Menahem, Pekahiah, and Pekah) is now again prosecuted, his age, his mothers name, and the time of his reign being shown. Whereas he is said to have begun the second year of Pekah, who reigned twenty years, and yet Hoshea that succeeded Pekah, began twenty years after the beginning of Jotham's reign, it is to be understood, that the second year of Pekah was but new begun, and so Pekah being dead, nineteen years had passed from the beginning of Jotham's reign, and in the beginning of the next, which was the twenty, Hoshea began. Jotham is said to have done that which was right in the sight of the Lord, as Uzziah his father.
2 Chron. 27. 2. it is added, that he went not into the temple, as his father had done, but the people corrupted themselves. Josephus praiseth him for a right godly and excellent prince, neither doth the Scripture speak otherwise but very well of him, and of his deeds for the good of the church and kingdom, and of God's blessing him therefore. Which maketh against the people, in that having so godly a king, and some famous prophets, who were of that time, as Isaiah, Hosea, and Michah, yet they were corrupt. 2 King. 15. 35. No more is said, but as in the time of Uzziah, Amaziah, and Joash, the people sacrificed still in the high places. This therefore, how ever tolerated hitherto, is thus censured as a corruption in the service of God, whereby he was much offended, seeing all sacrifices were now to be offered in the temple only, which Solomon built, of which I have spoken often before, see upon 1 King. 15. 9, 10. And therefore the Lord to show his dislike, raised up adversaries against Israel, Rezin king of Syria, and Pekah v. 37. most probably towards the latter end of the reign of Jotham, so as that he lived not to see their coming, but was before in mercy taken away, and in the days of his wicked son Ahaz they came, making preparation only in Jotham's time, ch. 16. 5. But because Isaiah prophesying in Jotham's time, speaketh against Judah, as hearing but not understanding Esa. 6. 9. it seemeth, as Jerome also thinketh, that by these words, they corrupted themselves, is not only meant by offering in high places, but also falling to idolatry, whereunto they saw Ahaz the young prince then inclining. The piety of Jotham is further set forth v. 35. he built the upper gate of the house of the Lord. Whatsoever his subjects did (because it seemeth that they could not yet be restrained) in sacrificing upon high places, he applieth himself to beautify yet more the house of the Lord. The Septuagint, for upper gate, have the high gate, portam excelsam, and so it is in the Chronicles. This, Vatablus saith, was the East gate; Rabanus, the gate called beautiful, Act. 3. which Lyra well confuteth, because the temple standing then was burnt down long before. But about this we need not contend, it was most probably, the highest and most magnificent gate of the temple, whereby it was most adorned outwardly, but now, it being above 200 years since Solomon built it, and in decay, Jotham out of his piety rebuilt it, for the honor of God, and that the people might be the rather drawn from high places, to the temple. 2 Chron. 27. 3. and in the wall of the hill he built very much; That is, saith Junius, behind the temple Westward, where the ground was highest, between the brook of Gihon and the fish-gate. The vulgar Latin renders it, in the wall of Ophel, the Hebrew word being retained, which signifieth, high, or defensed, or a tower, he built the walls of an high tower, for the defense of the city. v. 4. He built also cities in the mountainous places of Judah, and in the plains, palaces and towers. In the vulgar Latin, castles and towers, which were also for the defense of other parts of the kingdom.
He also fought against the king of the Ammonites and prevailed, so that they gave unto him 100 talents of silver, &c.] Thus likewise Uzziah his father did before, ch. 26. 8. and the Ammonites gave him gifts, that is, as being subjected by him, they paid tribute: but now refusing so to do anymore, Jotham by war compelleth them again unto it. And his power to do all these things, is ascribed to his piety towards God, v. 6. and this is the only way for any king to prosper, as many examples more, both in the holy scriptures and other histories do show.
Concluding the history of Jotham, he saith, the rest of his acts, &c.] and in those days the Lord began to send Rezin the king of Syria, &c.] That is, at the latter end of his reign, they began to prepare to come, and in the time of Ahaz his son, they came, as appeareth chap. 16. 5. as hath been already shown, as also the cause, the sins of the people; notwithstanding the good King and Prophets, which they had most famous amongst them.
CHAP. XVI.
AHaz the son of Jotham now succeedeth him being dead, Anno 17. of Pekah, and followed not David but the wicked kings of Israel, making his son to go through the fire, after the abominable manner of the heathen. He began his reign at 20 and reigned 16 years, 2 Chron 28. 2, 3. He made images to Baal, and burnt incense in the valley of the son of Hinnom, and burnt his sons with fire.] Of this way of worshipping idols, see before, upon Levite. 18. 21. and the manner of it. Wolfius from the time that he reigned, which was as long as his father had done before, noteth a proportion of time held in punishing the wickedness of Judah [Note.] answerable to that, wherein they had such means of grace, and enjoyed prosperity; for 2 Chron. 28. all his time was full of oppressions, and miseries. And likewise we that have so long prospered may justly fear intolerable and long protracted miseries to come upon us for our sins, unless by speedy repentance we prevent them.
Then Rezin King of Syria, and Pekah king of Israel came against Jerusalem, and besieged Ahaz▪ but could not prevail] 2 Chron. 28. 5. it is said, wherefore the Lord delivered him into the hands of the king of Syria, who smote him and carried away captive a great multitude to Damascus, and also into the hands of the king of Israel, who slew 120000 in one day, &c. Betwixt these there seemeth to be a manifest contradiction, so if they prevailed not, how was Ahaz delivered into the Syrians hands, &c Josephus saith, that coming first together against Jerusalem, they could not prevail for the great strength of that city, but then the king of Syria turning himself to Ellatha, which was a city taken away from the Syrians before by Azariah, 2 Kings 14. 22. he took it, and having slain, he should have said, rooted out the Jews who dwelt there, v. 5. he placed Syrians in their steed, thus returning into his own country, and for Ellatha, he hath Aila by the red sea. Then the king of Judah understanding that the Syrians were departed because he thought himself of strength sufficient to deal with the King of Israel, went out to fight with him with a great army, but doing it in contempt of God, whom he had forsaken, the king of Israel prevailed against him and slew of his men 120000. and carried away captive an incredible multitude, the Chronicles saith, 200000 women and children. And if things were done in this order, both these histories agree very well together, the Chronicles only supplying that, which was wanting in the Kings. Jerome, and after him Procopius, and Theodoret say, that one war made by the Syrians and Israelites severally is set forth in the Chronicles, and another after this, their forces being joined together, set forth in Kings, and this agreeth with the Hebrew, Chron. c. 22. and is followed by Dionysius and others. And this is most consonant with the sacred history, which saith, that Rezin the king of Syria smote him, whereas if nothing be meant, but that he smote the Jews in Ellathah, it were not so properly spoken, seeing he smote not him there, but some of his subjects; he being in the mean while in Jerusalem with his army cut of his danger. Moreover when Rezin and Pekah king of Israel besieged Jerusalem, it is said that Ahaz sent for help into Assyria against them, and that the king of Assyria came and took Damascus, the chief city of Rezin and slew him, wherefore he had no time then by the way as he returned from Jerusalem to fight against another city, and to take it, and to remove the old inhabitants, and to bring in new, but rather hearing of the coming of the king of Assyria against his country, he hastened thither to defend it. And see the taking of Ellatha and restoring it to his dominions could not be at that time, but at some other before it, although it be mentioned after the siege and fighting against Jerusalem, v. 6. and said to have been done at that time, for these words [at that time] may be expounded generally of the time when Rezin had power over the king of Judah for his sins, which was from the very beginning of his reign, and and so Chron. Hebr. saith, Anno 17. of Pekah, this was done.
If it shall seem strange that the king of Israel should join with heathens against Judah, it may be conceived that Ahaz kept correspondency with the king of Assyria, who was the great enemy of Israel, and therefore the king of Israel was easily brought to join with the king of Syria against him, to take him away, and to set another king in his room, who if the king of Assyria should come again, might be an help unto them, and not ready to join with him their common enemy, as Ahaz was, which is expressed Esa. 7. 6. where this coming against Jerusalem by these two kings, is more fully set forth, saying; Let us join Judah to us, and set over it for king the son of Tabeal. For the Syrians, if it shall seem strange, that they who were always so great enemies to Israel, agree now to make one army together with them, it is to be understood, that in the days of Joash and of Jeroboam they were so beaten, that they were glad to live quietly by the Israelites, and from cessation of arms, it is no marvel that they grew into such amity, as that they were now as one people confederate together, especially being also idolaters alike. Whereas Israel being idolatrous, as Judah, yet prevaileth against Judah, this is nothing strange, if we consider Joash before prevailing against Amaziah, and the kings of Assyria against them both. For God useth oftentimes some most wicked, as his rods against others to correct them, and then casteth these rods also into the fire, as he did the Assyrian kings, when by them he had scourged Israel.
Now forsomuch as it appeareth by that which hath been said, that the history touching God's delivering of Ahaz into the hands of Rezin, and then of Pekah king of Israel, set forth 2 Chron. 28. went before that of their jointly coming together against Jerusalem, I will proceed in the explication of this first, and then return again to 2 King. 16. The king of Syria first coming against Ahaz, is said to have smitten him, and to have carried away captive a great multitude, that is, to have gotten the victory, and to have taken many prisoners, which yielded to his mercy▪ for he is smitten by the enemy, and into his hands he is delivered, whose forces are subdued. And this most probably was done about Ellathah, for which Rezin contended at this time, and so these captives were the inhabitant, of Ellathah, who are said to have been carried away, and others from Syria brought to dwell in their place, 2 King. 16. 6. Then the king of Israel came also and prevailed against him, and smote him with a great stroke. This being shown in general, v. 6. the number of his forces slain by the king of Israel, is particularly declared, viz. 120000 in one day, and then the number by him carried away captive, v. 8. and before that what men of note were smitten. v. 7. Zichri, a mighty man of Ephraim smote Maaseiah the Kings son. For whom Jerome, qu. Hebr. hath the son of Molech, that is, one, as he thinketh, so called, because he was most earnestly addicted to the worship of Molech, the idol whom Ahaz served. He smote also Hazricham governor of the kings house, and Elkana the second to the king, and all this God did against him and his people, because they had forsaken the Lord, as is expressed v. 6. Whatsoever was the quarrel that their enemies had against them, God in whose power it is only to give victory, made them victorious for this cause, and the Israelites to sustain so great slaughters, of the like to which in the reign of Amaziah, see also chap. 25. Whilest the Israelites were carrying away captive that great multitude of women and children, which they had taken, Oded a prophet of the Lord came before them, as they were entering into Samaria, &c. v. 9. the vulgar Latin hath it, Obed, &c. Lyra saith, that he dwelt not in Samaria, but came out of Judah, so likewise Jerome according to the Hebrew traditions saying, that Oded came to Samaria, for he was of Judah, as being that Oded who was father to Azariah, that prophesied to Asa, 2 Chron. 15. 1. But how far from truth the Hebrew traditions are herein appeareth, because from Asa till this time, passed 200 years, and Oded was then father to a son that prophesied. To leave this Oded then, as unknown anymore, then by his name, let us see what he saith. Behold, the Lord being angry with Judah, hath delivered them into your hands, and ye have heinously slain them, so that your cruelty reacheth up to heaven. Moreover, ye mean to make them servants and handmaids unto you, which is not needful to be done, for ye have sinned in this matter against the Lord your God. So the vulgar Latin. But Junius more according to the Hebrew, are there not amongst you, amongst you I say, only sins against the Lord your God? Hebr. verbatim, annon vobis solum, vobiscum peccata, &c. that is, have not ye sins enough of your own, only against God, to pull down his judgments upon you, that you will by more cruelty thus against your brethren of Judah, increase the number of them? He would not have them to think, because God had now given them the victory for the sins of Judah, that they were better accepted of before him, for even they had sinned as grievously also, and therefore ought not thus to insult over their distressed brethren, lest that hereby God should be provoked against them also, but restore again their captives.
At this saying, there were certain men of Ephraim of the chief, that were so moved, as that they stood against the army, and forbade them to bring in the captives, which did hereupon forbear, and then they having fed and clothed the naked, &c. carried the feeble amongst them upon their own beasts unto Jericho, and delivered them to their brethren; so mightily did the word of God in the mouth of the Prophet work upon them, although he used not the Lord's name unto them, as Jerome noteth, because he thought them for their idolatries unworthy.
At that time Ahaz sent to the Kings of Assyria desiring aid. Moreover the Edomites came, and the Philistines, &c. This of sending for help to Assyria, is more fully set forth, 2 King. 16. 5. 7. When Rezin king of Syria, and Pekah king of Israel came against Jerusalem and besieged it, Ahaz sent to Tiglath-pileser king of Assyria, to help him against them. Then he took the silver and gold in the Lord's house, and in the Kings treasury, and sent a present unto him, who thereupon came against Damascus the chief city of Syria, and took it, and slew the king, who doubtless hearing of his coming, hastened from the siege of Jerusalem to defend his own country. This is more amply set forth Esa. 7. where it is shown, what fear came upon Ahaz and the men of Judah, when they heard of the coming of these two kings against them, and that the prophet was sent unto Ahaz, to tell him, that they should be able to do nothing against Jerusalem, and therefore he biddeth him not to fear them. And then he giveth a sign of a Virgins conceiving and bearing a son, extending his prophesy to a far greater comfort to come afterwards by the birth of Christ. And to comfort and confirm the men of Judah the more for the present, he foretelleth of the destruction of both these kings in a short time, viz. before a child now born, should have knowledge to refuse the evil and to choose the good, as indeed it fell out, because Rezin was slain forthwith, and Pekah in the twenty year of his reign by Hoshea, who usurped the kingdom, and at this time he was upon his 18. year at the least. And chap. 8. 4. that as those two kings had come before severally, and carried away rich spoils out of Judah, so from Damascus in Syria and Samaria in the land of Israel, should the like spoils be carried by the king of Assyria, before the child then born should be able to say (my father.) How the judgment against Rezin was executed, is shown here v. 9. but against Israel how, it is not said, but because Isaiah speaketh hereof also, it is certain, that it was fulfilled, and Josephus saith expressly, that Tiglath-pilesar carried away a great multitude of captives out of the land of Israel, having wasted first the country, and Chron. Hebr. that then the golden calf in Dan was carried away by the Assyrian.
For the beginning of this war made by the two Kings against Jerusalem, it is likely, that having severally invaded the land of Judah the year before, and prevailed, they thought, that if with their forces united they should march thither again, they might take the chief city it self, Jerusalem. Wherefore they attempt it, but in vain, although Ahaz for his idolatry deserved to be given into their hands. For if they could have prevailed, as is shown, Esa. 7. they would have quite taken away Ahaz and his seed, and have set up for King the son of Tabeal, that is, some great man of Syria, which God would not suffer for his promise sake unto David, that he would always leave unto him a light in Israel. Therefore to prevent this, Isaiah with his son Sheuriashub is sent to Ahaz, as was before said. But the wicked King not believing him, trusted rather to an arm of flesh and sent to the King of Assyria, hiring him with great treasure to come and help him. Then he being allured by so great a gift, hastened with his army against Damascus, as hath been already shown, thus causing the Assyrian forces to leave the siege of Jerusalem, and to return to their own; and it is most probable, that the King of Israel did also the like, whereby Ahaz being freed from their danger went to Tiglathpilesar to Damascus to congratulate his victory, and there seeing a great and glorious altar, upon which those heathens sacrificed to their idols, he sent the pattern of it to Jerusalem, commanding Uriah the priest to make the like against his return, &c. But before we come to this, a doubt is to be resolved: for whereas it is here said, that Tiglathpilesar came against Damascus and slew Rezin the King, and depopulated the country of Pekah, and carried away many captives, as hath been already shown, this being by Hebr. Chron. the second captivity of the Israelites, which was a great help to Ahaz King of Judah, 2 Chron. 28. 20. it is said, that Tiglathpilesar coming to Ahaz streightened him, and confirmed him not, and v. 21. although he gave great treasures to him out of the Lord's house, &c. yet he helped him not. Sol. When he had at his request gone against the two kings his enemies, whereby, they were compelled to withdraw their forces from Jerusalem, he did him more hurt after this, then he had done him good herein, by coming into and pillaging his country and putting him in fear of his own life also, which is intimated, 2 King. 16. 18. where it is said, that Ahaz removed the covering of the Sabbath, &c. from the house of the Lord for fear of the king of Assyria, so that this king was then in Jerusalem, and made great havoc there amongst Ahaz his people, and he was in continual fear of his breaking into his palace, so Junius. But it is not said he did these things Hebr. for fear, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 before the face of the king of Assyria, which by Lyra is expounded, to please him by showing, that he had left worshipping of the Lord, the way into whose house he had stopped up, as it lay from the kings palace. But if it were so, his seeking thus to please him came from fear, and because he saw himself to be now in his power and yielded to do anything, that his kingdom might not be destroyed, but he might agree to depart: For that the Assyrian king at this time subdued him and made him his tributary appeareth, 2 King. 18. 7. where it is said, that Hezekiah, his son rebelled against the king of Assyria and would not serve him, which agreeth not, but to a kingdom under tribute and to this was Judah never brought, till that Ahaz, as he had spoken of himself, 2 King. 16. 7. I am thy servant and thy son, was indeed brought under by the same king of Assyria. And to express this the Vulgar Lat. for these words, 2 Chron. 28. • 0. Tiglahpilesar coming to him streightened him] hath these words, he brought also Tiglahpilesar against him, who afflicted him and wasted him without resistance. Touching the cover of the Sabbath, and the outward entrance of the king, which he is said to have removed from the house of the Lord before the king of Ashur; the Vulgar lat. retaining the Hebrew word, hath Musac Sabbati being expounded by Lyra, either the treasury, where the kings upon the Sabbaths put their offerings for necessary uses about the temple, which he saith, is the common exposition: or according to R. Solomon, a place in the porch of the temple gloriously covered, where the king used to sit upon the Sabbaths. Hugo followeth that of a treasury, but saith, the monies given by the king and put there were for charitable uses. And whereas Junius hath he removed from the house of the Lord, the Vulgar lat. hath, he turned to the house of the Lord▪ which the Ord. Gloss expoundeth, that when the king of Ashur should come he might see and desire them to carry away, as he did many other great gifts, which he gave unto him. The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 here used signifieth to make to go about, and being read together with the next words, it is neither from, nor to the house of the Lord, but only he made to go about the house of the Lord. And what did he make to go about? Answ. The covering of the Sabbath and the kings outward passage to the house. Or rather the covering having reference to the word, cut off, v. 17. (for most probably, as he took away other things of price from the house of God, thus defacing it and leaving it naked, so he took away this covering of brass also, which was built in the house for some use before spoken of, or for the Priests to rest themselves in, according to some others) nothing else is meant, but that he stopped up the way of the king to the Lord's house, so that if any would go thither they must needs go round about and so come up by many steps an high hill with great difficulty to the house; yea having done thus, to show, that he would have no more worship there performed, he shut up the doors of this house, as is said, 2 Chron. 28. 24. And whereas he is said to have done these things and others against the house of the Lord, v. 17. before the king of Assyria, touching the meaning whereof expositors are doubtful. I conceive, that he did thus, when the Assyrian King was there, that he might give largely unto him to enjoy his favor, not regarding the Lord so much as him: for which cause and for that he was a gross idolater, he cared not, how he spoiled the Lord's house of all the ornaments, to give to this heathen king. And thus haply it is to be understood, that the king of Ashur coming to him straightened him and did not help him, because by his means he was greatly impoverished, that all he could wrap and rend, as we say, being taken to give to him, whether out of the Lord's house or his own, as 2 Chro. 28. 21. And so he became the less able to make war against other enemies, that invaded his land, as 2 Chron. 28. 17, 18. the Idumeans and Philistines.
Having thus resolved the doubt, how the King of Assyria is said not to have helped, but streightened Ahaz, he also covenanting, as we may gather by that, which hath been already said, to pay him a yearly tribute hereafter, I return now to his idolatry with the gods of Damascus: of which see 2 Chron. 28. 23. although here his causing of an Altar to be made like unto that at Damascus only be spoken of, and setting it up in the place of that, which he caused therefore to be removed. It is most probable, as Pelican hath it, that he first sacrificed to the gods of Damascus being there, that he might the more confirm his league with the king of Assyria. But whereas he professeth, 2 Chron. 28. 23. that now he would serve the Syrians gods, because they had holpen them, and he hoped, that they would help him likewise; but it is said, This turned to his ruin, he had reference to the Syrians victories obtained against him in times past and not to their present state, since the king of Assyria subdued Damascus, seeing now they were not helpful to them. A man would think, that Ahaz seeing, how they failed the Syrians at this time; should not have been induced to sacrifice to such impotent gods: but idolaters fare like men be witched, for so did one of his progenitors; also Amaziah, when he had subdued the Edomites, worshipping their gods, 2 Chron. 25. 14. yet because he did not only thus, but caused also such an altar, as was at Damascus to be made at Jerusalem, upon which all sacrifices should be offered against his return thither with Evilmerodach, it seemeth, that the good liking of that king was of no small force to move him hereunto. And it is noted that he had an high priest according to his mind, called Urijah, to whom he had no sooner sent the pattern of the Altar, that he would have made, but it was done according to his command against his return to Jerusalem. Yea, he did so comply with him, that he suffered the king at his return to offer sacrifice upon this new great Altar, and his meat-offering and drink offering, as the zealous Priest Azariah would by no means suffer his grandfather Uzziah to do, and when he persisted notwithstanding his opposition, God executed his judgment of leprosy upon him. If any man shall marvel, that he did not the like against Ahaz, who much more deserved it; I answer, God is not wont always to proceed one way in punishing, but divers, wherefore he punished Ahaz otherwise: for 2 Chron. 28. 17, 18, 19. it is said, that the Edomites and the Philistines spoiled his country, and that his kingdom was brought low because of him. And if he escaped in person, it was but for a time in this world, he being reserved to the future judgment in another world, as most wicked men are, whereas Uzziah most probably was judged here, that he might not be condemned hereafter.
But it may be demanded, to whom did Ahaz here offer, to God or to idols? Ans. it is not expressed, but only that he offered and commanded the Priest hereafter to offer all sacrifices upon this new altar, whereupon some think that the sacrifices were still here offered to God, because the holy Scripture saith nothing of this abomination done in the Temple or Court thereof, as it doth in relating the idolatry of Manasseh, 2 Chron, 34. 5, 6. yea it is expressly said, 2 Chron. 28. 24, 25. that the doors of the Lord's house being by him shut up, he set up altars and idols in every city of Judah, and sacrificed there unto them. Yet Tostatus saith, he took away the altar of the Lord, that no more sacrifice might be offered to him, but upon the new altar to the honor of the gods of Edom. And Theodoret saith, that this altar was set up to someone of the gods of Damascus, and Adrichomius, and Genebrard, that upon it sacrifice was offered to them. And truly I can hardly be induced to think, that he would set up an altar of Damascus to sacrifice to any other, but to the gods of Damascus, especially seeing he shut up the temple of the Lord, and rifled it of all the vessels and ornaments. It is expressly said, 2 Chron. 29. 7. that no sacrifice was then offered to the Lord, and if not to the Lord, then it must needs be to idols.
Then Ahaz removed the Altar of the Lord that it might not stand between his new altar, and the house, to the North side, commanding Urijah the Priest to offer all sacrifices upon the new great altar, wherein he readily obeyed him also. And touching the altar of the Lord, he said, that it should stand by for him to inquire, that is as Junius hath it, if he should think good at any time so to do. And in the Hebrew it is also to inquire, but the vulgar Latin hath it, ad voluntatem meam, expounded by Pelican, to be offered upon, if at any time I shall please, but for the present it shall stand by as antiquated, and out of use. But Lyra will have the meaning, shall be at my will to make what I think good thereof, wherefore he saith, that he made afterwards a famous dial of it, of which mention is made, chap. 20. 11. and this is followed by Adrichomius also, the contrary to which yet appeareth, 2 Chron. 29. 18. where it is said that the altar and the utensils thereof, which had been by Ahaz rejected, were sanctified, and if so, then that brazen altar was not broken to make a dial called Ahaz his dial, seeing that stood still after that Hezekiah his son had caused this to be sanctified, even to the time of his great sickness.
Pelican of Urijah his setting up of a strange altar, makes this Allegory. Such Ministers, as to please wicked Princes, bring into the Church of God strange doctrine, and rites in the worship of God, do act over again, as it were, the part of this wicked temporizer Vrijah, they set to the North side the altar of the Lord, and make and place an altar to the devil in the room thereof, the word of God and his ordinances are thus debased and turned, as it were to the left hand, which was the North, and men's inventions drawn from the Gentiles, honored above them. To revenge this wickedness in Ahaz, the Edomites were brought against him, and carried away many captives from Judah, when they had smitten it. And the Philistines brake into the Southern parts, and took Bethshemeth and Ajalon, &c. 2 Chron. 28. 17, 18. But all this would not move him to repentance, nor yet his suffering by the help which he had sent for out of Assyria, for even after this, he waxed worse and worse, v. 22. In the time of his straits he increased his contempt against the Lord, this is Ahaz. The vulgar Latin joining these words with the next following hath it, thinking Ahaz by himself offered to the God's of Damascus. But it is plainly distinguished both by a full point & a conjunction copulative, beginning the next verse thus, And he offered. These words are added then after his despising of all corrections spoken of, partly to show that he was the same wicked one still, and partly to move all kings and men to look at him and his impious doings to abhor from the like. Not one but divers ways he sinned foully. 1. By idolatry after the manner of the Israelitish kings, yea he made his son to go through the fire to Molech, which was not as Theodoret thinketh, by burning him, which he calleth a common error, but by sanctifying him, as the heathen counted, by making him to go through the fire. And the manner of this he saith, that he had seen it, viz. once in the year fires being made in some cities, there were those that went dancing through them, both men and boys and infants were by their mothers carried through the fiery flames. 2. By infidelity, rejecting all confidence in God, and putting his trust rather in the King of Ashur. 3. By setting up a strange altar in the courts of the Lord's house, making the altar built by Solomon to give way unto it. 4. By robbing the Lord's house of the ornaments, and by shutting it up keeping men from worshipping him. 5. By sacrificing to the gods of Damascus, that smote him, and seeking to draw the people to the same idolatry, in that he set up altars unto them in many places. 6. By incorrigibility, in that being severely punished by Syrians, Israelites, Assyrians, Edomites, and Philistines, he was so far from being touched with repentance, as that he did like one set to vex and anger the Lord all the ways that he could possibly devise. And it was now like Prince, like Priest, so that the state was intollerably corrupted.
Here nothing more, but of his death and burial in the city of David, but not in the sepulghers of the Kings saith, 2 Chron. 28. 27. as was said before of Amaziah.
CHAP. XVII.
THe 12 year of Ahaz king of Judah, reigned Hoshea in Samaria. The history of Hoshea begun, chap. 15. 30. is here continued. But how is it said, that he reigned the 12 year, when as he began in the fourth, which was the 20 of Jotham, as was before shown, reckoning from his first beginning, till that time? Pelican to this answereth well, that by reason of the king of Ashhur, although he had slain Pekah, he could not attain to the regal dignity, but ruled as a Lieutenant under him, till the 12 of Ahaz, that is, 8 years after, at what time he took upon him to reign shaking off the the Assyrian yoke and might best be said to begin to reign as a king of himself, and not under another. This is also recited by Wolfius and a second exposition of some, who say, that the first 8 years of his reign were full of tumult and trouble, but in the last of these, which was the the twelfth of Ahaz he began to reign in quiet, for which cause he is said here to have reigned, Anno 12 of Ahaz. And a third, in which he resteth, viz. that he slew Pekah Anno 4 o of Ahaz, and took the kingdom upon him, Anno 12 o being within 2 years after accepted for king by the states of the land, from which time to the 6 of Hezekiah are 9 years, according to which it is said that he reigned 9 years. But here are not 3 times, but two only put of the beginning of Hoshea his reign, or rather one of his beginning servily, and another of his reigning, after this shaken off, because it is not here said, he began to reign, but he reigned Anno 12 of Ahaz 9 years, according to Junius, [the ninth year] whereby I suppose he meaneth, that this was the ninth from his beginning to reign; for so it was, if respect be had to that, ch. 15. 30. where he is said to have reigned 20 of Jotham, that is, 4 of Ahaz, as hath been already shown; seeing the 12 is the ninth from the fourth spoken of in that place. But if we read it he reigned or had reigned then nine years, it will agree better with the Hebrew text. For another beginning of his time made by Wolfius 2 years after, viz. Anno 14 of Ahaz; I know no ground that he hath thereof. And therefore leaving it I should rest in the first brought by Pelican, but only that ch. 18. 1. the beginning of Hezekiah his reign Anno 3 of Hoshea seemeth to cross this, for if he reigned Anno 12 of Ahaz, and Ahaz reigned 16 years, from the twelfth, to which are four years at the least, how can it be said that he began the third year. To this it may be said, that the 12 was now at an end within a few days, so as that it was not counted, and the 4 th year was so newly begun, that it was not reckoned neither; but it is said the third, meaning the third being even now expired. Unless we shall say, that Hezekiah was made king some time before his fathers death., for the better settling him in the kingdom in those tumultuous times, and for the opposing of the enemies that invaded it. Again, it is said here v. 3. that Shalmaneser king of Assyria came up against Hoshea, because he denied to pay him tribute, which he had paid in former years; then he took Samaria his chief city, when he had besieged it three years, in the ninth of Hoshea. So that if it be true which goeth before, about Hoshea his beginning to reign in liberty, the twelfth of Ahaz, he was suffered by the Assyrian king six years before he came against him, which seemeth to be improbable.
Sol. It is probable enough, if we consider, that there be two kings of Assyria spoken of, Evilmerodach and Shalmaneser, the father and the son, since Hoshea attained to the crown. Wherefore Evilmerodach haply growing old, and towards his end, when Hoshea denied to pay anymore tribute, this was permitted till Shalmaneser was king, his father being dead. But it is said here v. 3. that Shalmaneser came first and brought him under tribute, and when he denied to pay it any longer, trusting to the help of the king of Egypt, he came again, and wasted his country, and took him; and all this was done from the twelfth of Ahaz, whereby his reign is here reckoned, to the end of his term of nine years. And if so, then the beginning of his reign in liberty is not here meant, because after this he paid tribute certain years. Rather before this he reigned free, for the kingdom was reckoned to him, because when Pekah was slain, there was none else reigned: but because he coming to it by the murder of the old king, civil wars followed hereupon, and sometimes he ruled, but sometimes again his enemies prevailed against him; so that all this time he stood very uncertain, as if this had been no reigning, it is passed over, and the time here set down, when he began to reign; after that the king of Assyria taking advantage of the civil dissensions had come and subdued the land, and settled him for king, under a tribute yearly to be paid to the king of Assyria. And in this I rest, as the clearest and most free from all exception. And so it appears, that there was a double time of this king Hoshea, one before that he was made tributary of nine years, and the other after of nine years more, the whole time of his reign, when he was carried away captive, and his people, being eighteen years.
He did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord, but not like the kings before him.] The Hebrew Chronology expoundeth this, of his not hindering men of his kingdom to go to Jerusalem to worship, as they were by the law of God bound to do three times in the year. For Jeroboam set garrisons, as some think, to keep them from going. But now, the golden calves, which he had set up for gods, being carried away by the Assyrians, Hoshea was less careful to uphold that idolatry, and so let his subjects for that matter do what they would, not setting any to keep them from going to the temple. But this is only an imagination, and the less probable, because the temple was now shut up by wicked Ahaz, so that it booted not any to repair thither, although it be most commonly followed. I rather think with Wolfius, that he urged none to idolatry, as they had done, although he were an idolater himself, but was more remiss, either naturally, or for the reconciling of all men's minds the more unto him, whilst he left everyone to his own will for devotion, compelling none.
Against him came Shalmaneser, &c.] God had been so greatly provoked in that kingdom, that although Hoshea was not so bad, as his predecessors, lyet because his kingdom was all over greatly tainted with idolatry, and he was a party herein amongst the rest, and sought not to reform it, as he ought to have done; that he would now spare them no longer, but bring them into servitude, and soon after into miserable captivity. It is not a man's not being so wicked as others, [Note.] that will avail with God for mercy, and sparing from his most severe judgments; who so doth evil, although not in that high degree, is in danger of God's wrath, as well as they that sin more foully: that we may abhor not only from so much evil, as others, but any evil at all.
This coming of Shalmaneser against him, was after he had reigned, in some sort, nine years, yea at the beginning of his next ninth. And then being made tributary, he paid it five years or thereabouts, in the sixth he denied it, conspiring with So king of Egypt; in the beginning of the seventh, Shalmaneser came, and in three years altogether vanquished him and his people. Because he is said to have conspired with So, Tostatus thinketh, that he like wise was a tributary to the king of Assyria, and whereas it is said, Wherefore Shalmaneser streitened him, and bound him in prison. He takes it as spoken of him, seeing he could not get Hoshea into his hands, till the third year after. But, however So might be a tributary as well as he, and so they might join together in denying more tribute, it is plainly spoken not of So, but of Hoshea, that he besieged him and bound him in prison, it being left to be understood, when he bad gotten him into his hands at the taking of Samaria next spoken of. Wherefore Lyra saith well, that his imprisoning is here spoken of by anticipation. For the long time, that he was in besieging Samaria, it is probable, that by the help of the king of Egypt, Hoshea had extraordinarily fortified it against this time. And now the kingdom of Israel utterly ceased, the time being come, of which the prophet Isaiah had spoken, saying, Within 65. years Ephraim shall be wasted so, that he shall not be a people. Which according to the Hebrew Chronology, is to be understood of those 65 which began, when their carrying away captive was first threatened by Amos, which was anno 25 of Uzziah, as is commonly held, for from thence to the end of his reign were 27 years, Jotham 16, Ahaz 16, and Hezekiah 6, for these together make 65, and the ninth of Hoshea is said to have been the sixth of Hezekiah, chap. 18. 10. thus many. But Junius rather thinketh, that the reckoning ought to begin from the time of Isaiah his prophesying, viz. anno 40 of Ahaz, from which to the carrying away of Israel captive, although there were but seventeen years, yet to the time of their ceasing to be a people were many more, viz. 48; for Hezekiah reigned after this 23, and after his time Esarhaddon the son of Sanneherib, in whose time the Israelites say, that they were carried away captive, Ezra 4. 2. For although this may seem to be spoken of the Jews of the kingdom of Judah, yet they are there said to be Israelites; and 2 King. 17. 24. when the Israelites were carried away, it is only said, that they were carried by the king of Babylon or Assyria, without naming him, and this is even by the Samaritans themselves expounded of Esarhaddons carrying away all the rest, at what time he brought in new inhabitants, and this most probably happened anno 25 of Manasseh his son, which together make 65. thus Junius. But because, however the Israelites indeed remained haply in other parts still, for a time, yet they were no kingdom ever anymore; and it is improbable, that the Assyrian king, having subdued Israel, whom he is also said to carry away captive, would defer the utter depopulation of the country, till 48 years after, and the bringing in of new inhabitants, and they of Judah are often called Israelites, as well as the rest, I rather subscribe to the first, especially seeing v. 18. it is said, that none remained but the tribe of Judah only.
The people carried away into Assyria, are said to have been placed in Chalac and Chabor, and in the cities of the Medes. Of those places mention was made before, 1 Chron. 5. 26. when Tiglath pilesar carried away part of the people. They are held to be cities on the further side of Assyria next unto Media, so that they were not places far asunder, and within a while, as is is in 4 Ezra 13. 40, 41. they lest those parts and went further to inhabit, where never mortal men dwelt before, and as Genebrard thinketh, the north parts of the east, where the Tartars now inhabit, which may be the more probable, and that they are descended of them, because some places amongst them are called by the names of Dan, Naphtali and Zebulon, and some Hebrew monuments still remain there. Some take these for the names of rivers, but Ptolemy saith, they were cities. Whereas the binding of Hoshea only is spoken of, and putting him in prison, he is also said to have been carried away captive, 4 Ezra. 13. 40. of which, I think, no doubt is to be made, and he may well be comprehended under the name of Israel here. He carried Israel into Assyria. He being now but as one of the rest.
The judgment, which swept all Israel thus away, being shown, now follow the causes, why God was so severe against them. Although he had brought them in singular mercy out of the land of Egypt, yet they served other gods and forsook him, becoming even as the Gentiles, who dwelt round about them. And when he sent his Prophets to admonish them, yet they persisted, thus showing themselves contemptuous of his statutes. And from this they proceeded to the casting of all his Commandments behind their backs.
Then more particularly their horrible sins are laid open, they made them golden calves and worshipped them and the whole host of heaven, and Baal, and made their children to go thorough the fire, and gave themselves to witchcrafts. Wherefore the Lord in wrath removed them, leaving behind only the tribe of of Iudad. Neither did this tribe finally escape, and for the present were given into the hands of robbers, as was before shown in the history of Ahaz, because they sinned also like Israel, they were spoiled also in the days of Joash and Amaziah, &c. till they as Israel, were also removed from his face. Lastly the time how long Israel had thus sinned, is set forth, even from Jeroboam, until this their carrying away captive, which was 262. years, as will appear to him that shall count it by the years of the kings of Judah in this time. For Rehoboam reigned 18. Abijam 3. Asa 41. Jehoshaphat 25. Joram 8. Ahaziah 1. Joash 40. Athaliah 6. Amaziah 29. Azariah 52. Jotham 16. Ahaz 16. Hezekiab 6. together 26. only because Joram reigned 5. years, together with his father Jehoshaphat, 2 King. 8. 16. deduct them and there will remain 256. a very long time of provocation, before [Note.] the Lord brake out into this severity, whereby appeareth his patience, and their continued obstinacy, making them well worthy of so sore a judgment, and although the Lord be slow to wrath, yet his patience being long abused by any nation will at length break out into the greater fury. Whereas, v. 9. it is said, They did things secretly which were not right. Wolfius noteth, that the word rendered covertly, signifieth also to put a gloss or color upon a thing: hereby then is intimated, that they justified their doings as acts of piety, as the Papists do at this day. And whereas it is said, from the watch tower to the defensed city, they set up images, &c. he understands it from one limit of the kingdom to another, seeing watch towers used to be set upon the borders to espy the coming of the enemy.
Then the king of Ashur brought men from Babel and Chuthah, and Abah, Hamath and Sephenaim, &c. Babel was the metropolitan city of his kingdom of wonderful vastness, and strength: for according to Berosus it was sixty thousand paces in compass, the walls were two hundred foot high and fifty broad, and he saith, that it was built by Saturn and was the first city, that was built in all the world, see also Pliny. Chuthah is by Josephus thought to be a country of Persia, having the name from a river so called. Avah was an Arabian Colony according to Uranius. Hamath is by Jerome called Epiphania, by Munster Epidaphne and Theopolis. Of Sephanaim we have no certainty; but Junius saith, that Sephara is a city in Mesopotamia by Euphrates. Of the same places see something spoken again, chap. 18, 34. as of places subdued by the king of Assyria, viz. of Avah called there Ivah, Hamath and Sepharuaim. So that, it seemeth, the people brought by him to inhabit Samaria and her cities were none of his naturll subjects, except those of Babel and Cuthath, being only thus translated thither out of their own country, that coming into so good a land, whereunto they had no right but by the donation of the Conqueror they might the more willingly live in subjection to him and pay him tribute without rebelling. But whatsoever they were, so soon as they were come, because they feared not the Lord, he sent Lions amongst them, which slew them. Whereupon the king of Ashur hearing it sent back a priest, whom he had carried away captive to teach them the service of the god of that land, which he did, and so they served him; but they served their own gods also, everyone the gods of his nation; and thus they persisted to do both fathers & children's children. If it be demanded here, why God sent such destruction upon these heathens now more then in times past in their own countries, where they feared not God anymore then at this time? Answ. because they were now it that land, which the Lord was pleased particularly to own; for which cause he forbade any of it to be sold; and in his own land he would be known and served; whosoever dwelt therein, and in case that he were not, send destruction amongst them therefore. But then another question ariseth, If for not fearing him he sent Lions amongst them to slay them, why did he forbear to do so still, when as they worshipped heathen gods together with him, which is so contrary to him, that rather then be so served, he will not be served at all, as Elijah said to the people. If the Lord be God, follow him, if Baal, follow him: and how long halt ye between two opinions? Answ. It seemeth, that he sent not Lions amongst them for their idolatry, in which they were bred and borne: but for that being in the land, which the Lord had peculiarly chosen, they feared not him, as if he had no power or were but a weak God, that could not keep his people from being carried away captive by the Assyrians, as afterwards Rabshakeh said, What is God, that he should be able to deliver you out of my hands? To show therefore, that he was the God of all power and to make them to fear him, and speak, and think reverently of him, he thus judged them, but forbare to do likewise afterwards, when they bare a reverent regard unto him, as the priest taught them, leaving their idolatries to be reckoned for and judged at the last day. Yet I doubt not, but the priest sent to instruct them, taught him to be the only true God, and that their idols were no gods, but vanities, and told them of his creating heaven and earth, and all things, and of his stupendous judgments shown upon Egypt, and the Canaanites, and upon the Israelites themselves, when they turned idolaters. Yet they applied no more of his teaching, but only so much as concerned the reverencing of him. For sacrifice they could not be taught to offer there unto him, seeing it was not acceptable in any other place, but only at Jerusalem.
This showeth, that if any of the people of God do abominably, as the heathen, [Note.] God will not endure it at their hands, although they worship the Lord also: for it is in them spiritual adultery, seeing they are his spouse; but Ethnics, that never were contracted unto him by covenant, are otherwise looked upon, as doing wickedly indeed, but forsomuch as they are not the Lord's, but another man's wife, as it were, his jealousy is not hereby stirred up against them, to make presently therefore sensible demonstration of his wrath, as against his Israel. According to which it is said, the time of this ignorance God regarded not, &c. And the people now placed in Samaria, being therefore called Samaritans, continued in this their superstition even till the time of the Maccabees, but afterwards it seemeth, that leaving their idolatry they worshipped God only, as the Jews then did, because that woman of Samaria John. 4. inquired so seriously of the place, wherein they ought to worship God, and called herself, together with her citizens, the children of Jacob, and shown a faith in the Messiah to come. To make all men to abhor from such kind of fearing and worshipping God, as is joined with idolatry, the manner of these people's doings being recounted, they are greatly taxed, as not fearing the Lord, v. 34. although they had been said twice, v. 32, 33. to have feared the Lord, that is, to have trembled before him, and not to dare speak contumeliously, but reverently of him, and haply they prayed unto him, as well as they did to their idols; yet they could not be said to fear him truly, if by the fear of God we understand, as we must, such fear of him, as moveth a man to have respect to all his commandments, and specially to that which forbiddeth the worshipping of other gods, as being most of all other things repugnant to his will, as is in the same v. 34, 35, 36, expressed. The gods whom they made to themselves and worshipped, were Succeth Benoth made by the men of Babel, they of Chuth made Nergal, Hamath, Asima, &c. Succoth Benoth, signifieth covering her children, that is, an hen, as the Hebrews expound it. Nergal is a woodcock, Asima a goat, Nibkaz and Tartal were the gods of the Havites, that is, a dog and an asse, though some by Tartar think, that Tartan is meant, who was one of those, whom Sanneherib sent against Jerusalem, as Wolfius saith, Adramelech was an horse, and Anamelech a mule, some think, they were the sons of Sanneherib. But forsomuch as other nations in the world have worshipped such base creatures also, as the Persians a cock, the Ptoembari a people of Africa a dog, according to Aristophanes; the Mendesians a goat, and some an asses head. According to Athanasius, it is most probable, that these heathens set up to themselves the images of such creatures also, according to their country manner. For of the heathen in general, it is complained Rom. 1. that they changed the glory of God into the similitude of beasts, fowls, and creeping things. And hereby we may see, how greatly we are blessed of God, in that we are better [Note.] taught, and not left to follow such ridiculous vanities, as for our sins we might have been, that we may endeavor to live more to his glory, and not as the servants of dogs, goats, and asses, &c.
CHAP. XVIII.
IN the third year of Hoshea, Hezekiah began, &c.] If this shall seem to be repugnant to chap. 10. 1. where it is said, Ahaz his father began anno 17 of Pekah, who reigned 20 years, and so he reigned but three years in his time, then he continued 13 more, for his whole reign was of sixteen years, and Hoshea got the crown immediately after Pekah, wherefore he reigned in Hoshea his time also thirteen years, and so Hezekiah could not begin till his fourteenth year. How this may be reconciled see before, upon ch. 17. 1. The age of Hezekiah when he began to reign was 25, the time of his reign 29, his mothers name was Abi, the daughter of Zechariah. His praise is, that he did altogether like David, he brake down the high places, where other kings had permitted sacrificing, and brake in pieces the brazen image which Moses had made because they burnt incense unto it; and it is said, that he did so excellently, that there was never any king of Judah like unto him, before or after him. Touching his mother, some think, that she was daughter to Zechariah, the son of Jehoiadah, slain in the time of Joash king of Judah, for reproving his wickedness. But that was so long before, the reign of Amaziah of 29, and of Azariah 52, and of Jotham 16 coming between, together 97 years, that there is no probability of it. Jerome therefore conjectureth, that she was his grandchild, coming of a son of his own name, which is not unlikely, and if so, he had most probably a good mother, although a bad father. Others hold this Zechariah her father, to have been the last king of Israel of the race of Jehu, but then most probably he should have been so set forth; and to put this out of doubt, Josephus saith, that he was a Zechariah of Jerusalem. Whereas it is said, that Hezekiah brake down images, and cut down the grove, for so it is in the Hebrew and not groves, as in Vulg. Lat. (although a figure called Enallage numeri is there thought by Wolfius to be used, grove being put for groves) it is to be understood, that some escaped his hands, remaining still for Josiah to have the honor of cutting and breaking them down, as appeareth, 2 King. 23. 13. where he is said to have polluted the high places set up by Solomon to Ashterosh and Chemosh and Milcom, and to have broken their images, &c. and these are said to have been before Jerusalem, and therefore not suffered to stand now, because in some obscure corner out of sight, but because haply they were unfrequented, until the days of Manasseh, the father of Josiah, who exceeded in idolatries of all sorts, as is shown, 2 King. 21. Thus also Tostatus, these images either were not now worshipped, or the people, being taken with the pleasantness of the place would not suffer them to be beaten down, so that the king could not do it without danger of sedition, but I rest in the former of these, because to a godly king the people were never so undutiful to cross him in any of his godly designs, but rather have most readily joined with him.
And if idolatry had been there after Solomon's time committed, it is to be thought, that neither Asa, nor Jehoshaphat would have suffered them to stand in their times. For I cannot incline to that conjecture of one, who thinketh, that Solomon upon his repentance beat them down; and whereas it is said, which Solomon made, it is to be understood, the like unto which he made and upon the same foundations, because these words, [which Solomon made] cannot with reason be expounded, the like to which others made. And that he did not demolish them hath been already shown and brought by Eucherius as an argument of his final impenitency, 1 King. 11. 7. But touching the superexcellency ascribed unto him above all other kings of Judah before or after him: If it be demanded how this can be truly said, seeing Josiah did rather exceed both in polluting those high places, which he suffered to remain, in keeping a passover in such manner as no king ever did before him, 2 King. 23. 22. in rooting out Wizards, and removing all abominations v. 24. Whereupon it is said, that he was such a king, as that there was never king like unto him, v. 25. To this Wolfius answereth by saying, that we must take it according to the meaning and not stand strictly upon the words, it being not intended here to deprive other godly kings of their due commendations, but most highly to commend these two, as the most excellent of all others. Hezekiah for his beginning so soon, viz. anno 1. the first month of his reign, 2 Chron. 29. 3. and that not being deterred by the state wherein he found the kingdom, viz. altogether corrupted by idolatries, and that by his father. 2. For his most eminent confidence in God shown herein, and in his breaking in pieces the brazen Serpent, which was in so high estimation then amongst the people, that they worshipped it. 3. For God's favor constantly gracing him unto his end by miraculously delivering Jerusalem upon his praying from the proud king of Ashur, smiting his host by his Angel, and hearing him in his most dangerous sickness to restore him to health again, and to add fifteen years more to his days, and for a sign to show a miracle almost, as at the request of Joshua upon the Sun going back, as then it stood still. For in these three even Josiah himself came short of Hezekiah, in that he began not his reformation, till anno 18 of his reign, neither did he find his state so corrupted, seeing Manasseh his father was converted and reformed all things most material before his end. 2. He had no image to break down so dangerous for the causing of tumult amongst the people, as the brazen image, which Moses himself had set up, and therefore Hezekiah in doing this did much endanger himself, as one that might be thought for this fact to be against God. 3. He was cut off by a violent death, in going out against Pharaoh Necho, non consulting with the Lord first about it.
Yet Josiah excelled even Hezekiah, first in ridding the land of all abominations both the high places built by Solomon, and the altar at Bethel. Secondly, in the singular passover, which he kept. Thirdly, in his hearts melting within him for the sins of the people, when he heard the law read, and bringing them into a covenant with the Lord; in which respects it is truly said of him, that there was no king like unto him before or after, and for that he lived without all scandal, so as David himself did not, nor Hezekiah, who was visited for his unthankfulness after his great deliverance, and heard an harsh prophesy for his correspondency with the king of Assyria, and his vain-glory in showing his Legates his treasures. And as truly it is said likewise of Hezekiah, for the three things before spoken of, which were most notable in him. For the brazen serpent, see Numb. 21. 9. by God's own command it was set up, and had been hitherto preserved, as a monument of the cures wrought hereby. But in the days of Abaz, by the superstitious incense was offered unto it, as thinking virtue to be therein. But Hezekiah brake it, and called it Nehushtan, that is, their brass, and therefore without all virtue, and unworthy of adoration, seeing not thereby, but by God's power cures were through it done. And hereby we are taught, that whatsoever is an occasion of offense ought to be abolished; such as is the cross itself, although sometime Constantine thereby prevailed.
Touching God's being with Hezekiah in all his enterprises, and his smiting of the Philistines set forth here v. 7, 8. because his pious acts were the first, that he began with, as is noted 2 Chron. 29. 3. and these followed as blessings hereupon, we must here leave the history of the Kings, and bring in 2 Chron. 29. 3, 4, &c. where is shown, what he first did after that he was king. In the first year, the first month he opened the house of the Lord, and called the Priests and Levites together, willing them to sanctify themselves and the Lord's house, recounting unto them, how their fathers had carried themselves indignly, shutting up the Lord's house, and not offering to him, &c. This godly king, to give example to all others, began first with the worship of God, which is the principal thing in a kingdom, and if it be rightly intended, that which bringeth with it all other blessings, as a very fountain and well-spring thereof. Jerome saith, that by tradition he did this not only the first month, but the first day thereof. He opened the doors of the Lord's house, which Ahaz his father had shut up, ch. 28. 24. and this is most consonant with v. 17. He caused the Priests and Levites to assemble in the East street, that is, saith Lyra, in the Priests court, where stood the altar of burnt offerings, and was on the East side of the courts of the Lord's house, which is said to be 100 cubits square, as the other courts also were. And here he exhorted them to sanctify themselves, that is, by washing their bodies and clothes, and then to sanctify the temple, by cleansing it from all the foulness growing therein so long a time; Jerome saith, by carrying out the images set up there, and all their appurtenances. But seeing the doors were kept shut, I see not how images could come to be set up there. And to stir them up the more, he commemorateth the wrath of God executed against Judah, in slaughtering many of them, and giving others to be carried away captive, both men and women, of which see ch. 28. 5, 6, 7, 8. Then he telleth them, that he meant to enter into a covenant with God, which how it was performed I find not expressed, but only that sacrifices were offered for them all, and praises sung, and then both king and people bowed themselves and worshipped, which was implicitly a covenanting, according to that saying Psal. 50. 5. which hath made a covenant with me by sacrifice, and this he propoundeth to do, that the Lord might turn from the fierceneste of his wrath, as being a special means to move him so to do. Then the Priests and Levites gathered themselves together, and it is shown, of what families the Levites were, viz. of Chaath, Gershom, and Merari, Elisaphan, Asaph, Heman, and Jeduthun. Of which, the three former are well known to have been the sons of Levi. Elisaphan was the son of Huzziel, the son of Amram, the son of Kaath, Exod. 6. 20. and Numb. 3. 30. he is called prince of the Chaathites. Of the other three mention is made in the Psalms, as of chief singers, to whom therefore many Psalms were committed, and by some of them endited. Heman was a prince of the family of Gershom, 1 Chron. 3. 43. Asaph of the family of Merari, v. 39. And Jeduthun, was a skillful Musician next unto them, 2 Chron. 5. 12. where these three are named together in Solomon's time, as being of the same faculty. Now the order of proceeding in cleansing and sanctifying was this, the Priests cleansed the house of the Lord, bringing all the filth to the door, and there the Levites took and carried all into the brook Kedron, and this work being begun the first day of the first month, was finished in eight days, and in eight more the courts, with all their appurtenances were cleansed and sanctified also. From whence we may gather, that Hezekiah began his reign in the very beginning of the year, and the same day that he began to reign, spake unto the Levites to set upon this work; and that they without any deferring began the same day, that they were spoken unto. A most excellent harmony and consent in the [Note.] greatest diligence about things pertaining to religion, worthy the imitation both of prince and people in all ages. This work being finished, they certify the king thereof, and of their cleansing of the altar for burnt offerings, and all the utensils thereof, which Ahaz had removed and cast aside, setting up an altar like that at Damascus in the room of it, as was before shown. Wherefore, without doubt that altar was broken down by them, and carried away with the other filth, the altar of the Lord being set again in the proper place.
The good king hearing what they had done, delayed no time, but rising early in the morning, called together the princes, and causing seven bullocks, seven lambs, seven rams, and seven kids, to be brought to the Lord's house, he commanded the Priests to offer them upon the altar, for sin, for the kingdom, for the sanctuary, and for Judah, which they did accordingly. For the kingdom saith Lyra, was for the king and the princes, for Judah was for all the people of the land, and for the sanctuary, was for the Priests and Levites who ministered therein. But because Levite. 4. one bullock is appointed for the Priest sinning, and one for the whole congregation, and a kid for a prince, so that this may seem to be an exceeding of the prescript rule of the law, he answereth, that Numb. 15. 24. unto the bullock, in case the whole congregation sinneth, a kid is added, whereby it may be gathered, that the meaning of Levite. 4. is, that so much must be offered at the least, but when the sin is greater, more must be added. And at this time, because sin had exceeded in the days of wicked Ahaz, the beasts brought and offered are many more, viz. a full number (for such is the number of seven) of all sorts that were fit for sacrifice, and not of the two prescribed in that law only. Innius by the sanctuary understandeth it properly, because being polluted it had need again to be sanctified, as at the first consecration, which was with blood, Levite. 8. 15. so likewise Pelican, and this seemeth to be the best, because the altar was sprinkled with blood, before the sacrifices for sin were offered. And by the kingdom and Judah, may be understood all the whole body of that state, consisting of King, Clergy, and Laity.
And the goats were set before the King, and the whole congregation, and they laid their hands upon them.] That is, the king, and some of them representing the rest, laid on their hands as was appointed, when sacrifices were offered for sin, Levite. 4. and thus they confessed their sins, showing by their thus doing, that they were worthy to die, but besought the Lord to accept of the blood of this beast, whereby Christ his blood was figured out, and to save them.
And the Priests killed them, and sprinkled their blood upon the altar, to make an expiation for all Israel, &c.] Such was the piety and charity of this king, as that he would have sacrifices offered not only for his own kingdom of Judah, but also for all Israel, although under another king. And that the sacrifices now offered might be made with the greatest grace and praise to God, he addeth also music by instruments and voice of the Levites as was used in David's time, as God commanded by his prophets, Gad and Nathan.
The sacrifices at this time offered were 70. bulls, 100. rams, 200. lambs, 600. oxen, and 3000. sheep, which was a great matter considering the poverty, to which the kingdom was brought by Ahaz; and that these offerings were given by the men of Judah only. And these were sacrifices of praise, as those before going for sin. And being so many it is said, that the priests being fewer could not flea them all, wherefore the Levites did help them: and the reason, why there were fewer priests sanctified, was because the Levites were more upright in heart to sanctify themselves, then the priests, for this is the true reading according to the Hebrew, and not as the Vulg. Lat. hath it, more belonged to the sanctifying of the Priests then of the Levites. Another reason why these fewer priests could not do all, was because the fat also of every beast was to be taken off to be burnt upon the altar, which required the help of many hands.
HEzekiah that godly king having made this preparation, which was necessary in the first place, now taketh into his consideration the great neglect of keeping the Passover, and although the first month of the year was past wherein it ought to have been kept, yet he would not defer it, till another year, but rather keep it the second month, believing that God would accept of his piety herein, although the circumstance of time were not precisely observed, seeing this could not at this time be for the case, wherein the altar and temple were in the first month, the sanctifying of which must take up many days. And yet he did not this without warrant, but as was allowed, Numb. 9. 10, 11. Here are also two other reasons of this, viz. because there were not a sufficient number of the priests sanctified to minister at this solemnity, and because the people of Israel could not suddenly be gathered together unto it from all parts, as all the males ought to be. And be endeavored to have them all at Jerusalem, not only of his own kingdom of Judah, but also of Israel under Hoshea, and therefore he sent letters to them of Ephraim and Manasseh and to all Israel to invite them unto it. For although their king were wicked, yet the golden calves set up by Jeroboam being now taken away by the Assyrians, as hath been already shown, he did not evil, as other kings, his predecessors, by worshipping idols, or keeping his subjects from going to Jerusalem to worship, as they had done, so that if they would, they might freely come to this Passover. And such was his charity, that he desired to do, what he could for the reconciling of God's favor unto them as well as to his own kingdom, that no more of them might be carried away captive into Assyria, as some had been before, 2 King, 15. 29. which is expressed, v. 6, 7, 8. And in this example we are taught how we should be affected to and seek the good of our brethren [Note.] in other kingdoms, as well as in our own. At what time this was done, all are not agreed: for Cajetan will have it to be the year after the captivity by Shalmaneser, when they had no king of their own to hold them at home. But seeing that was the seventh year of Hezekiah and this the first, he is in a manifest error. Wherefore Josephus, Genebrard and Tostatus do all agree, that it was before that captivity, which was not, till the sixth year of Hezekiah; the good King hoping by this means, that they might find favor to be spared for time to come from being carried away; and those, who were carried away before, might in their captivity have more comfort. The messengers sent were mocked of some in Manasseh, Ephraim and Zebulon. Josephus addeth, that they took both them and the prophets, who exhorted them to go up, and slew them. But some in Asher, Manasseh and Zebulon humbled themselves and went to this Passover. The time was now almost come of giving Israel over into the hands of their enemies for their sins, and of their utter extirpation: therefore to prepare unto this, they are first given over, as their wicked hearts lead them, to the contempt of all goodness, and then the judgment soon followed. They that humbled themselves and came, were, as Pelican conceiveth, of those seven thousand that never bowed their knees to Baal, that is, of their posterity; for their time was expired long before this. And it is not to be doubted, but that these escaped the better, when the Assyrians came, coming again haply into Judah, where so godly a king was, to be out of that danger, when they had first returned to their possessions and in their own country destroyed idols, as chap. 31. 1. Touching Judah it is said, that God gave them one heart to do all of them, as they were commanded touching the passover and in showing their zeal against idolatry by breaking down the idols altars, &c. as the Priests and Levites had cleansed the temple, so they cleansed both the city and country from all idolatrous pollution. Then the Passover was kept and the Priests and Levites, who were not yet sanctified, were ashamed and sanctified themselves, that they might be fit to do their duty at this great solemnity, and so they offered the burnt offerings. That, which made them ashamed was to see the readiness and zeal of the people, to whom they ought to have been leaders. Yet it is said, that a multitude of the people were unclean, for which cause the Levites were enforced to kill the paschal lambs for them, that they might thus be sanctified. They were for necessities sake now allowed to eat the Passover, although they were unclean, as is shown, v. 18. that is, by touching some unclean thing, or by a dead body, the order of sanctifying, after which, had now been neglected a long time, and haply, for want of teaching, unknown unto them: but to kill the Passover in this case none were permitted, but the Levites, who were sanctified, did it for them. Because, as Lyra saith, It is a greater work and unto it more holiness is required, to kill the Passover, then to eat of it, as in a priest that consecrateth the Sacrament, then in such, as receive it. All such indeed as eat the Passover, must be sanctified from their uncleanness, Levite. 7. 20. there being one common law against eating any of the holy things by such as were unclean, and the penalty set therefore, death and cutting off from his people: for which it is said, v. 18. that there were many unclean of Manasseh, Issachar, &c. which did eat, not according to the law, for whom Hezekiah prayed, that God would forgive this and accept of them notwithstanding, who ate the Passover with a perfect heart, and it is said, that God heard him and healed the people, that is, according to Junius, sanctified them by the virtue of his Spirit: the Vulg. Lat. (placatus est erga eos) was pacified towards them, respecting more the sense, then the words. But the word (healed) is used because uncleanness is as a sickness in those that participate of holy things, endangering their lives by reason of the penalty before spoken of; so that God being pacified and his wrath stayed by the prayer of Hezekiah, this malady might well be said metaphorically to have been healed.
But how was it known, that God was pacified? The Rabins, saith Lyra, answer, that commonly when any presumed to eat of the holy things of the Lord in his uncleanness, they were stricken with death, and therefore because these were not thus smitten, it appears, that God's wrath against this sin was pacified But this he approveth not, because, if there had been such danger it had been a tempting of God to adventure in this case to eat the passover, and delivering his own opinion, he saith, They were dispensed withal for necessities sake and for the good and hearty devotion, with which they came. For touching the first of these, David in case of necessity did eat the shewbread which otherwise it was unlawful for him to do; and for the second, it is faith and uprightness of heart, that maketh the doing of holy duties acceptable to God, although they be not at sometimes performed strictly according to the rule of his law.
Which reasons indeed are good for the Lord's accepting of them, and pardoning their error, but they do nothing satisfy the question propounded, viz. how it was known, that God was pacified, and therefore I rest in that, which Lyra excepteth against, because however at other times, when there was no necessity, God's wrath might break out against such, as ate in their uncleanness, yet in this case of necessity, the king might well hope of his fatherly indulgence, to spare a poor ignorant people, that now began again to return with all their hearts unto him, although in outward things, which never really defiled, they did not altogether according to the law, seeing they were as a people newly converted, and therefore such as it could not be expected at their hands, that they should exactly keep this solemnity at the first. For both David before spoken of, did that which was dangerous in eating the show-bread in his necessity, and all the Hebrews in omitting circumcision all the time of their being in the wilderness, yet sin was not imputed unto them.
To make it then the more probable, that such as at other times ate of the holy things in their uncleanness were punished with death, S t . Paul saith of the unworthy receivers amongst the Corinthians. For this cause there are many amongst you sick and weak, and many a sleep, that is, dead. For God hath at all times been most severe out of the case of necessity, against those, that have transgressed the external rites of the law, as we may see in Uzzah, and in the men of Bethshemesh. Whence we may learn, that the heart indeed is the principal thing that God looketh [Note.] after: but however the heart be affected, there is danger to any, that presumeth to eat of the holy things of the Lord in the uncleanness of sin, which he will never dispense withal, although he did sometime with legal uncleanness. Yet seeing there is place for repentance for this and for all other sins, except that against the holy Ghost, upon prayer, pardon and reconciliation may be attained, as it was at this time by Hezekiah. Touching the case of necessity here often spoken of, it is to be known, that this was now the Israelites case. They came far to the passover, had kept none a long time, and had not now the liberty of another month, as the unclean, Num. 9. therefore must either eat it as they were, or else miss the taking of it haply forever, to their greater danger.
Then they kept the passover with joy seven days, the Levites playing with music, and these being ended, they agreed at the kings motion to keep it seven days more: for he offered a thousand bullocks, and seven thousand smaller cattle, and the Princes a thousand bullocks, and ten thousand smaller cattle, which could not all be spent in the former seven days. And these, it is to be understood, were eucharistical sacrifices, wherewith all the people were feasted, whom Hezekiah desired to hold longer, that by hearing more of the law, they might be the more confirmed therein: for which cause, neither he nor the Princes spared for any charges, whereby they might draw them to stay with delight. This indeed, saith Pelican, was more, then the law required, but not against it, seeing as free-will offerings, besides those enjoined were greatly accepted of, so to take time for the offering of them to the praise of God, could not but be highly accepted of also. And it must be taken, as coming from their superabundant joy for that feast, now kept again by all Israel together, so as it had not been since the days of Solomon, because they of the ten tribes were never hitherto permitted to come to Jerusalem, from the beginning of Jereboam's reign, and for a long time in the reign of Ahaz, the kingdom of Judah had been debarred by his shutting up of the doors of the house of the Lord. How it was accepted of before God, is shown v. 27. where it is said, that the Priests and Levites blessed the people, and their prayer came into the holy habitation of heaven.
Then all the children of Israel, that were in Jerusalem, went out and brake down the images, &c.] That is, when they had heard the law against them, they returned not home, till they had first done these zealous acts. And because Hezekiah doubtless exhorted them so to do, and by his authority set them to this work within his dominions, it is said of him 2 King. 18. 4. that he did all this, and brake in pieces also the brazen serpent. For the history of the Kings omitting altogether the narration of his passover, cometh immediately to this of his demolishing idolatry, but here it is set forth in the due order, together with those that were employed about it. He began then so soon as he came to the crown, to purge the house of the Lord, and this being done, proceeded, as the time required, to the celebration of the passover, from which the people by him called unto it, being set on fire with a holy zeal, went out and purged all other parts from the filth of idolatry, even as far as Ephraim and Manasseh in the kingdom of Israel, of which tribes some of them were. For although ch. 30. 10, 11. no mention is made but of some of Asher, Manasseh and Zebulon, that came at Hezekiah's invitement to the passover, others of Ephraim, Manasseh and Zebulon, being set forth as mocking, yet v. 18. Ephraim and Issachar are mentioned, as being there also. If it shall seem strange, that the subjects of another king should presume to do these things without his license, within his kingdom, It is to be considered, that Hoshea then king, was but an usurper, that by murthering of his master attained the kingdom, and therefore the subjects thereof did as if they had no lawful king, being also haply permitted by him to do in these things, what they would, so that he might be suffered to sit in the throne; for which cause, as was said before 2 King. 17. 2. he is reported not to be so bad as other kings of Israel before him for idolatry, being rather Atheist then idolater. Here is then no warrant for subjects and private persons, to run of their own heads, to the pulling down of images set up by public authority, especially living under a lawful king, to whom every soul must be subject, and to his council, but when the king that reigneth is indifferent, such zeal is hereby warrantable, as stirreth up the people to the pulling of them down. Otherwise it is to be expected, till God shall move his or their hearts to appoint it to be done, as he did the heart of Jehu before, and of Josiah after.
Having thus purged both the Lord's house and the whole land, as remained to be done in the next place, Hezekiah appointeth the Priests and Levites thenceforth to attend upon offering sacrifices, and singing praises unto God. And because this could not be done without many helps, who must all have due maintenance, he both renewed all the divisions of them in their courses, as they had been set by David, and also stirred up the people to bring in the first fruits and tithes, whereupon they were to live, which they did abundantly. And the king for his part, to free the people from that great charge, undertook at his own costs, to maintain the continual morning and evening sacrifices, those of the Sabbath and new Moons, and of other feasts which the Lord had appointed, of the laws touching which, see Levite. 23. Exod. 29. 39. Numb. 28. &c. The first fruits and tithes due to the ministers of God he calleth their parts, because they had none other part or portion in the land, but these were by law appointed unto them, that they might attend upon the office, by the same law commanded them, and not be distracted by seeking out for maintenance; that is, saith Lyra, upon reading, studying, and teaching, and officiating in the temple. And good reason there is, that God's ministers in all times [Note.] should have maintenance sufficient without trouble, seeing that even amongst the heathen, they who attended upon divine worship, were always provided for by the care of others, as in Egypt, when that great famine was, which compelled all others to sell their lands to buy food, the Priests yet even then had no want, whereby they might be compelled to do likewise. The first fruits and tithes, that hereupon were brought in, were of corn, wine, oil, honey, and all things which the earth bringeth forth, these came in now abundantly. But as Pelican noteth, no tithe of money, yet tithes might be converted into money, and thus God's ministers were supplied with all things necessary for their sustenance, as they ought to be. And this people shall rise up in judgment against, and condemn many of these [Note.] times, who will not pay tithe of all things, but keep back sundry of the smaller, saying, that the minister hath enough of the other. Such are worse, not only then these Jews, but then the Pharisee, who said, that he paid tithe of all that he had. They also of Judah gave the tithe of their herds, and of their flocks, and their holy tithes, or tithes of holy things. That is, most probably, of calves, whitemeat, wool and lamb, the tithes of holy things, saith Lyra, according to the Hebrews, were the tithe of the tithes, which the Levites paid unto the Priests, Numb. 18. 26. but because they were not paid by the people, but by the Levites, after they had received them of the people, they cannot, I take it, be meant here, but rather such tithes, as over and above the tithes ordinarily appointed to be paid, any did voluntarily vow to give; because there it is said, v. 8. these oblations of the holy things of the children of Israel shall be the Priests. And here it is said, the tithes of the holy things. Whereunto the vulgar Latin, for more expression, addeth, which they vowed to the Lord their God. Because amongst the oblations of this kind assigned to the priests, things vowed are also mentioned, v. 14.
In the third month they began the heaps, and in the seventh they finished them.] So that immediately after the passover in the second month, they began to gather and bring in their tithes from all parts, that is, about our mid May, at what time their harvest began, the time of the year concurring with the exhortation made to move them unto it. And because after their corn harvest their other fruits coming of the vine, olive and pomegranate followed, which were not all ended, till the seventh month, at the beginning thereof, viz. the midst of our September, they were thus long in making their heaps.
Then Hezekiah came and saw the heaps, &c.] For which he and his princes blessed God, and understanding by Azarias the high priest, that these heaps remained over and above their necessary sustenance, that attended upon the service of the Lord's house, he commanded to provide barns to lay them into, and this being done, all that provision was laid up in them, and committed to the custody of certain Levites, who should distribute them duly amongst their brethren, both in their service about the temple, and to them in the country, and all their families, that none might have any want, either men, women or children belonging unto them. Whether these barns or places of receipt were now new built or no, it is not said, but it is most probable, that they only prepared, and repaired and made clean, having been made before by Solomon, when the temple was built, seeing rooms were then made all along by the sides of the temple, 1 King. 6. 5.
But what is meant v. 6. by saying, besides the males of their kin from three years old and so forth] Answ. These are spoken of inclusively, as being some of those, that were with the holy things to be maintained, because they that enter into the house of the Lord are immediately spoken of in particular, and their age is set from twenty years old and upward. Lest therefore it should be thought, that others, who under that age, should not have allowance made for them, this parenthesis comes in, besides those of three years, &c. that is, who shall be provided for as well from that age to twenty, as from twenty and upward. If it be demanded further, what should the females then live upon, and male children under three? Answ. This distinction is made, because by the law of God some of the holy things might be eaten only by the males, Levite. 6. 11. and Numb. 18. 10, 11. it is shown what the males might eat of, and what both sons and daughters. None but the males then should have portions out of those allowed unto them, and with the other both males and females, and such as were under three years of both sexes should be sustained. Thus Hugo; but Lyra saying, according to the Vulg. Lat. that these are to be excepted, makes it doubtful, wherewith such little ones should be sustained. But because v. 18. it is expressly said, their little ones, their wives, sons and daughters, it is plain, that the meaning here is acacording to that, which hath been said. If it be further demanded, why the age of three years of the males is spoken of, and then from twenty and upward, seeing that in numbering the Levites it is begun at a month, and twenty five years is the soonest, that they began to serve, and thirty. It is answered, indeed the numbering of them from a month old is appointed, Numb. 3. 15. but that was because, as is there said, v. 13. they were taken for all the first born of the children of Israel; and a numbering from thirty to fifty, chap. 4. 3. 23. 33. of such as were able to carry burdens, when they travelled with the tabernacle: and chap. 8. 24. from twenty five to fifty, of such as were able to keep the watch of the tabernacle and to attend there, that they might in five years more be better prepared to do the full office of Priests and Levites at thirty. But there is likewise a numbering of them from twenty years old and up ward, 2 Chron. 13. 23. a reason whereof being yielded, v. 24, 25. viz. because God had given the children of Israel rest, so that the Levites should not need to carry the tabernacle anymore from place to place, it is concluded v. 26. that according to the last appointment of David they were numbered from twenty, although v. 2. of the same Chapter it had been said, that the Levites were even in David's time at the first numbered from thirty and upward. Hezekiah therefore in ordering the distributions here to be made to them of twenty years old and upward followeth his father David, who was assisted by the Prophets, Gad and Nathan, as is expressed, 2 Chron. 29. 25. and not the way of accounting first appointed in Numbers. Yet it is to be held with Junius, that they were not admitted to exercise their full ministry, till thirty years of age, at what time both Christ and John Baptist first began their preaching. But at twenty they began haply to be instructed in things pertaining to there office, at twenty five to execute it in part, and at thirty fully. Touching those of three years old and upward to twenty, they are most probably distinguished from such as were under, because although ordinarily they entered not into the tabernacle till twenty, yet sometimes extraordinarily they did, when they were very young and tender, as Samuel, whom his mother brought thither so soon as she had weaned him, 1 Sam. 1. and it is not improbable, but that some others gave their children to God likewise upon extraordinary occasion, as Hannah did.
Having thus taken in the memorable acts of Hezekiah omitted, 2 King. 18. but supplied, 2 Chron. 29. 30, 31. as hath been shown: I will now return again to 2 King. 18. 7. The Lord was with him, and whither soever he went he was prospered, as more briefly it is concluded, 2 Chron. 31. 21. And he rebelled against the King of Assyria and served him not: that is, he refused to pay tribute unto him, as his father Ahaz had bound himself to do, chap. 16. 7. neither would he and his kingdom be subject to him anymore. But how may this be justified, seeing he could have his kingdom no otherwise then his father left it unto him, therefore if he hold it as tributary to this king, his son ought to have held it so likewise, seeing the fathers covenant made in this case bindeth the son also, and that which he did being called rebelling against him intimateth it to have been unlawful. To this Wolfius answereth, that Ahaz his father did either covenant to be his servant, that he might be under his protection forever, or else for certain years, or as long as he lived. If forever, he saith, it bound both him and his, and this fact of Hezekiah cannot be justified: but if for certain years only, or for his time alone, Hezekiah was now free. but he rather thinketh, that by his rebelling is meant nothing else, but his ordering of matters concerning Religion contrary to his liking, which he might lawfully do, seeing the higher power is to be obeyed in God and for God and not against him, as Origen saith, upon these words, He that resisteth the power, resisteth the Ordinance of God; this is not to be understood of such higher powers as persecute the faith, for in such case that saying must rather be taken up, We ought rather to obey God then men. And Tertullian upon these words, [Give to Caesar the things of Caesar, and to God the things of God.] saith, this is well opposed, otherwise what shall be left for God, if all be Caesar's? Paulinus Tr ••••• sis, Lucifer Sardiniae, and Dionysius Mediolanens. being required to write against Athanasius an Orthodox Bishop by Constantius an Arian Emperor, answered, that the kingdom was not his, but God's, of whom he received it, and that he is to be feared, lest he suddenly take away that, which he even now gave him. Trajan also is reported to have said to a certain Praefectus Praetorii, when he gave him a sword and belt, If I shall rule justly, use it for me, if unjustly, against me. And another Emperor said, He did not desire, that his wills should have any power against right; but if they seem to fight against right, to have them abrogated, would be most pleasing unto him. Thus he bringing many arguments to the same purpose, and concluding, that it is Catachresticos called a rebelling. But because these words are added, [and served him not] it is plain, that not any act of reformation in the worship of God is meant, but his casting off the Assyrian yoke, which I doubt not, but he might justly do, what contract soever his father had made with that King. For although he being an idolatour fled to his patronage and trusted in an arm of flesh, covenanting therefore to pay him tribute, it was not necessary, that Hezekiah, who trusted not in man, but in God should also do likewise. Wherefore by the word [rebelled] here is not meant any unlawful act, but only, as the next words explain, he would not serve him, as his father had done; and so did God defend him against that mighty king, that he could never by all his power be brought to the like servile condition, but lived a free and glorious king, bringing his enemies under his feet.
Therefore, that his prosperity might the more appear, it is said, v. 8. He smote the Philistines even to Azzah and the coasts thereof, from the tower of the keepers to the fenced city.] The like phrase unto which see before ch. 17. 9. These towers some expound by cottages, where vine-dressers and shepherds shelter themselves. Theodoret by towers, on which fires were made, Vatablus by strong towers, the meaning is, that he smote them in all places, whether solitary or frequented by people howsoever they were fortified. Azzah, otherwise called Gaza, was one of the five Lordships of the Philistines. Into this war against the Philistines, Hezekiah entered to revenge the wrongs by the Philistines done in the time of his father unto his kingdom, 2 Chron. 28. 18. And because the Assyrim king came not till anno 14 of his reign, and this appears to have been done before anno 4. at what time Israel was carried away captive into Ashur, some think, that this his expedition against the Philistines, was before his revolt from the obedience of the Assyrian kings, and that his rebelling against them was after the Israelitish captivity, seeing it is most probable, that if he had rebelled sooner, the Assyrian king would not have returned, when he had subdued Israel, without fighting against him. Wherefore they hold, that he being lifted up with the victory against the Philistines, began to refuse the paying of tribute to Assyria, hoping that he should be able now to withstand any power through God's help, that should come against him. But before this victory they think, that for some time he paid it. But to me it seemeth by these arguments not so probable, as therefore to yield a neglect of order in the sacred historian, who placeth his rebelling against the king of Ashur first, and then his smiting of the Philistines. Because if upon this reason it be held, that his rebelling was not till after his victory over the Philistines, animating him thus to do, for the like reason it must be held, that there is a disorder also in relating this victory before the carrying of Israel away captive, seeing if it were before, then he was before lifted up thereby to rebel, which according to this reason could not be, since it was so long before the Assyrian king came to chastise him for it. And if he had at any time paid him tribute, it would not have been said, that he served him not without some addition touching the time, when, for otherwise it is as much as if it had been said, he never served him. Again, if he at any time served him, there was a time after he was king, that he had not such confidence in God, whereupon he neglected man, the contrary to which seemeth to be most true, in that he was very godly from the first month of the first year, as appeareth before at large. But why then did the king of Ashur forbear so long to come against him, and to take his opportunity to be revenged? Answ. It was God's singular providence over him, whilst he was busied in settling things touching religion, that he should not be disturbed, and when the Assyrian host came against Israel, his men being made courageous by their victory over the Philistines, it might haply not be thought a fit time, without first returning and increasing his forces, for the Assyrian king to set upon him. Being returned and carrying away the people of Israel, and putting others in their places, thus strengthening himself in those parts, he thought baply to come again with a greater puissance, but he was prevented by death: for we read no more of Salmanasars coming to war, but of Sennacherib, which implieth, that he died. And who knoweth, what troubles his successor might have at home, before he could enjoy the kingdom quietly, or whether he were of that warlike disposition at the first to prepare for this war? Thus then time might pass away, and nothing be done till anno 14 of Hezekiah, although the provocation were made anno 1 o . Touching the Philistines now subdued, they were a warlike people, and therefore the greater was Hezekiah's glory to smite and bring them under, as Plutarch doth hence praise the Romans above Alexander, because he subdued Asiaticks, that were weaker and more effeminate, but these the Germans, Spaniards, Britons. &c. most valiant nations.
In the fourth year of Hezekiah, which was the seventh year of Hoshea, came Shalmaneser, &c.] How this is to be reconciled to chap. 17. 1. where the beginning of Hoshea his reign is in the twelfth of Ahaz, and therefore it was his eight or ninth year, and not his seventh, when it was the fourth of Hezekiah, seeing Ahaz reigned sixteen, how the time of Hoshea two ways counted, maketh a seeming difference, in comparing the time of his predecessor and his together, see before upon chap. 17. 1. Here the same thing is again declared, which was said before, chap. 17. 6. The reason whereof, as Pelican thinketh may be, that the great favor of God, whereby he now protected godly Hezekiah and his kingdom when danger was so near might be manifested, and so in what a safe condition a [Note.] godly king and state are, when the wicked go to ruin, as Hoshea now did together with his people.
In the fourteenth of Hezekiah came Sennacherib king of Assyria against all the defensed cities of Judah and took them, &c.] After the prosperity of Hezekiah set forth, now followeth his adversity by the invasion of the Assyrians. He had revolted from their obedience, in which his father lived, and therefore they come now to be revenged upon him and prevail very much. Then he sent to Sa ••• cherib at Lachish, one of the strong cities of Judah, saying, I have sinned, but go from me, and whatsoever thou shalt lay upon me I will bear; and three hundred talents of silver, and thirty talents of gold being imposed upon him, he paid it out of the treasures of the Lord's house, and with the ornaments thereof pulling off the plates of gold upon the doors, which he had formerly fastened there. Lyra thinketh, that the sins of his father Ahaz and of the people in his time were the cause of his adversity, and that when Hezekiah confessed to the king of Ashur, that he had sinned, he meant that sinning of others against the Lord, which yet he taketh to himself, as being now king. Pelican, that the hearts of the people were to idolatry even in the time of this godly king, which soon appeared in that immediately after his death in the time of Manasseh they fell away most foully again; and for this cause God now brought the Assyrians against them, sparing the king. And by his sinning, which he accknowledgeth, he understandeth that against the Assyrian king in refusing to serve him. And Wolfius will have it a sin indeed in Hezekiah to refuse to serve the king of Ashur, because that he was by his father bound unto it, of which enough already, and because he made a league with Tirhakah the king of Egypt and Ethiopia, trusting to which he withdrew his obedience from the Assyrian, and that contrary to the warning given him, and the invectives made by the Prophet Isaiah against it. Thus he; but looking into Isaiah I find nothing spoken against Hezekiah for trusting to the Egyptians and Ethiopians help, but against the Philistines: one of those chief cities the king of Assyria fought against, viz. Ashdod, but they comforting themselves in expectation of help from this king, are by the prophets threatened, and by the sign of his going naked shown that the Egyptians and Ethiopians being subdued by the Assyrians should be so carried away out of their own country to their shame. And concluding, v. 6. he saith, Then shall the inhabitants of that country say, Behold, thus is it with our hope, to which we fled for help, &c. that is, not as some would have it, whom Wolfius followeth, the inhabitant of the country of Judea, but of Palestine, as Junius rightly expoundeth it, and the whole course of the history directeth seeing here is nothing said of Judea, but of Palestine only, whereas this may seem to belong to another kings time, and not to Sennacherib's, seeing he is called Sargon, king of Assyria, v 1. It is to be understood, as Jerome hath it and others after him, that the same king had both these names Sennacherib and Sargon, as is also intimated in that Thartan said to be a captain of Sennacherib's, 2 King. 18. 17. is said to be a captain of Sargon, Esa. 20. But let us proceed to Esa. 22. there Judah is threatened with a dismal time, and upbraided by keeping in the waters and strengthening the wall, v. 9, 10, 11. and not looking to the Lord by fasting and prayer to seek unto him: of which practices for fortification against the coming of the enemy, see 2 Chron. 32. 3, 4, 5, &c. But what is all this to prove a confedency with the king of Egypt and Ethiopia? verily nothing; or to the taxing of Hezekiah, as if the Lord were offended with him for revolting from the king of Assyria? For he is not once named, but Shebnah who is threatened and the people of the city, who when they were thus strengthened, were secure.
And whereas Esa. 30. a threatening is denounced for their trusting in Egypt, it is not to be understood of the time of Hezekiah as Junius well observeth, but of Zedekiah, who was long after, although this were prophesied, as also the straight besieging of the city of Jerusalem, ch. 29. 1, 2, 3. in the days of Hezekiah, but happened not, till after wards, as in some passages here following appeareth. Wherefore Hezekiah brought not this judgment upon his kingdom by any sin, which he had committed, as Wolfius would have it: but rather according to others, it came for the hollow heartedness and wickedness of the people having so godly a king and so holy a prophet as Isaiah: for that they did most of them conform to the Ordinances of God only externally, their hearts being bent a clean contrary way. Hezekiah then sent to Sennacherib, saying, [I have sinned] only by way of humbling himself before so mighty a King, who taxed him of sin and rebellion against him, if haply by this means he might stop his further proceedings in destroying his country, and specially Jerusalem. And this he did not out of any distrust in God, seeing, he was before for his trusting in him commended above all others, 2 King. 18. 5. but because the people were wicked, and had committed in his father Ahaz his time so great abominations, he feared, as he might justly do, some great judgment to be now in coming against them. Moreover, how he comforted himself and others in God, and what a confidence he had in him, see 2 Chron. 32. 7, 8. where his exhortation to the citizens of Jerusalem is set forth: Be ye valiant and fear not, neither be dismayed with the fear of the king of Ashur, and the multitude with him, for he is more that is with us, then with him, &c. which speech is said to have been cordial to the people, v. 6. And it is said, v. 1. that after the godly orders before spoken of firmly settled by Hezekiah, came Sennacherib, intimating, that his coming was only or chiefly to exercise his faith and to make it the more glorious, when as by so great a power coming against him he being tried quailed not, but encouraged others, and finally so miraculously prevailed against him, by his fervent prayers bringing down destruction upon his army and him also.
But whereas, 2 King. 18. 13. it is said, that he came against all the defensed cities of Judah and took them, here it is said only that he invaded Judah and pitched his tents against the defensed cities thereof, thinking to subdue them to himself. The meaning of that 2 King. 18. 16. that he presumed soon that he should take them, neither did the Jews themselves make any other account, by reason of his unresistable forces, wherefore the writer of the Chronicles, to make it more plain saith, that he thought, or as it is in the Hebrew, he said, meaning in his heart, that he would, &c. For 2 Chron. 32. 9. it is plainly said, that he was besieging Lachish, when he sent messengers to Hezekiah, and therefore all the cities of Judah were not taken, neither when it is said, that he came against them all, is it to be understood, that he did so any otherwise, but in purpose and resolution, because he could not so do, they being very many, but he must necessarily begin with some first, and most probably, he having taken some of less strength, proceeded to besiege Lachish, a city that might not be so easily subdued. And if he had taken any, then those words 2 King. 18. 13. must be understood, he took some of them, when it is said, he took them; but others which he had not won, he laid siege unto, as he came at any of them. Josephus relating this history saith, that Sanneherib bringing with him the whole strength of Asia, divided his army into two parts, one of which he sent with his captain Tartan, against Azotus or Ashdod of the Philistines, of which see Esa. 20. and with the other he came against Judah, so likewise Chron. Hebr. c. 13. In the same hour that he came against Judah he sent Tartan a against Azotus. Thinking, because he had forces sufficient, with one part of them to keep the Philistines, who were at this time subject to Hezekiah from coming to help him, and withal to stop the passage of the Egyptians and Ethiopians, whom he most feared, whilst he was busied in the Jewish wars. Whether this were so or not, certain it is, that about this time the Philistines were overcome by him, and not long after the Egyptians under Tirhakah, according to Esa 20. Hezekiah his sending to pacify the Assyrian king, which was the first thing done on his part after his coming into this country, being sufficiently set forth 2 King. 18. is in the Chronicles omitted. And what he did after that, he sought by so great a price to buy his peace, but was by the perfidious king notwithstanding come against, is only set down, as being omitted in the Kings. But how it happened that when he submitted himself for the safeguard of his country, as a provident king, to pay such a mass of silver and gold, he had the Assyrian forces yet bent against him, is left untouched in both. Josephus saith, and we may easily conjecture the same, that Sanneherib promised by oath, that if Hezekiah did pay unto him so much silver and gold, he would depart with all his power, and not invade his land any further, but he sware this deceitfully, intending first to draw from him what treasure he could, and then to go against him and subdue his whole kingdom. This being perceived by Hezekiah, he consulted with his people about using the best means that he could, to keep off so great an army from lying near to Jerusalem, and for this end, with the help of his people, he dammed up all the fountains of water thereabouts, and stopped the course of that, which ran from the city through the midst of the country, that is, into other parts; and this Lyra conjectureth, that he did by digging a great head or pond to receive that water, and when that was full and ran over, making it a passage under the ground, that the Assyrians might have no benefit by it, and for want of water be forced eftsoons to depart from thence, see 2 Chron. 32. 30. And then having also repaired the wall, which had been broken by Joash king of Israel in the days of Amaziah, 2 King. 14. 13, 14. and built an outer wall for more strength, he called the people together and made that oration unto them so cordial and comfortable, v. 6, 7. And if the wall remained broken from the days of Amaziah till this time, it lay in ruin above 98. years, that is, 52 in the reign of Vzziab, 16 under Jotham, 16 Ahaz, and 14 to this year of Hezekiah, which is a marvel, considering that Uzziah is said to have had a prosperous time, and to have built towers in Jerusalem, 2 Chron. 26. 9. yet indeed nothing is spoken of his repairing the broken wall, so that it might probably remain in the same state, in which Amaziah his father left it, Uzziah haply intending after his towers building to do it, but being prevented by the judgment of leprosy, which befell him, left it, and so it continued, till this time, yet not in that length broken, but being almost all rebuilt before, now in the time of this danger it was with speed finished, and another such wall added, as they were able in that shortness of time to make. Thus Hezekiah did now, and thus he expressed his sure trust and confidence in God, which showeth, that he sent not to compound before, out of any base fear, but that he might use the most effectual ordinary means, if haply so, this tyrant would have been moved to depart, to save the shedding of much blood of his people. If he shall seem to have committed sacrilege (which he ought not to have done) in that he took away the treasures and ornaments of the temple; I answer, that the present necessity was a dispensation unto him, neither is it sacrilege in any king, but warantable by this example to do the like in the like case, having a mind to give again as much to the house of God, when he shall be able, as he taketh away, for necessity hath no law, and so precious are men's lives in God's sight, that to save them he is not unwilling, that his rights should be taken, seeing the faithful are his living temples, in which he dwelleth by his Spirit.
After this preparation made for defense and an oration full of faith unto the people to stir them up to believe, Sennacherib being still at the siege of Lachish sent messengers to Hezekiah, 2 King. 18. 17. He sent Tarthan, Rabsaris and Rabshakeh with a great army. But how could this be, seeing he with all his domination laid siege to Lachish? the Vulg. Lat. [he with all his army] It is to be understood of that part, the leading whereof he took upon himself: as may be gathered from that, which hath been already said about this dividing of his forces into two parts, whereof he committing one to Tarthan according to Esa. 20. And he sent these men with this great company to terrify the Jews, that they might deliver the city of Jerusalem unto him, and not yet to lay siege unto it; neither indeed ever did he, according to the Prophesy of Isaiah, 2 King. 19. 32. but lost his army, and was himself destroyed for attempting it in so insolent a manner. Touching the reason why Sennacherib sent against Hezekiah after the composition before spoken of made with him; Pelican himself thinketh, that Hezekiah made account, that when he paid so great a sum of silver and gold, the Assyrian would not have expected also a yearly tribute from him, but he requiring this, Hezekiah by the persuasion of God's Prophets refused & so rebelled the second time against him, whereupon he sent, as here followeth; but for as much as no such thing is said in the text, this is uncertain, and it is rather to be held, as was before said, that when he had received the money, he would not depart, but most injuriously would have the city delivered unto him also, and this being denied, he sent thus to threaten and expostulate with the people. Amongst the persons of note sent, Rabshakeh in particular is the mouth, v 19. and it seemeth, v. 26. that he spake in the Hebrew tongue. The Rabbins, as Jerome hath it, upon this, say, that he was the son of the Prophet Isaiah, who fell from the true religion and ran away to the Assyrians, and therefore was now employed by them; but the ground hereof is so weak, that it is not worth the confuting, viz. because Isaiah had another son called Iasub, signifying Left: but it followeth not from hence, that he had his name for this reason. And they add, that by the menaces of Rabshakeh, Shebnah, one of them, who was sent by Hezekiah to speak to the Assyrian Ambassadors, was so terrified, that he betrayed part of the city Jerusalem into their hands, and for this the Prophet Isaiah speaketh so bitterly against him, Esa. 22. 15, 16, &c. and threateneth his putting out and placing Eliakim in his room by a decree not to be altered.
But although he were thus threatened, yet it nowhere appeareth, that this was the ground or cause, but rather his relying upon outward means, and not trusting in God; and for his betraying of any part of the city, there is nothing to intimate it, but rather the contrary; both because he went with Hilkiah after this to the Prophet Isaiah, and it was by him promised that he should not enter this city or do any hostile act against it, 2 King. 19. 32. Junius upon Isaiah 22. 15. saith, that Shebnah, who was now over the house, held that Office in the days of wicked Ahaz, father to Hezekiah, being, as his old master, wicked in heart, and secretly a favourer of wicked idolaters, and an hinderer of reformation, yet he could not at the first be outed by reason of his greatness, only since the time of Isaiah his prophesying against him, he was put from that Office and made the Kings Scribe, that so he might have less power and Eliakim placed in his room. For which both here and Esa. 36. 3. Eliakim is said to be over the house, and Shebnah the Scribe or principal Secretary to the King, haply his age being pretended, which made him unfit to hold that place any longer; and this being an honorable place, and because it was of little pains, fit for a man now grown old, Isaiah 36. 2. Because Rabshakeh was the only speaker, he only is mentioned, as sent by Sennacherib.
Now for the speech of Rabshakeh, some parts of it only are set forth, 2 Chron. 32. 9, 10, &c. because it is contained at large in this place, v. 19, • 0, 21. and Esa. 36. we have the same set forth verbatim, from whence most probably both this and the whole 19. chapter, and 20. to v. 19. was taken and inserted here, which maketh this history of Hezekiah king of Judah so complete as that the writer of the Chronicles had nothing left him to add hereunto, as his manner hath hitherto been touching all other kings of Judah, but only before this conflict with Sennacherib as hath been already shown, and after his recovery from his dangerous sickness, from v. 25. of 2 Chron. 32. to v. 31. where some remarkable passages more are set forth then in Kings.
The place, where Rabshakeh stood, was at the conduit of the upper fishpoole, as the way lay to the fullers field, a place near Jerusalem, where Fullers used to wash and dry their clothes, being a plain place near to the walls of the city. Here Sennacherib's messengers call to the king, but he not thinking it safe to come out unto them in person, who were so false hearted, (for the person of the King is not to be hazarded) nor yet to stand with his honor to deal any otherwise with the king of Assyria, then he dealt with him, viz. by messengers, sent his servants to speak with the servants of that king, Eliakim governor of the house, Shebnah the Scribe, and Joash Recorder. Concerning which offices enough hath been said before upon 2 Sam. 20. 24, 25, 26.
For the speech of Rabshakeh, v. 19. Say to Hezekiah, thus saith the great king, the King of Assyria, What is that trust in which thou trustest, &c,] Which was spoken out of intolerable pride in respect of the king of Ashurs unresistable strength, as thinking it vain for Hezekiah to trust either in God or man to be saved out of his hands. For so he goeth on, to beat him from all confidence, in the king of Egypt, calling him a broken staff of reed; not that Hezekiah sought help from Egypt, as Pelican noteth, but because he was his next neighbor; and it is the manner of kings in time of danger to seek to some neighbor king for aid: wherefore Rabshakeh presuming also, that he did so, as Hoshea the last king of Israel had done before, propounds this as true, when it was false, and Hezekiah was not so profane as to do thus, seeing if he had done it, some record in the Sacred History would have been made thereof. Yet Wolfius holdeth, that he did, but without ground, as I have made it appear before by examining the prophesy of Isaiah: the allegory of a broken staff of reed was very apt both for the situation of Egypt in a low reedy ground, and because a reed leaned upon giveth a man a fall, and hurteth his hand by piercing it. 2. He proceedeth to show, that if he trusted in God, this was vain, seeing he had broken down his high places and altars in other places, restreining all his worship to one place at Jerusalem only. And this be spake after the manner of an heathen. (which showeth, that he was no lew) for they thought that it tended greatly to the honor and glory of their gods to set up altars and temples to them in many places, and that to break down any formerly set up was a dishonor which could not, but greatly incense them. But he was herein deceived, for when one stately temple was by Solomon built to the honor of the true God, to show, that he was one only and his religion one, he forbade sacrificing in any other place. 3. He propounds to his consideration, how much he was overmatched, seeing he had not men enough to manage two thousand war horses, and he had so many to spare, if he would, for him, and yet too great a power for him to encounter, although he had Egypt on his side. 4. Which might more him most, he saith, that God bade him come against that country and destroy it. This, saith Wolfius, he spake from their own principles, viz. that nothing comes to pass without God's providence, and according to Esa. 10. 5. where Ashur is called the rod of God's anger against Jerusalem: but that it should not remain long upon it. And accordingly the king thereof at this time distressed it, and probably took some other parts belonging to the king Hezekiah, that reigned in Jerusalem, but that he should destroy the country cannot from thence be truly gathered.
Eliakim hearing his oration, together with his fellows, besought him to speak unto them in the Syriac tongue, and not in the Jews tongue in their hearing, who were upō the wall, lest they should be terrified by his words. Lyra saith, not only the Rabbins, but also our doctors commonly gather, that Rabshakeh was a Jew, because he spake Hebrew; but this is no argument, seeing it seemeth, he could have spoken Syriac also; and Lyra himself noteth, that men near the king learned more languages commonly, that they might be the fitter to entertain foreign ambassadors. But why would they have him to speak in the Syriac tongue? and not rather in the Assyrian or Chaldee? seeing he came from the king of Assyria. Sol. The Syrians, Chaldeans, and Assyrians, used all one and the same tongue, as Wolfius noteth, and the Jews language not differing much from it, but as one dialect in the Greek tongue from another, came afterwards in their captivity easily to be turned into it, their own being forgotten. But whereas they sought from hence to move this Rabshakeh to speak unto them in this tongue, that it might not be understood of the people, which he said, he condemneth as most foolish, absurd, and pernicious, because it could not but be conceived, as it fell out indeed, that he would by this motion be more provoked then stayed, from speaking whatsoever he could devise, to stir up the people to revolt from the obedience of Hezekiah, and their saying so, shown a fear in them of the people's fidelity towards their king, and was enough to stir them up to a jealousy against him, that he would have them kept hood-winked, that they might not know their danger, till it came upon them, which could not but greatly exasperate them. Yet that such an aspersion might not be cast upon Eliakim, or Joash, who were good men, he conceiveth that this was the devise of wicked Shebnah, purposely to provoke Rabshakeh to rail the more, and to lay open that, whereby the people might be moved to yield up the city, and yet he thought, that by making this motion he should be conceived to be very godly, and a great lover of his country, when he secretly meditated the betraying of it into the Assyrians hands. And if otherwise it came from Eliakim, he imputeth it to his fear, which made him speak unadvisedly; thus he. But others blame them not for thus saying, because either that the people might by this means be provoked to shoot at him from the wall, or would be overmuch terrified, was to be feared. I hold with those that lay no blame upon these messengers of Hezekiah, for making this motion, because they thought haply, that he spake in the Jews language, as supposing that they understood none other, and it irked them, that all the people should hear their good king thus traduced, making no doubt, but that his errand being to the king, he would hereupon be moved to alter his language, as having in commission not to speak to any other, but to commissioners sent from the king, however it fell out to the contrary.
Rabshakeh utterly refusing to hearken to this motion, takes oceasion hereupon to traduce it, as if he that made it, cared not to what miseries the poor people were exposed, saying, hath my lord sent me to speak to thy lord and to thee these words, and not to the people, that they might eat their own dung? &c. Hereby intimating a long siege, which they must necessarily endure, and at the last be forced to yield, and therefore that they should provide best for their own good, to do it now at the first.
Then he spake with a loud voice to the people, Let not Hezekiah deceive you, for he shall not be able to deliver you, &c.] That is, to make you abide quietly in the city, and to hold it against Sanneherib. For neither is his power sufficient to secure you in thus doing, neither can his God in whom he would have you to trust, defend you from him. Because other gods, as experience had already shown, could not save their people; viz. the gods of Hamath and Arphad, Sephervaim, Hevah, and Ivah, nor the gods of Samaria. Of Hamath and Sephervaim and Henah, see before ch. 17. 24. Arphad, saith Junius, was a country in the upper part of Assyria. Ivah, called Ingilines in Epiphanius, in Mesopotamia. Of Samaria, it hath been shown, how that was taken by the Assyrians, ch. 17. and 18. 10. He therefore moveth them in time to provide for their own good, by coming forth with a present to Sanneherib, as Junius rendereth it, by doing that which might be profitable for them, saith the vulgar Latin, but in the Hebrew it is, make a covenant with him, that is, by voluntary submitting and making oath unto him to be his subjects. Then he promiseth on Sanneheribs behalf, if they would do so, that they should remain in safety in their own land, living as they had done in times past, everyone in his possession, till that he should remove them to one like their own most fruitful, that is, at his return out of Egypt, Gloss. Ordin. For so he had already dealt with the Israelites their brethren, and with the Syrians, who were removed into other countries, in policy to keep them the better under. And thus he concludeth, that they might live, but otherwise die, because neither Hezekiah nor his God could save them. But herein he blasphemed the living God, as also his Lord Sanneherib doth ch. 19. 12. in comparing dumb idols, the work of men's hands with him, for such were the gods of the gentiles, and therefore his judgment was not long delayed. To this railing and blasphemous oration, no man made any answer, for so the king had commanded, lest Rabshakeh should be provoked to blaspheme the more, according to Lyra. They had a most wise and godly king, who would have the answering of this reserved to himself, and therefore they did better to obey him in silence, then to be moved by Rabshakeh to answer, so Pelican. But not only for this cause, saith Wolfius, and that reason rendered by Lyra, was this silence enjoined, but also lest liberty of answering being left unto the people, something might rashly have been uttered, whereby the enemy might have had advantage given him, to gather the disposition of the people, or the state of the city; And lastly, to show his contempt of the Assyrian King, and how much he slighted him for the vile speeches of his messenger, as a dog or swine, before whom pearls and holy things are not to be cast. And to teach us to answer such in their calumnies [Note.] with silence, whom we have no hope to amend by speaking; And the strict obedience of the people to their king in this case is worthy the imitation of all subjects, as being the safest way in times of greatest danger, the king being wise and godly, and careful to preserve the kingdom. Then they that were sent, returned with their garments rent unto the king, relating all unto him. For thus in sorrow the Jews commonly used to do for blasphemy, or some great misery, as hath been sometimes noted before, and in the high Priest, supposing that Christ had blasphemed.
CHAP. XIX.
HEzekiah hearing this, rent his clothes, and putting on sackcloth went to the house of the Lord, &c.] 2 Chron. 32. 18. it is said, that the servants of Sanneherib spake more against God and the king, wherefore he presently humbled himself in prayer, and whilst he was thus doing, sent to the prophet Isaiah. He considered, saith Gloss. ordin. that the sins of the land might be the cause of this misery, and therefore he mourned. And although it be not expressed, what he now prayed, Lyra conjectureth, that it was for pardon, and help, and mercy towards the people, and justice towards blasphemers, and because he thought there was more merit in the prayers of Isaiah then in his own, he sent to him to pray also; he should have said, because he thought, that his prayers could more prevail, seeing he was a prophet of the Lord, and so most gracious with him, as sometime Elijah and Samuel, and Moses, &c. had been. For what can the poor merit at the hands of the rich by begging? And therefore another of the same religion saith better, he sent to Isaiah, as to one, that had most inward familiarity with the Lord, and he sent the same messengers that came unto him with their clothes rent, together with certain priests clad also in sackcloth. Whereas coming to Isaiah they complain of their common calamity, and say, the children are come to the birth, and there is no power to bring forth; that is, the state is now like unto a woman in travel full of pangs, which are so much the greater, because she cannot bring forth: for even so was Hezekiah and his people in Jerusalem; they conceived great indignation and horror at the blasphemies of the Assyrian king, being desirous to revenge this wrong done to their God, but his forces were so great, and theirs so small, that they were no way able to do it, which made their sorrows to continue, and them to flee to the divine Majesty, who only is able to judge him according to his demerits, thus, but more briefly Lyra and some others. But Wolfius more fully. We are full of sorrow, as a woman in travel, that cannot be delivered, both for the great power which is come against us, and because our God is so vilified, as unable to help, and his servant Hezekiah, as a deceiver and oppugner of his worship, to promote which his chief care hath been, insomuch, as if a woman at the point of bringing forth be not presently holpen, there is danger of perishing both to her and her children, so if God make not haste to help his people in these extremities, there will be present danger of ruining all, both the city and religion. By the children come to the birth, he meaneth the people in distress, unto whom he being as a mother, labored to bring them forth of it, by doing what in him lay by great gifts sent to Sanneherib, but he was not able, for still the danger continued. Pelican likeneth the conscience of their own sins, thought to be the cause of Rabshakeh his blasphemies to the pangs of a woman in travel, that cannot be delivered, because they are as bitter to a godly soul. I rest in the first, Hezekiah and his people were as much pained at these blasphemies, as a woman that wanteth strength, when the child is even now come to the birth; because they went to their hearts, making their spirits ready to fail, and power they had not to overcome them, wherefore he did flee to God for help, being otherwise ready by and by, together with his people to perish, and desired Isaiah to pray for the remnant of the people, that is, them being but a remnant, in comparison of the great number that were of them, before they were wasted in the time of Ahaz, so Lyra; or a remnant he calleth them, with reference to their brethren of Israel, who were carried away captive before.
The kings messengers coming to Isaiah, are comforted against these their great sorrows, and sent back with comfort unto him. For the prophet biddeth from the Lord, that he should not fear Sanneheribs brags, saying moreover, I will send a spirit unto him, and he shall hear a message, and return into his own land, and fall by the sword there. That is, a spirit of trouble at the message brought touching the king of Ethiopia coming to fight against him, and when he hath gone against him and is returned, his host being cut off and destroyed, he shall return and fall by the sword in his own land, all which came to pass accordingly, but not till he came again from fighting against the Ethiopians, so Lyra. But Wolfius, by the spirit, which he would send unto him at the hearing of a message, understandeth a panic fear, wherewith he should be surprised at the hearing of the destruction of his army by the Angel of God sent out in the night against it, the lamentable cries whereof should come to his ears and affright him. Some by this spirit understand the fear, wherewith he should be stricken at the hearing of the Ethiopian king, lest the Ethiopians and Egyptians joining together against him, whilst he went to fight against them, the Jews should come upon him at his back, and so being beset with three nations at once, he should be endangered with his whole army. Junius, by this spirit understandeth a mind to return. But I prefer that of Wolfius, because he was not so much afraid of the Ethiopians, that we read of, nor at the hearing of that message, nor caused hereby to return home, but still continued as full of courage, and insulted as much over the God of Israel, and Hezekiah his servant, as appeareth by his letters unto him, as he did before. But so soon as, his army being destroyed, the noise thereof came to his ears, he presently fled away. Neither doth the word rendered Message in the vulgar Latin, signify anything else, but an hearing, he shall hear an hearing, or sound, Junius hath it, a rumour. It is therefore to be conceived, that the prophet overpassing the impediment, which he met withal by reason of the Ethiopian king, comforteth Hezekiah and his people by this, wherein the greatest comfort lay, viz. the enforcing of Sanneherib to flee to his own country, never to come against Jerusalem, or any other city of Judah again, which yet was not immediately fulfilled, as we may gather from v. 9. but a year after, when he had ended his war against the Ethiopian, and returned, thinking to take Jerusalem. For there the prophet giveth this sign to confirm his words. This year ye shall eat that which groweth of itself, and the next year, and the third sow and reap. Implying an whole year to come after that, wherein he thus prophesied, before their full deliverance.
Rabshakeh having no answer, and thereby perceiving, that the Jews meant to hold Jerusalem against his Master, returned unto him at Libnah, for he heard that he was gone from Lachish, being, as is generally thought by expositors, taken, because it is improbable, that he would otherwise have gone from the siege thereof to another. Rabshakeh coming to him at Libnah relateth unto him the stoutness of the Jews at Jerusalem: Whereupon he wrote as followeth, v. 9. Because he being enforced to go against Tirachah king of Ethiopia, and Egypt, as is commonly held, could not go immediately against Jerusalem as he desired. But this coming of the Ethiopian king against Sennacherib is not thought to have been against his country in this his absence, but in the place, where he then was, whereas indeed it seemeth rather to have been against his country, both because it is here said, he returned, although Junius for this word hath nothing else but again, he wrote letters, &c. but in Hebrew it is, he returned, and wrote. And so Josephus saith, he heard, that the king of Ethiopia led an army through the desert against the Assyrians, whereupon he returned: so like wise Genebrard and Severus Sulpitius, but as Josephus saith, he left Rabshakeh with two others to continue the wars against the Jews in the mean season, so that they could not in his absence intend their husbandry, but lived upon that, which grew of it self, according to the forementioned Prophesy. And the long time, that he was in this expedition against Tirhakah, viz. an whole year at the least makes it the more probable, that he took a long journey to repress the Ethiopians, even to Assyria, which was seven hundred miles, and not that the Ethiopians came near Judea to fight against his army there, for then he should doubtless have sooner ended that war. Of what great power the Ethiopian King was, so that he had need with all his might to oppose him, see in the example of Zerah king of Ethiopia, 2 Chron. 14. 9. who came against Asa with 100000. men.
For his writing to Hezekiah, it is said, that he sent messengers to him, that should say, Let not thy God deceive thee, in whom thou trustest, saying, Jerusalem shall not be delivered into the hands of the king of Assyria, &c. and yet v. 14. When Hezekiah had received the letters, &c. So that it seemeth he both wrote and committed the same to be delivered by word of mouth to these his messengers also. To this effect Lyra saith, He threatened him both by word and writing to strike the greater terror into him. See also 2 Chron. 32. 17, 18.
And in this speech and letter is nothing, but the same, which Rabshakeh had said before, nor all that, yet coming to reckon up the countries, which the Kings of Assyria had subdued, v. 12. he is more full, then Rabshakeh had been, saying, Have the gods of the nations, which my ancestors destroyed delivered them? For whereas Rabshakeh addeth next to these words, Where be the gods of Hamath and Arphad, &c. He before his coming to Hamath inserteth others thus, Gozan, Charan, and Rezeph, and the children of Eden, which are in Thelassar. Junius thinketh Gozan to be the same, that is called Nehar Gozan, chap. 17. 6. Charan, that city in Mesopotamia, Gen. 11. 31. Rezeph also, according to Ptolemy, he placeth in Mesopotamia. The children of Eden in Thelassar, about the midst of Euphrates, being a garrison appointed to that place by the king of Babylon, where they pitched their tents, as the word Thelassar signifieth. Wolfius saith, that Ptolemy in his Geographicks sometime placeth Rezeph in Syria, as may be seen in his description of Syria, and sometime in Mesopotamia, & that some hold it to be the same with the city Petra in Arabia; but most probably it lay in Syria, because that country was now certainly subdued by the king of Assyria. By the children of Eden he understandeth a people of Eden Eastward now inhabiting the city Talathah standing according to Ptolemy between Apamia and the Persian bosom. It being of no great consequence to know these things more certainly, and haply the certain knowledge hereof not to be attained, we may be content to know only thus much, that for their chastisement for sin God gave many kingdoms into his hands, whom he to have them more certainly at his obey, removed from their native countries to others, as the children of Eden in particular, of whom also mention is made, as of fellows to Tyre Ezek. 27. But he not knowing by whose gift he obtained these countries took occasion from hence proudly to magnify his own power and to extenuate the Lord's, and if he made any promise, as having power against him, he blasphemously called it a deceiving and not to be trusted to, threatening Hezekiah, that he should not be delivered by all that he could do, and therefore the best way for him were to yield the city quietly into his hands.
Hezekiah having heard this message, and received letters to this effect spreadeth the letters before the Lord and prayeth, saying, (O Lord God of Israel, who sitteth between the cherubims, &c. That is, as Lyra hath it, rulest over the glorious angels represented by the cherubims set in the most holy place, and therefore the Mercy-seat was supported, between them, which was the seat of God. And he mentioneth his sitting there, saith Pelican, as intimating his readiness, according to his promise to Moses, to meet such as seek him in his house. And to show the confidence, that he had in his power over all things in heaven and earth, he calleth him Lord of all kingdoms, and maker of heaven and earth. He had before a promise against Sanneherib, so as that he might have contemned his threats: but because he iterated the same message again, he sought the second time unto the Lord, that he might be further confirmed, and by hearing answer from the Lord again comforted against the sorrow, which he could not but conceive at these iterated blasphemies, teaching us in his example still to seek by prayer even that, [Note.] which God hath promised.
When Hezekiah had made an end of praying, the Lord suffered him not to stay for an answer, but prevented his sending again to Isaiah by causing the Prophet to send to him, saying, Thus saith the Lord, I have heard thy prayer against Sanneherib. And this is the word which the Lord hath spoken concerning him; The virgin, the daughter of Zion hath despised thee, and laughed thee to scorn, &c. That is, the faithful king and people of Zion, the highest part of the city Jerusalem have contemned and derided thy boasts and brags made against her, knowing assuredly, that all thy power is weakness to do her hurt, having the Almighty on her side. And be saith, the virgin daughter of Zion, because there were some always there, that persisted in the true faith uncorrupted. Then he turneth his speech to Sanneherib, saying, Whom hast thou upbraided and blasphemed, &c. Even the holy one of Israel, that is, the most holy God, who is peculiarly the God of Israel, because he chose Israel above all people's, and only there was he worshipped aright.
Thou hast upbraided the Lord by the hand of thy messengers,] That is, by Rabshakeh and others sent the second time, whereby the proud kings abasing of the Lord is aggravated, in that he did not only blaspheme with his own mouth and pen, but by his servants who were of an inferior condition.
Then he addeth other words full of insolency which he spake, With the multitude of my chariots I have ascended unto the high places of the mountains, &c.] Hereby, saith Lyra, he meaneth Jerusalem. To the top of Libanus and cut down the Ceders thereof. That is, destroyed the temple made of Cedars of Libanus, which he is brought in speaking, not because he had already done it, but did as certainly promise himself in his own heart, that he should do, as if by this time it had been done. He also by Cedars understandeth the Nobles of the land, and by the lorrest of Carmel the common sort: and whereas he saith, I have drunk the waters of others and dried them up by the steps of my feet: It is meant, that he had gotten all the cisterns and wells with water made at other men's cost, and had so many men and beasts in his army, that all the waters of Judea would not suffice them to drink by a vainglorious hyperbole. But we may better with Wolfius understand Libanus properly, the height whereof was such, as that it was impregnable. Yet this tyrant bragged of coming over this huge mountain, and cutting down the Cedars thereof, which were preserved for special uses by the kings of Indah for the building of houses of greatest note, as the house of the Lord, and the kings, but he in spite of Hezekiah would cut them down; and adding to this the forest of Carmel also, another high mountain towards the sea, it is meant, that he would bring under his power all places of greatest note both far and wide. Lastly, in saying, I have digged and drunk others waters,] He meaneth, that the work, which Hezekiah and his people had done in stopping the waters about Jerusalem before spoken of, that Sanneherib coming with his host might find none, should little avail them; because he with his great multitudes were soon able to dignity new wells of water sufficient for them to drink, and to make their waters within the city soon to fail. Of which words, although we read nothing before, yet probably they were spoken by his servants at his first sending, seeing it is said, that they spake much more, then was expressed, 2 Chron. 32. 16.
But what doth the Lord now answer to this? v. 25. Hast thou not heard long ago, that I have done it, and of ancient times, that I have formed it, and now that I bring it to pass, that thou shouldst be to the troubling of defensed places, &c.] That is, saith Lyra, at the beginning of the world, that I made it and all things contamed therein: for this the very heathen Philosophers taught, when they said, there was one cause of all other things, viz. the God of gods, and now for the sins of divers nations, I appoint thy ancestors and thee as my scourage to bring to ruin many strong cities, not by any might or power of your own, but by me given unto you, and to be taken away again when I please. For which cause the Lord calleth Ash •• his rod and staff, Esa. 10. 5. 6. to scourage and beat many nations withal, but because he did it, as by his own might proudly being puffed up hereby, a woe is denounced against him. Wolfius analysing this speech of the Lord, makes it to answer to Sanneheribs letters in the three parts thereof. First, whereas he bragged of his many conquests, this is answered v. 25, 26. Secondly, whereas he magnifieth himself, this is answered, v. 27. Thirdly, whereas he throatned what he would do further, this is answered v. 28. 32, 33. To the first, he did nothing by his own, but the power of God; to the second, he was well known to the Lord, and how we •• and unable to subsist any longer then he pleased; to the third, he should do nothing against Jerusalem, but be carried back into his own country and be slain there. Touching these words, hast thou not heard of old that I made it, &c. he saith, that some understand them as spoken of Pharaoh, and what he did many ages before, but this cannot be, because it is added, and now I bring it to pass. Some by it understand Jerusalem, which the Lord made and formed in that beauty, long before the Assyrian Monarks were: but neither can this stand, because the thing pointed at here, is the laying desolate of defensed cities, as Jerusalem should never be by him. Wherefore he setteth this down rather, as the true meaning. Haste thou not heard of old, that I have done that which thou speakest of, viz. set up thy ancestors and thee in this height of worldly glory, and made other nations of no strength, before them and thee, and he addeth, that in ancient times he formed it, that is, laid down from the beginning of the world in his mind, a platform of all this, which is now come to pass. And he asketh him, if he had not heard it, because he was not so barbarous; but he must needs ascribe to the divine power the • l • va •• on of his own house and kingdom, and the pulling down of others, yea he said before by his messenger Rabshakeh, that God bade him come up against Jerusalem, and destroy it. From this dissenteth not Jerome, who also understandeth the word [it] of that which by God's providence and predetormination the Assyrian kings had done against other nations, taking away all heart and courage to resist from them; and making them as weak as grass, as here followeth v. 26. So likewise Junius; Pediean and others; neither can it be understood otherwise by any, that duly consider these two verses together.
I knew thy sitting down, or dwelling, and thy going out and rage against me, &c.] That is, although thou hadst not in words boasted of thy greatness, and uttered thy fury against my city and servants, I know well enough what counsels thou to ••• st in thy mind; yea all thy very thoughts and intentions, for by God's knowing of his helling down and rising up, David showeth, that all the most secret cogitations and counsels of his mind were known unto God, but these of Sanneherib were both known and derided, as mere vanities. And because the Lord knew him to be ragling like abeast, he threateneth to use him accordingly, viz. to put an hook in his nostrils, &c. alluding to the manner of men towards a bufle or wild ox, into whose nostrils an hook being put, he is led to the house or wild ox, into the Lord shown by thus saying, that he would with shame and disgrace thus bring him back to Assyria, as to his slaughter-house.
And to thee (O Hezekiah) this shall be a sign, eat this year what thou findest. the second year that which groweth of it self, &c.] Thus the Vulg. Lat. but Pagninus whom Junius, Wolfius and other Translatours follow: eat this year what groweth of it self, and likewise the second. But for so much as two divers words for these two years are used, for the first 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Saphiach, coming of [Saphic] togather: for the second 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Sachish, signifying that which groweth of it self, Wolfius well acknowledgeth, that the store then by them, which they had before gathered and laid up, might well be meant hereby; so also Lyra. And it agreeth hest with reason, that they should one year live of the old store, and when this failed, God hereby promised a supply extraordinary of fruits and self-sown corn haply increasing the more by means of the corn the year before beaten down and spoiled by the Assyrian armies. So that Hezekiah and his people are hereby comforted and confirmed against the fear of want during the time, that their enemies placed in that country by Sanneherib annoyed them. For although they could not go forth to plow and sow, yet God promiseth by his blessing to cause the earth to bring forth so much fruit even in this troublesome time, (suffered happily by the Assyrians to grow to maturity in hope to enjoy it themselves) as should satisfy them and keep them from famishing. And if it be doubted how they should come to reap it, seeing their enemies were in the land? It is to be conceived, that at the very time, when it was to be gathered in, the Assyrians were smitten, as is here by and by related, and then they had their full liberty. For although the sign given is extended to the third year, when he saith, The third year sow and reap: Yet it is not to be understood so, as if they should do thee before their deliverance, but that when they had been preserved one whole year by their old store, the enemy all that while ranging about the country, so that they could not provide for the next, in it they should be extraordinarily provided for by come growing of it self, as well as if they had followed their wonted course of husbandry; and by this m •• ns they should also have seed to sow the ground to be reaped the third year, being at the time of reaping the second years crop miraculously set free from the fear of their enemies. It was not then the term of three years that passed before the putting of the book into Sannehoribs nostrils, and that prodigious slaughter of his men, nor much less then a year after his so foully blaspheming of the God of Isreal, and yet a sign is given of three years continuance, where of part must needs follow after the thing signified hereby, but so plain show was in the second year made hereof, that they might well believe it, seeing the earth so to fructify without labor, that they should not in the third went either provision for sustenance, or seed. For why should it be doubted, when they had and used means, whether God who had promised, would make the earth to bring forth abundantly, when as without means he had sufficiently furnished them with provision the year before? If it be demanded, how this could be a sign to confirm their saith, considering that they saw it not performed, till their deliverance? I answer, they did se • the earth fructifying the second year, although unsown, and in the year wherein this was prophesied, their store haply was almost spent, providence, and divine favor towards them, how could it but confirm them touching his promised mercy against Sanneherib?
For the residue of the house of Judah, shall take rooting downward, and bring forth fruit, &c.] Here he proceedeth from the increase of the fruits, which should come of their sowing, when their enemies should be destroyed, unto their firm and stable habitation in the land, which remained, and escaped in Judah, wherein many doubtless had been slain by the Assyrians, by continuing his speech, as he had begun metaphorically. For what is a people's taking rooting downward, but the firm establishing them in their place? as trees, the more deeply they are rooted stand the surer, and what is their bringing forth of fruit upward, but their increasing in posterity, although Lyra expoundeth it of good works, but without reason.
And the remnant shall come out of Jerusalem, &c.] That is, although now they shut up themselves within their walls for fear of the enemy, yet being delivered, they shall come forth again, as men at liberty, to plow, and sow, and reap, as in former times: The zeal of the Lord will do this, and not their own merits, as Lyra well noteth. Whereas one expoundeth all this of the residue of their corn, which should greatly increase, insomuch as that they should go out with it to sell to men of other countries, and have no need to lay it up at home for fear of another siege to come, I think it to be altogether from the purpose, because it is not said, the residue of the corn in Judah, but the residue of the house of Judah, and not the residue shall be brought forth as speaking of corn, but shall come out, as speaking of men, that have life and motion. Pelican extendeth that which is said of their going out, yet further, thus, they shall go out and take the rich spoils of three nations, Assyria, Ethiopia, and Egypt, by a singular providence brought thither, to become a prey unto them, conceiving, that Sanneherib having gone out to fight against the Ethiopians and Egyptians, and overcoming them, brought their spoils to his camp, which now came into the hands of the men of Judah; but forsomuch as nothing is spoken of the spoils taken by them, but only of the destruction of their enemies, I pass this over, as depending merely upon conjecture. Comestor saith, that these words [shall go out] have reference to the men of other parts of the land, who in this time of danger, came for shelter to Jerusalem, but now returned to their own places and multiplied there, as they had formerly done, Eccles. histor.
He shall not enter into this city, nor shoot an arrow against it, &c.] The Lord hereby promiseth, that he should not only not overcome it, but not be suffered to come and besiege it, but before that he with his host should approach so near as to shoot an arrow unto it, he should by the utter loss and overthrow of his army, be forced to flee away most shamefully. And this he promised to do for himself, that is, his gloty, when all men hearing of it should extol his power, and for David's sake, because of the covenant made with him. Lyra saith erroneously, for his merits. And therefore Jerome is rather to be heard, who is far more ancient, who saith, for David's sake, that is, for, or in the remembrance of him, adding moreover, that so highly accepted of are some of the holy servants of God, that he is delighted to remember their piety long after, and maketh it to go the better with their posterity therefore many generations after, as he also promiseth in the second Commandment. And as Wolfius hath it, his saying that he would do this for David's sake, is to be understood, for the promise sake made unto David, 2 Sam. 7. that the kingdom should be established to his posterity forever.
Wherefore it came to pass the same night that the Angel of the Lord went out and smote in the tents of the Assyrians 185000.] That God, whom the proud King of Assyria had vilified and contemned, would not have execution done upon his army by any other, but his Angel, that he might against his blasphemies vindicate his power from contempt and prove it to be above all men and gods. But where this army now was, by what kind of death it was smitten, and what night is meant by the same night, is uncertain. But most probably his army was brought again back from his Ethiopian expedition into the coasts of Judah, because the Lord sweareth, Esa. 14. 25. in that land to tread him under his feet, and chap. 10. 12. having threatened to destroy his power, and v. 16. shown the manner, how, viz. as it were by the burning of fire, and v. 26. as the Midianites and the Egyptians were destroyed, whom his Angel smote, he showeth, v. 28. by what places he should pass, when this should be done, viz. Haiana, Migron and Michmash Gibeah Ramah and Madmenah, naming Nob as the uttermost to which he should come towards Jerusalem, intimating the destruction of the Assyrians there, v. 32. Whereby we may gather, that at his return from Ethiopia, he being come to Nob some sixteen miles off towards the North, where he appointed all his army to come together to him; for it is said, That he should appoint a day at Nob, his host was thus smitten. For the manner, it is thought by some, because of that, which is said, Esa 10. 16. to have been by fire, being further confirmed, Esa. 33. 11, 12. Some think, that an earthquake and horrible tempest and fire together destroyed them grounding upon, ch. 29. 6. and some, that they were smitten with the plague. But that of fire burning in their breasts and stifling them is most probable, in which the Hebrews consent, saying, that their bodies were •… urnt, but their garments untouched, so that the Jews might take the spoil of •… hem. Lastly, although Wolfius by the same night understandeth the night following the delivery of the foregoing message of comfort from the Prophet, yet Lyra •… etter determines, that it was the night after Sanneheribs return to fight against Jerusalem when he had been gone near two years; or rather, as I shown before, •… bout a year to fight first against the Ethiopians, when he was come with his army •… o Nob, as also R. Solomon saith, nearer then which place he came not towards Jerusalem. For it is against the tenor of the prophesy beforegoing, This year eat •… f your store, the second that which groweth of it self, &c. Implying, that a long time was to come between the prophesy and their full deliverance from the Assyrians, •… nd not that it should be wrought by and by.
Whereas it is here said, The Angel of the Lord smote 185000 and when they rose in the morning, behold, all were dead corpses, 2 Chron. 32. 22. it is said, The Lord sent his Angel, who smote every strong man and warrior, and the prince of the host of the king of Assyria. Whereby we may gather, that some of the weaker sort were spared, the prime men only being smitten, without whom he and his host remaining became contemptible, wherefore it is said, that he returned with shame •… nto his own land. He had then many more doublesse in his army according to the manner of such mighty Monarchs, who used not to go forth to war, but with 500000. or 1000000. men, but all his captains and officers of bands being destroyed and the General, so that none were left to order the battle, he was so confounded, that he speedily provided for his own safety by fleeing home with those weak and inferior persons, that remained in his campe, not daring to abide in the •… eld any longer. Wherefore Josephus saith, that he fled with his army, and Heb. tradit. his head and his beard being as it were shaved by singeing, according to Isaiah. They that rose then in the morning and saw them dead, were the refuse of the army, who brought word hereof to the king: but the Vulg. lat. rendereth it, When be arose in the morning he saw, as if it were meant of the king, contrary to the Hebrew verity.
Sanneherib then returning to Nineveh, the chief city of Assyria was slain by his own sons Adrammelech and Sharezer, as he was worshipping in the temple of his god Nisroch. For the cause, why his own sons slew him, R. Solomon, whom Lyra citeth, hath a pretty invention. The great men of the country having lost each one his son, brother or friend in that expedition against Jerusalem by means of his blasphemies, were provoked so, that they meant to destroy him, which he bearing, fled to the idols temple and prayed and vowed, that if his god would deliver him from this danger, he would give these two sons for sacrifice unto him; then they hearing this, came and slew him there.
But this savoreth as a Rabinicall invention, for by what means came he to know this, and how should his sons know so soon what he said in praying? It is therefore more probable, which Lyra rejecteth, that they slew him, because he neglecting them, that were haply elder, appointed Esarhaddon another son of his, to reign after him, but they not being able after this appointment to alter it, contented themselves only to take this revenge, and then fled away. Thus the people of God were by degrees made more and more safe from the enemies sword. First, by the sudden destruction of his host. Secondly, in that he returning, is said to dwell in Nineveh, that is, giving himself to sloth and pleasure, not applying his mind to make war anymore, or haply, as some other tyrants have done, in their elder years, when they became weary of the wars, they have betaken themselves to a monastery, that they might spend the rest of their time in blind devotion, so he, and then it may well be conceived, how he came at this time to be taken in his idols temple. Thirdly, by his cutting off, as was threatened, Wolfius rejecting the reason of his coming to this temple at his return, rendered, by Jerome, viz. to give him thanks for his victories, saith that he fled hither to complain before his god of his ill success, but because it is said he dwelt in Nineveh, I rather think, as was before said, that he spent most of his time in blind devotion to an impotent idol, thinking thus to live the more securely the rest of his days, because the terror of the Angels stroke which he had received in his host, would not yet go out of his mind. So far was he from learning by that scourge of God, that there was but one only true God of power, viz. the God of Israel, and acknowledging the impotency of dum idols. Wherefore his blaspheming of God was now fully punished, when he praying in the temple of his god, that it might appear, that the idol had no power either to save his host or him afar off, or being nearest to him, seeing it may be, that he ascribed the preservation of his own person in that great massacre to this tutelary god and therefore worshipped him still, notwithstanding his armies overthrow in the land of Judea. But if Tobit. 2. 24. may be credited he lived not 55. days after his return to Nineveh. Touching this idol Nisroch nothing is recorded amongst Writers, saith Wolfius, but by Jerome. in tradit. Hebr. that he was of old worshipped amongst the relics of Noah's Ark, and calleth him Dagon. The Assyrians worshipped Jupiter Belus for their god, as saith Dion, Cyril, Eusebius and others; and haply the same was called also Nisroch, because he was a refuge to such, as fled and escaped out of battle, this being supposed by the ignorant heathens to have been under his protection, and through his tender care, according to the signification of the word, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Nes, fleeing, and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Rech, tender. But the Lord to show the vanity of such as trusted to this, would not have him slain by the Angel coming upon his army, but after his return, before his idol, in which he trusted, and that by his own sons, that came out of his own bowels, as is added, 2 Chron. 32. 22. both that his sufferings might be the greater, who had sinned so greatly, in seeing first the principal of all his army slain, and in fleeing so many hundred miles with great shame and fear: and also that he might be punished in his kind for the striking of terror into all others, by being led as an ox to the house of slaughter, who thought none either man or God comparable to him in power and puissance, and by their lifting up of their hands against him most unnaturally, to whom he had given their being, as he had ungraciously lifted up his blasphemous tongue against him, that had so greatly magnified him and set up his throne above the nations about both far and near.
The place, that his sons who slew him fled unto, was Ararat in Armenia, of which see Gen. 8.
After this, 2 Chron, 32. 23. it is added, that God saved Hezekiah and the inhabitants of Jerusalem out of the hands of Sanneherib and gave him peace round about, and many brought sacrifices to Jerusalem, and gifts to Hezekiah, &c. That is, this miracle of the Assyrians destruction being divulged amongst the nations, they both sent great gifts to Hezekiah for honors sake to one so highly in the favor of the Lord, all their hatred against him and his people being turned into love and admiration, and a desire, (all hostility being laid aside) of their amity, and so they had quiet on every side, and in acknowledgement, that the God of Israel was the only true God and the Almighty, they sent sacrifices to be offered in his temple in Jerusalem, being, as Pelican thinketh, converted to the true faith by this great miracle, that being in part now fulfilled, which is prophesied, Esa. 2. of the flocking of all nations to the mountain of the Lord. So that however the ten tribes were carried away captive for their sins and no more sacrifices came from them, which before had been prophesied against, as abominations, and forbidden, Esa. 11. Yet there was now no defect, but rather a superabundance of them, by reason of the nations about, who brought them in from every place haply being moved also in part, because they having been under the oppression of the Assyrian tyrants, shared with the Jews now in the comfort and freedom coming by this their miraculous destruction.
CHAP. XX.
IN those days Hezekiah was sick unto the death, and Isaiah the son of Amos came to him, saying, Set thy house in order, for thou shalt die and not live.] The Hebrews, saith Pelican, think that this sickness was three years before the destruction of the Assyrians before going, ch. 19. although it be related after, because it is said, v. 6. And I will deliver thee out of the hand of the Assyrians, and will defend this city for myself, and for David my servant: and they say three years, because after the Assyrians coming against Jerusalem, three years are spoken of, that should •… e to Hezekiah a sign of deliverance. But if it be taken as it lieth in order, a good reason may be rendered of the promise of deliverance from the Assyrians after Sanneheribs death, because there might be danger again by Esarhaddon his son, who reigned in his steed, and might threaten to come and be revenged upon the Jews for the overthrow of his people past, and thus to vindicate the credit of the Assyrians, who were then put to great shame.
Lyra is for that of the Hebrews, alleging R. Solomon, in confutation of the opinion of some, that Hezekiah was smitten with this sickness, because he was not worthily thankful for his great deliverance. For this, saith R. Solomon, cannot be so, because that deliverance was after his sickness, and the cause of his sickness, was for that he would not take a wife to continue the line of David, but lived a single life, till after his recovery of health, as is probable, if the time be considered of which his son Manasseh was, when he died, viz. twelve years old, whereas from this sickness were 15. But Wolfius well confuteth this of the Rabbin, because there was no law, whereby he was bound to marry, but when he himself thought fittest, and if his life be considered from the beginning of his reign to this present, a fit time for his marrying could not hitherto be found; for first the service of God was so disordered, at his coming to the crown, that much time was requisite for the re-ordering thereof, and then his wars with the Philistines followed; after which anno 4 o . of his reign, his neighbor kingdom of Israel came into great calamity by the Assyrians, and therefore, he having refused to pay him tribute, could not but expect the like, and labor to fortify all his cities against the time of their coming. But letting all this pass, who knoweth, but that he was married, and went so long childless, or without a son, as others had done at sundry times, or having children, no son lived with him, till Manasseh. Touching the cause yielded by others of his sickness, viz. his unthankfulness and pride, wherewith his heart was lifted up from his great victory, it is both contrary to Josephus, who saith, that he offered many eucharistical sacrifices, and to the piety, which was always known to be in him, although Jerome somewhat taxeth him for this, and he is thus charged in part, 2 Chron. 32. 26. but it was after his deliverance from his sickness. But that which maketh most for the confutation of this opinion, is the allegation of R. Solomon brought before, viz. that his sickness did precede, and not follow after his deliverance from Sanneherib, as appeareth from the consideration of the time, when the Assyrian came, viz. anno 14. and the time of his life after this sickness, viz. 15 years, and the whole time of his reign 29 years. Therefore this sickness must needs have befallen him, about the time of the Assyrians first coming into his land, and not after Sanneheribs departure, from which to the death of Hezekiah could not be 15, but only 13 or 14 years at the most. It must needs be yielded then, that his sickness and danger by Sanneheribs coming against him, were about the same time, the army of that blasphemer not being yet destroyed, and unto this agreeth the promise made here v. 6. But what then was the cause? Verily none that we can know, but as in the case of the man that was born blind, John. 9. that God might be glorified, and his servant Hezekiah tried, and his faith made the more illustrious by this miracle, wrought upon his faithful praying, [Note.] to the encouragement of all others, to fervent and faithful praying in their sicknesses and dangers. Wherefore although it be set down after his deliverance from Ashur, it is only said, In those days Hezekiah was sick, nothing being spoken denoting the time either before or after, but that being left to be gathered by the diligent reader. He was sick unto the death; that is, according to the nature of his sickness, and in human reason. For it is hereby intimated, that his sickness was such, as that he could not by all the help of physic or chirurgerie escape death, had not the divine power miraculously healed him. But to find what sickness it was, we must look to v. 7. a bile, the same word being used, that is Exod. 9. 9. a bile so painful through inflamation, as that a man cannot long endure it, and by the same word, the biles of Job are set forth. But this certainly was the most dangerous of all others, a very swelling full of pestilential matter, as Wolfius and other think, which neither by lanceing, or out ward application could be made to break, but must needs kill without supernatural remedy. And accordingly the prophet denounceth death unto him, which Lyra noteth to have been done with respect unto secondary causes, and not by divine revelation. For then it could not have been otherwise, neither would Hezekiah have prayed against it as he did. It is to be conceived then, that Isaiah, as the duty of a good pastour is, hearing of the kings sickness, went to visit him, and finding him to labor with such a sickness, as always killeth, he dealt faithfully with him, and told him, there was no way for him now to go but one, viz. down the grave, exhorting him therefore to make his last will and testament, for the settling of his worldly estate, that he might wholly dispose himself towards God, and to a better life. And as Hezekiah, so every man that hath possessions or riches to be disposed of, is to be exhorted to make his will before his death, and because the time of that is uncertain, especially in these times, wherein men do often die suddenly, without delaying, till warning be given by sickness. Of making wills see Wolfius at large, upon this place, and touching Hezekiah in particular, he having no heir to his kingdom, and the danger being great, if this were left undetermined, whom should succeed him by reason of the contention likely to arise, the enemy also now being at hand to destroy it, the wise prophet thought it of great importance for him to make his will, and therefore moveth him in it. Whereas he saith, for thou shalt die and not live, some Rabbins make a strange construction of the words, viz. that he should die soon of this sickness and not live in the world to come: but considering the piety of the king, and that God's ministers are not instruments to drive into desperation, but of comfort in times of danger, this is to be exploded, and it is rather to be held, that having said he should die, he added, and not live, lest he still being in hope to live, should defer the making of his will, about which the Prophet was very solicitous.
Hezekiah hearing this, turned his face to the wall and prayed. Remember I beseech thee O Lord, how I have walked before thee in truth, and with a perfect heart, and have done that which is pleasing in thy sight, and he wept sore.] The news of death approaching, is naturally terrible to any, the most courageous man, although St. Paul, since the breaking of the power of death, by the death and resurrection of Christ Jesus, desired rather to be dissolved, then to live. And to hear of dying now, did pierce the heart of this good king the more, because the worship of God had by him been but newly reformed, and there would by his death so soon, be great danger of corrupting it again, and he was also yet without a son, to continue the line of David, touching which God had promised, that a light should not fail unto him in Israel forever. That of Jerome is not to be heard, that he was thus troubled, because he was uncertain, whither he should go: for he was of greater faith, and whereas he inferreth upon this, that no man is certain of salvation, till he be in possession of it, Cyprian is rather to be heard, who saith, that death is not to be feared of the godly, because they were not ignorant, whither they go when they die.
Touching the words of Hezekiah his prayer, they may seem, saith Wolfius, both to savor of arrogancy and discontent, in that he assumeth to himself perfectness of heart, and expostulateth with the Lord, as if he were injuriously dealt withal, to be made to suffer, by such a sickness as was incurable, when as he had not displeased, but pleased the Lord: but he saith, that Hezekiah spake not thus to justify himself to God, but in way of appeal against the blasphemy of Sanneherib, not by way of complaining against God's just dealing, but of imploring his help to heal him again by his almighty power, that all mouths might be stopped, from taking occasion upon this his stroke to calumniate him as an hypocrite. For Rabshakeh in declaiming against him, had sought to infringe his piety, in saying, that he had put down the high places of the Lord, and that he deceived the people, in making them believe that he was in so much favor with him, when he had greatly incurred his displeasure by thus doing, and if he did any acts of godliness, it was not for any other but his own ends, as hypocrites do. Now this deadly sickness concurring with that exprobration, if he should die thereof, would make the world believe that he was such an one indeed, to his infinite discredit, wherefore he maketh here God the judge of his sincerity, and the rather uttereth his grief by weeping, to think of dying at this time in such infamy, thus striving with the Lord of pity for restitution to health, believing, that he was easily able to raise him up, how deadly soever his sickness was. Yet he prayed not to have his life prolonged, saith Jerome, remembering how acceptable Solomon was to God, for his not desiring long life, therefore he left that unto God. When he had prayed, he turned himself to the wall, partly because it was next to the temple, and partly that he might be more private, and not interrupted by any object occurring, whilst he was praying, and that he might not make ostentation of his tears, so Rabanus; who also faith, that Hezekiah spake here as the Pharisee, Luk. 18. but not from the like heart, for Hezekiah spake out of humility being necessitated, he out of pride, therefore the one is justified, the other condemned by him, that looks not at the words, but at the heart.
When Isaiah was scarce gone out of the kings court, the word of the Lord came unto him, saying, return to Hezekiah, &c.] Here for the word [court] Hebr. is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifying the city, and so Junius, who confesseth, that having sometime rendered it so, now he rather thinks it fit to be rendered city; but in the margin it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , court, and the Chaldee. and Sept. follow that, and the Hebrews generally, and of the court made by king Solomon we read, 1 King. 7. 8. and it may be conceived, that the kings court was like a city; wherefore in the text it is put down city, and that it might be understood what city was meant, in the margin it is court: for it is not to be thought, that the prophet was gone so far as the midst of the city, because this countermand is spoken of, as coming to Isaiah immediately after the kings praying, in the time whereof being so short, he could not be gone far. Whereas Pelican thinketh, that Isaiah was bidden before to denounce death to the king, but •… ow he had a new revelation to the contrary: I rather hold me still to that of Lyra and others, that he spake not before by revelation, but by conjecture, seeing what his disease was, and now first was the will of the Lord made known unto him, touching his recovery. And what doth the Lord now say? Truly, that he had heard his prayer and healed him, and he should go up the third day to the house of the Lord, that is, to praise him for this great deliverance. And R. Solomon saith, for the destruction of the Assyrians the same day, but I leave that as uncertain. And it is thought most probably, that by the third day, is meant the third from that wherein the prophet spake unto him including it, so there was but one day for the medicine to work between.
And I will add 15. years unto thy days more, &c.] This is not so to be understood as if he should live longer then the time first set in God's decree, but whereas he was now according to the nature of this sickness a dead man, that he should be raised up again, and live from henceforth one 15 years more. For as S t . Augustine saith, it was from the beginning by God determined, that Hezekiah should be smitten with this mortal sickness, and recover again and live after it 15 years, and therefore he did not that now, which should not have been, but what must be, because he fore-knew that it should be. And if Isaiah spake at the first by revelation from God, that he should now die, there was no contradiction in the Lord in his returning and saying soon after, that he should not die, but having proved Hezekiah by the first message, and found him so submiss and unmoved from his faith, as appeareth by his faithful and fervent prayer, he as his purpose was hereupon, takes away the fear of death at this time by the second, and not only prolongeth his life, but granted this upon his praying, which he never did to any mortal man so long before, to know, how many years he should yet live. Touching the time set by God long before of Hezekiah's life, it is true not only touching him, but also touching every other man, that his time is determined, neither doth any live fewer or more years. So Job 14. 15. the days of man are predetermined, the number of his months are with thee, neither can any one pass the time set him. Likewise Gregory hereupon; God fore-knowing all things to come, decreed before the world, how all things should be disposed throughout the world, and it is also set, how long everyone should live temporally in this life. If it be objected, Psal. 54. The wicked and blood thirsty shall not live out half their days, therefore some die before the time set by God. It is answered, the meaning is not half the time set him by God, but reckoning according to the common account of the time of man's life, he shall not live out half the time that men commonly live, but either be cut off by the sword of justice, or by his riotous courses bring himself soon to his end. And the Lord doth not only promise a longer life by 15 years, which were one more then he had reigned hitherto, but also to exempt him and his city from the danger of the Assyrians, and that upon a sure ground, for himself, and for David.
Then Isaiah said, Take a lump of figs &c.] This, saith Lyra, was by the nature thereof rather a means to increase his pain, then to ease him of it, because sweet things do so, as the Hebrews also hold, thus making the miracle the greater. But