Commentary on the Old Testament Volume 2-4
Mystically, by the Jebusite dwelling still in Jerusalem, saith Origen, understand the wicked in the Church; for the Tares cannot be separated from the Wheat til the last day. The Jebusite signifieth one treading underfoot, they then, that with dogs and swine tread holy things under their feet, be the Jebusites in the Church, to expel whom, we must endeavor more and more unto the end.
CHAP. XVI.
HEre is described the lot of the children of Joseph: first, in general, and then Ephraim's part in particular. Their east limit was Jordan, and their west Bethoron and Gezer, to the Mediterranean Sea. Whereas it is said, v. 2. And goeth out from Bethel to Luz; it may be demanded how this could be, seeing the same City which was Bethel, was before called Luz, Ch. 18. 13. Answ. Bethel where Jacob lodged, Gen. 28. was near unto the City of Luz, and was built after it, and then both being joined together, had the name of Bethel; the going out then from one to the other, was from one part of the City to the other, distinguished by these two names. Touching the part of Ephraim in particular, the border thereof was Ataroth-Addar, unto Bethoron the upper, eastward, &c. And the separate Cities of the children of Ephraim, were amongst the inheritance of the children of Manasseh, &c. that is, as Lyra hath it, the line of the division reaching sometimes into the lot of Manasseh, and fetching a compass to include here a City, and there a City, lying within Manasseh's lot, if the line of his lot be carried straight from east to west, see Chap. 17. 8, 9, 10. Lastly, it is noted, that they drave not out the Canaanites in Gezer, one of their bordering Cities, but they served them under Tribute, which is generally held to have been a blemish to Ephraim, in that they would be compounded withal for gain, and not destroy all who were appointed to the sword, when as the Lord had given so strait a charge to make no Covenant with them, but utterly to root them out. The same fault is noted to have been in the children of Manasseh, Ch. 17. 13. This is by Origen Allegorically applied thus; the Canaan setteth forth the Flesh, the Israelite the Spirit, which when it cometh to be strong, bringeth the Flesh under, but cannot utterly expel it in this life.
CHAP. XVII.
HEre is set forth the part of the half Tribe of Manasseh, in which, although it were less, more is written: 1. Because the lot of the other half on the other side of Jordan is again re-counted. 2 The families coming of Manasseh, which had possessions on this side Jordan are numbered, first the males who were six; then the females, the daughters of Zelophehad, who had no sons, and they were five. 3. Their request, according to the order made by Moses, is recited from Numb. 27. 4. Their lot is described, v. 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13. together with the Lands of Ephraim, where they lay within it. 5. Both these Tribes do jointly complain that their lot was too little for them, and Joshua alloweth them to take in the woods of the Canaanites and Perizzites, and to cut them down, adding words of encouragement against the fear of the Enemies power. For the first of these, Manasseh is said to be the first born of Joseph, to intimate the reason why he being none of the sons of Jacob, yet had the lot of a Tribe, as also Ephraim his other son, for Jacob had made both these as his own sons, two Tribes, as was touched before, Ch. 14. 4. And although Ephraim was by Jacob preferred before Manasseh, the younger before the elder; yet because Manasseh was the first borne, he had an inheritance in part first on the other side Jordan. Moreover, it is added, For Machir the first borne of Manasseh, but Ch. 13. 31. he is mentioned as the only son of Manasseh, and half his children are put for the half Tribe of Manasseh, of which see upon that place. And Machir is called the father of Gilead, whose children only are recited, v. 2. as the children of Manasseh; whereby it seemeth, that as Manasseh had only Machir to his son, that had issue living till now, so Machir had only Gilead. Touching Jair said to be the son of Manasseh, Numb. 32. 41. it is to be understood, that he came of a daughter of Machir by Ezrom, of the tribe of Judah, 1 Chron. 2 21. and thus only he is called his son, as all that come of a man's children, are called his children.
But it is added, Because Machir was a man of War, therefore he had Gilead [Qu.] and Bashan. In what War could he show his valor, seeing he must needs be dead long before that the children of Israel came to make any Wars? Answ. It is most probable, that he fought manfully against the men of Gath, who are said to have come down to take away their cattle whilst they lived in Eg. pt, 1 Chron. 7 21. and for that he had this commendation. Or by Machir we may understand the Machirites coming of him, who had done worthy service in the Wars on the other side of Jordan: for thus Machir is spoken of, Numb. 32. 40. when the Machirites are meant. Touching Gilead, the son of Machir, although all the other families reckoned up, v. 2. came of him; yet those on the other side of Jordan were peculiarly called Gileadites, because they inhabited Gilead, and were the children of Gilead also; wherein the Divine providence is to be noted, as directing it so, that Gilead should have the land of Gilead.
Touching the second and third, enough hath been said already, upon Numb. 26. 30, 31. and Numb. 27. only, v. 5. because it is said, there fell ten portions to the sons of Manasseh: it may be demanded how this could be, seeing [Qu.] they were but six families? Answ. They had but six greater portions only, for each family one: but of that part which fell to the family of Hepher, whose son Zelophehad, had no sons, but five daughters, five lesser parts being made, they were all together ten. If it be said, thus by subdivisions in other families also these portions were not ten only, but twenty or thirty. It is answered, the Princes that were over the divisions, made not subdivisions for others, but only for these women who were not so able to manage such a business, others, that came of other families, who were men, being left to agree amongst themselves in their subdivisions, because God had set down a special order for those women in the time of Moses. And therefore these portions, although but parts of a portion, are numbered here together with the whole portions, set out by Joshua, Eleazar; &c. and not any other afterwards divided by others.
And the rest of Manasseh's sons had the Land of Gilead: that is, on the other side of Jordan. For the fourth, viz. the description of the lot of this half tribe of Manasseh. First, it is shown, how it went on the right hand, that is, south to Entappuah, that is, the fountain of Tappuah, but the City of Tappuah went to Ephraim, being taken out of the lot of Judah, as was noted upon Ch. 14. 34. But before this, it is said, the coast of Manasseh was from Asher to Michmetha, where by Asher the tribe is not to be understood, but a City so called, as Bonfrerius saith: but because, v. 10. Manasseh and Ephraim are said to meet together in Asher on the north, and in Issachar on the east; it is rather to be held, that by Asher here the tribe is meant, for the measure proceeded to the south, and therefore began at the north, towards the lot of Asher. Yet Asher is put down here by anticipation, because he had no lot, till afterwards in Shiloh, Ch. 19. Next the River dividing Manasseh from the Cities of Ephraim, is spoken of, the River Kana, on the south of which lay the separate Cities of Ephraim before spoken of, Ch. 16. and Manasseh on the north, both being bounded by the Sea and by Asher and Issachar, north and east. Lastly, it is shown that Manasseh had Cities within the lot of both those Tribes, Bethshean, Ibleam, Dor, Endor, Taanach, and Megiddo, that is, being contiguous to both these Tribes, his lot extended in divers places into them, so Lyra. Whereas in concluding, it is added, after this capitulation of six Cities, even three Countries; the Vulgar Latin hath, and the third part of the City Nopheth: so also the Sept. and Hebr. it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 being rendered verbatim, the third of a Province; and it seemeth to me, that the meaning is, these six Cities were the third part of a Country, and not three Countries; nor, that Manasseh had besides them the third part of another City or Country, because in the Hebr. it is not, and the third part, but the third, &c These words being added for further explication, how much the foresaid Cities and their Villages amounted to, being considered together. And it agreeth not, when six Cities have been mentioned, to add, even three Countries, for why should the three last be summed up more then the former?
Touching the fifth, the children of Joseph complain that their lot was too little for them, saying to Joshua, That he had given them but one part, and yet they were so increased by God's blessing, that one would not suffice them. The meaning is, that they had too small a part, considering their multitude, for even the half Tribe of Manasseh alone, is said to have ten parts, v. 5. And this part containing many more by subdivisions; it is not meant, was too little for quantity of ground, but because much of it was Woody, and held by the Canaanites. Wherefore Joshua biddeth them, according to the power that they had through their multitude, to take courage to them, and to cut down the Woods, and to expel the Canaanites, Perizzites, &c. and so to enlarge their habitations, not meaning yet, that they should clear the ground, and take in possession anymore then that allotted unto them. Some think that there is an Allegory in the word Woods, the Canaanites, Perizzites, and Giants possessing those parts, being meant hereby, who as woods overgrown, made them horrid and unhabitable for them: and that by cutting down, is meant the cutting of them off by little: But I see no reason to go from the literal sense. He addeth, If mount Ephraim be too little for thee: that is, the Country assigned now to Ephraim, and already possessed, which was full of mountains; whereby it should seem, that the tribe of Ephraim was the chief in this complaint: but both tribes are spoken of, as coming together, and complaining of a wrong, as if they had been unjustly dealt withal; saying, that they had but one part, that is, as Calvin hath it, the lot but of one Tribe, when as they were one and an half. But this complaint was unjust; for although their parts lay together, yet by the descriptions going before it appeareth, that they had two, only they made account, that the Land yet possessed by the enemy was nothing to them; whereas in the dividing of it to them, it was meant, that they should by military prowess subdue the enemies, and take in that also, as others of their brethren did. Wherefore Joshua shapeth them an answer accordingly, to stir them up from this sloth and pusillanimity, taking advantage of their own words, that they were much people.
They reply, that mount Ephraim was not sufficient, and that the Canaanites dwelling in the valleys, had Chariots of iron, both in Bethshean and Jezreel. Bethshean was within the lot of Manasseh, v. 11. but Jezreel a valley inhabited by the Canaanites, in the lot of Issachar, Ch. 19. 18. and because Bethshean lay into Issachar; it may be conceived, that the valley of Jezreel was upon the border, and so near at hand to oppose and fight against them, if they should go up to the woods, for these valleys lay about in their passage, and here were the iron Chariots which they so much feared. These Chariots were thus called, because they had sharp irons fixed to them before, and on the sides, upward and downward like spears, and swords, and hooks; so that the horses running with them, all that stood or lay in the way were cut in pieces and slaughtered hereby: Thus Q. Curtius and Livy and others describe the iron Chariots of Antiochus and Darius, which they used in their Wars; and it is most probable, that these of the Canaanites were like unto them; so that one man driving such a Chariot, could fight herewith, and destroy many. But against these Joshua encourageth them, promising that they should have power to drive them out, and possess their mountains, and the out goings thereof, that is, the plain places in the way, notwithstanding their power and preparations.
CHAP. XVIII.
HEre first is recorded the setting up of the Tabernacle in Shiloh. Whereas hitherto it had remained in Gilgal, and so the Campe lay about it: this remove was 12 miles, and almost within 4 miles of Jerusalem. Shiloh, say Lyra and others, was in the Tribe of Ephraim, of which tribe Joshua was. But how this may be gathered, I cannot tell, seeing it is nowhere set down in what tribe it stood. Only upon Ch. 9. 3. it hath been already shown to have been the same with Gibeon, which was in the lot of Benjamin, v. 25. and a City given to the Levites, Ch. 21. 17. as it is said of Shiloh. And if so, the Gibeonites that were to serve about the wood and water for the Tabernacle, might most conveniently perform this office. Touching the direction that Joshua now had to remove the Tabernacle hither, although it be not expressed, yet doubtless he did it not without direction from the Lord, because this was a thing often spoken of, that it should be set in the place that the Lord should choose. And here it stood till Samuel's time, 1 Sam. 4. which was above 300 years: Lyra saith, till it was removed from thence to Nob. But we read nowhere of any such remove, but only that Nob was a City of Priests, and that David came to Abimelech the High Priest there. The only thing that we read of the remove of the Ark from Shiloh, is, that it was carried from thence against the Philistines, 1 Sam. 4. and there taken by the Philistines and carried away, and afterwards sent back again to Bethshemesh, Ch. 6. and from thence to Kiriath-jearim, Ch. 7. to the house of Abinadab, where it remained 20 years, then David is said to have fetched it from the house of Abinadab in Gibeah, 2 Sam. 6. and Uzzah being smitten for touching it, he durst not carry it any further, but left it at the house of Obed-Edom three months, and then fetched it into Zion. In all which removes, no mention is made of Nob; but Lyra upon 1 Sam. 7. saith, that from Bethshemesh the Ark was carried to Kiriath-jearim, and not immediately thence to the house of Abinadab in Gibeah, but first to Mizpah, then to Gilgal again, after that to Neb, and from thence to the house of Abinadah, as he gathereth out of the Hebraic. question. and all this not without some ground in the sacred History; for Kiriath-jearim was a City of the Gibeonites, and Samuel judged the people in Mizpah, and in Gilgal the Kingdom was renewed, 1 Sam. 11. 15. and in Nob was the High Priest and Ephod, and Shewbread, although no mention be made of these removes. For the time when they removed the Tabernacle from Gilgal to Shiloh, here is nothing expressly said, but it is generally held to have been seven years after their coming into the land of Canaan, because it is said, The Land was subdued before them, which was not in less time; but the Rabbins say, that it was done 14 years after their entrance, but this agreeth not with Caleb's age, and the account made before hereby.
The Tabernacle being set up, Joshua reproving the seven Tribes that had not yet received their parts for their slackness in going about it, and to expel the Canaanites, who yet, though subdued, lived there, where they should in herit, exciteth them to send out men to describe and part it, that he might there before the Lord cast lots for them. Whereby is intimated, that their remissness and backwardness in going not to take their lots, but to drive out the enemies was the cause of this delay, and that the division begun in Gilgal went not forward, but was intermitted, till this coming to Shiloh, which some think was a year, but the Rabbins 7 years, although against all probability. By this sending out of new measures, three of a Tribe, it may seem, that some cause of their delay was, for that they did not think the former measurers to have sufficiently done their office, wherefore others are sent to view all things better, and to make a new description of those Lands where they should have their parts; and the cause of this suspicion might be, for that in the lot of Judah already taken, there was so much land more then sufficed, that the Simeonites had divers Cities out of it, &c. Now then Joshua alloweth them to choose three men out of each Tribe, and to send them to describe it anew, that is, as is most probable, and the words sound, out of the seven Tribes only, being all together in number 21. These are appointed to divide the Land into seven parts, and to return to Joshua, that lots might be cast for them; Judah, and the children of Joseph, that had received their parts, the one southward, and the other northward being confirmed therein. The Vulg. Latin, for these words, v. 6. Ye shall describe the Land into seven parts, hath it, the middle Land betwixt these ye shall divide into seven parts: as if the seven Tribes that were yet to receive their parts, should all lie in the middle betwixt Judah, Ephraim, and Manasleh, whereas it is certain, that a great part of that Land lay more north; therefore that translation is corrupt, as the Jesuit himself acknowledgeth, and that he hath nothing to say in the defense thereof.
Here the reason is further expressed, why the division should be made but into seven parts, viz. because the Levites were to have no part; and as two Tribes and an half already spoken of had received their parts on this side Jordan, so two Tribes and an half had received their on the other side.
Whereas it is said of the Levites, The Priestheod of the Lord is their inheritance: hereby is meant, that the profits belonging to the Priests and Levites were theirs. U. 11. The divisions being made by those that were sent, and set down in a Book, now lots are cast before the Tabernacle, and Benjamin hath the first between Judah and Joseph. How long the measurers were in surveying, before their return, is not recorded, but Josephus saith that they were seven months. The north border of Benjamin was the same with that of Ephraim, from Jordan eastward, to the Sea west. Here, beside Luz or Bethel, v. 13. mention is made of Bethaven, a City near unto it, by which name, for the idolatry set up there afterwards by Jeroboam, Bethel was inveighed against, Hos. 4. 5, 10. Here the south border followeth, which was the north of Judah, of which see Ch. 15. And then the Cities of this lot are numbered, first twelve, then fourteen, so that it was very small, whereupon it is sometime called little Benjamin; although the quantity of ground was little, yet it was most fruitful, and lay most safely; and this Tribe had the honor of the first lot amongst seven, and of the holy City Jerusalem, and Temple, and lay near to his brother Joseph. But neither were these all the Cities of Benjamin, for Chap. 21. 18. mention is made of two more, Anathoth and Almon. The double numeration first of 12 Cities, then of 14, seemeth to be, because the former lay eastward, and the latter west.
CHAP. XIX.
THE second lot here is shown to have been of the children of Simeon, and this was within the lot of Judah, which had too much. Thus the prophesy of Jacob was verified, I will sealter them in Jacob and divide them in Israel Wherefore it was not without a singular providence, that the first dividers were suffered to err so far as to make the part of Judah so much more, then would suffice for them, and the desire of doing according to equity, appeared in the Princes set over the division, in that they so readily yielded to correct this error being manifested, and of the men of Judah, that they withstood it not, having already the possession, but readily yielded a part to their Brethren, necessity requiring it, for so much as the Land remaining would not otherwise have sufficed for the rest of the Tribes. The Rabbins say, that the men of Judah took it ill, that Simeon had so many of their Cities, and therefore in David's time they were again expelled, which they gather from 1 Chron. 4. 31. where it is said, they dwelt in these Cities, till David's time. But it is not said that then they were driven out, neither would it have stood with David's piety herein to have gone against God's decree. Whereas their inheritance is said to be within the inheritance of Judah, the vulgar Latin hath it in the midst of the inheritance. But it was rather in their confines, for Beersheba here first named was furthest south, for which cause when the length of the land is set forth by the extreme parts, it is commonly said, from Dan to Beersheba. Beersheba and Shebah, which may seem to be two, are but one City, named by both these names, otherwise they were not 13 only, as they are summed v. 6. but 14. Wherefore 1 Chron. 4. 28. when the Cities of the Simeonites are counted over again, Beersheba only is named. Of these Cities of the Simeonites, there are two numerations. First, of 13. to v. 6. Secondly, of four, v. 7. Which are thus distinguished from the other, because those had walls, but these not, as may be gathered from 1 Chron. 4. 32. where they are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 villages. And all this lot is said to have lain south. The third lot was of Zabulun, who came of the same Mother Leah, with Issachar, and was the younger brother, yet here he is placed in his possession before him. Of this Tribe Jacob had said before, that he should dwell at the haven of the Sea, and towards Sidon, and accordingly here it is said, their border went up towards the Sea, v. 11. and reached to the river, which is before Jokneam. Which is thought to be towards the border of the Sidonians, and the Rivers name is by Geographers, called Pagis or Belus, having sand, of which glass was made. But this lot could not go close up to the Sea, but near it, because part of Asher lay between, but it is held to have extended to the Sea of Gennesareth. For the Cities of this Tribe, they are summed up 12, but it is hard to determine which they were, because 16 or 17 are named, out of which the rest must be cast, as to which this lot reached only, but included them not.
The fourth lot was of Issachar, whose Cities are said to be 16, but no description of this lot is made by the quarters of the World, happily because it lay between Zabulun and Manasseh. Jezreel the first City here named is by Adricomius placed in Manasseh, because Ch. 17. 16. it is mentioned in describing that lot, but as was there shown, it is not spoken as lying therein, but only very near it. In Jezreel the Kings of Israel afterwards dwelt sometime, 1 King. 21. 1. Although in Samaria was their chief seat. Thabor here ascribed to Issacha • , is said to be in Zabulun, 1 Chron. 6. 77. wherefore it seemeth to have been between them both; one Tribe holding one part, and another the other part. Bethshemesh is also ascribed to Judah, Ch. 21. 16. but it was another City of the same name. The Cities here named seemed not to be all, that fell to Issachar, for Dabereth, and Jaramoth are also ascribed to Issachar Ch. 21. 18. and Avem; 1 Chron. 6. 73. But Jaramoth is supposed by some to be the same with Ramoth; and Avem-Engannim.
The fifth lot was of Asher, consisting of 22 Cities, this lot lay furthest northward of all others to the sea; and southward extended to Manasseh, as was touched, Ch. 17. 10. It is described first by the west which way it reached to Carmel, and to Sihor-Libnah, this Carmel was a mountain by the Sea, and not the City Carmel before ascribed to Judah of which mention is made 1 Sam. 25. 2. Nabal had possessions there. Sihor-Libnah, the Septuagint call Sihor & Lab • n • h, and some contend that they were two Cities; because Sihor signifieth black, and Libnah white. Many hold it to be one City, otherwise called Ptolemais. Secondly, this lot is described by the east, and turneth towards the Sun rising to Bethdagon, that is, the house of Dagon, the idol of the Philistines, which had the name from a fish; it had the face of a young man, but downward it was like a Fish. Thirdly, by the north, and reacheth to Zebulun, and to the valley of Jephtahel towards the north, &c. Of Jephtahel see before, v. 14. Here also Chabul on the left hand setteth forth the north.
Hamon here mentioned to Asher is said to belong to Naphtali, 1 Chron. 6. 76. and Rahab, v 75. but they were other Cities of the same name. Kana, was Kana the great in Asher, for there was another Kana in Zebulun, called the lesser, where Christ turned water into wine. For the number of 22 Cities, it is to be thought that they were not all which Issachar had, for Abdon is also ascribed to Issachar. Ch. 21. 30.
The sixth lot was of Naphtali, and here the measure beginneth again eastward at Jordan, and then it proceedeth westward, and southward. On the east were five Cities, Heleph, Allon, Adami-Nek • h, Iabneel, and Lakum: So Masius, Magallianus, and Adricomius. But Bonfrerius will have them to lie in the north, and to reach to Jordan on the east; because their goings out are said to be at Jordan, and the north should otherwise alone be left undescribed. 2. It proceedeth to the west and south, Zebulun lying on the south, and Asher on the west, and Judah. Their Cities were 19, but all the names in this description are 23; but some either were no Cities, but other places of note, or else four of them were but Villages.
The seventh Lot was of Dan, described only by his Cities, whereof some are famous; as, Zorah & Eshtaol, where Samson lived, and Timnathah, from whence Samson took a wise of the Philistines, & Ekron held by the Philistines being one of their five Lordships, which four were within the lot of Judah, but taken out for the Danites. Gath-rimmon also, if hereby Gath be meant, as Masius thinketh, was another Lordship of the Philistines. Lastly, Iapho, since called Ioppe, is a Sea town of great note to this day, for here they arrive, that travail from hence to the holy Land, so that this lot lay near the Sea, and was much disquieted by the Philistines, their near neighbors, who held much of their Land from them.
And the coast of the children of Dan went out too little for them; therefore they went to fight against Leshem, &c. The words here are thus rendered in the Vulgar Latin, & ipso fine concluditur, this being referred to Iapho before spoken of. But Hebr. it is, The coast of the children of Dan went out from them; that is, saith Masius, they going out and conquering further then this their lot, as is immediately shown. Uatablus, a part of the lot assigned to them was held from them; therefore they went out and fought against Leshem. And this is rather to be approved.
Leshem, saith Lyra, according to the Hebrews, was the same with Laish, Judge. 18. where the taking of it, and the new naming of it Dan, is set forth, but here it is spoken of by anticipation, as that of Caleb's taking Hebron before, Ch. 15.
Joshua, after all these divisions ended, hath Timnath-Serah in mount Ephraim given to him, as he desired; and this is said to have been done according to the Word of the Lord. But it is nowhere expressed that the Lord made any such order; only whereas Caleb said before, Chap. 15. Thou knowest what the Lord said to Moses concerning me and thee in Kadesh-barnea; it may be gathered, that as Hebron was appointed then to Caleb, so it was promised, that Joshua for his constant cleaving to the Lord, should choose him a possession.
And herein the modesty of Joshua appeared, that he distributed possessions to all the people, before that he demanded a possession for himself, when as he was the Prince over all: wherein, he may be an example to other Princes and Rulers, to intend more the welfare of the people under them, then their own private benefit; and he did notably typify our Jesus, who neglected himself to enrich us with possessions in the Kingdom of Heaven. Timnath-Serah is also called Timnath-Cher • s. Iud • . 2. 9. the first is by some rendered the image of superfluity, by some, the image of corruption: The second, the image of the Sun; Jerome saith, that Paula admired, that Joshua, who distributed to all their possessions, chose unto himself so rough and mountainous a place; whereby it seemeth, that he was not led by covetousness in this his choice, but contented himself to have a City in any place amongst those of his Tribe, and that not ready built, but in the ruins, for he built a City here. This City was but six miles from Jerusalem, and was not that Timnath before mentioned in Dan, as some have erroneously held, saying, that it was that Timnath from whence Samson took a wife.
Here is the Epilogue of all the divisions, which is added, the more to ratify them, as being made by Eleazar and Joshua, &c. before the Lord in Shiloh, that there might never more be any contention amongst the Tribes about their bounds.
CHAP. XX.
HEre Joshua is commanded to put in execution what was before ordained, Numb. 35 and Deut. 19. viz. to separate three Cities of Refuge on this side Jordan; as three had been before separated on the other side, which are named, Deut. 4. 41. Calvin gathereth from hence, because Joshua was called upon by the Lord, and so stimulated to do this, before he did it, that there was a faulty remissness in him about so necessary a duty for the keeping of the land from the pollution of blood. But I think rather, that Joshua who did all things at the word of the Lord, stayed only till God should appoint the time, and then he did it with all readiness, which was rather to be commended then taxed in him. Moreover, it is here again briefly repeated, who should have the benefit of fleeing to these Cities, and in what manner: all which hath been already more largely set forth and treated upon, Numb. 35. and Deut. 19. so that I shall not need to add anymore here, either for exposition, or collections, moral or mystical, because the Reader may find these things abundantly performed there.
The three Cities appointed on this side Jordan, were, Kedesh in Galilee in mount Naphtali, Shechem in mount Ephraim, and Kiriath-arba, that is Hebron, in Judah. The first in the north, and the last in the south part of the Land, and the middle City between them both, that in what part soever blood should be shed unawares, the manslayer might have a City of Refuge not far off to flee unto: thus graciously the Lord provided for the protection of the unwitting offender, although in the case of bloodshed, which otherwise he so much abhorred. Of Caleb's goodness in yielding his Hebron to be one, I have already spoken upon, Chap. 18. 6, 7.
CHAP. XXI.
HEre the children of Levi come and require Cities to be given unto them, as the Lord had appointed by Moses, and have 48 Cities with their Suburbs out of all the Tribes, as was appointed, Numb. 35. six of which, were the Cities of Refuge before mentioned. So that the Levites had not Cities, as the other Tribes all together, but in every part of the Land, that there might be some in every Tribe to teach the laws of God, and to judge righteously: and that it might not be thought, that the Worship of God, and the maintenance of his Ministers pertained to one place only, but to them all. For no Kingdom or County can prosper and stand, unless the Worship of God be therein maintained.
Mystically, by the dispersing of these into all the Tribes, Jesus his sending out of his Apostles into all the world was set forth; so Ferus. In that 48 Cities with their Suburbs were given to Levi alone, it appeareth that all the Cities of each tribe in the Catalogues before going were not mentioned, but many omitted, because otherwise there had been no due proportion kept in taking out thus many for one small tribe, seeing Zebulun had but 12 Cities, Issachar but 16, and Naphtali but 19. Thus Calvin, who also thinketh that no due order is observed in setting down this done to the Levites; but that it was before the Cities of Refuge set out, seeing they were some of the Levites Cities; and he also taxeth it as a fault, that the tribe of Levi had no Cities given them, till they required them, and urged the commandment of God for it; but he saith it was a fault of neglect, not of willfulness, for being put in mind of the Word of the Lord, they presently yield them Cities, as was appointed. I think rather, as Joshua had no possession given him till he required it, and Caleb before that, so it was by course expected that the Levites should require Cities, before that they were given to them, and this they could not do, till the foregoing divisions finished; neither do I see any reason why this relation should be thought to be set down out of order. For all the lots of tribes being set out the what was more necessary immediately to be next done, then to provide for the preservation of the innocent, by appointing Cities of Refuge? which if it had been delayed till all the Cities of the Levites had been set out, happily some might, before this could have been done, have perished unjustly by the revenger of blood, for want of a city of Refuge.
In distributing these 48 cities of the Levites, a fourfold distinction is made 1 Of the sons of Aaron. 2 Of the rest of the sons of Kohath. 3 Of the sons of Gershom. 4 Of the sons of Merari. For of Levi came three families, of the Kohathites, Gershonites, and Merarites; and the Kohathites were again divided into two, the sons of Aaron who were the Priests, and the rest of the sons of Kohath, who were Levites, see Numb. 3, and 4. Aaron's sons had 13 cities in Judab, Simeon, and Benjamin, which fell to them by lot, by a singular providence, that they might be near to the place where they should do their service. If it be demanded, why they had not Jerusalem, where the Temple [Qu.] was afterwards built? Answ. That was the chief city, and to be the seat of the Kingdom; and therefore must needs be reserved for other inhabitants, and God would have his Ministers content with meaner and smaller cities.
This verse setting forth the cities given out of Reuben is wanting in the Masoreths Bible, and in some Latin copies, but it is in all other Hebrew copies; and if it be out, the number of 48 cities would not be complete. How great the Suburbs of the Levites cities were, see Numb. 35.
And the Lord gave to Israel all the Land which he sware to their Fathers and they possessed it, &c. This may seem not to have been so, because it is said before, Ch. 13. 1. there remained very much Land yet to be possessed; and of Epbraim, and Manasseh, and Judah, &c. that they could not expel the enemy out of their possessions, so likewise Judge. 4. 1. But it is to be understood that although much was held still by the enemy, yet all was given to them, and divided amongst them, and they possessed so much as they yet needed, neither do we read that they attempted to take anymore, but God was always still assistant unto them, so as that they took it, and drave out their enemies so long as they persisted in obedience. Some he would not yet have them to take in possession, because they were not yet able to people it, as is expressed, Exod. 23. and some they took not through their own default, because either they were slack and timorous to go and fight for it, or led by covetousness to be compounded with for Tribute, against the express charge divers times given unto them. And thus the 44 verse is also to be understood, there stood not an enemy before them, but the Lord delivered them into their hands; that is, of all that they went against, and they had rest round about: because the enemies still remaining durst not rise up to war against them in that Land; and the Edomites, Ammonites, and Moabites about them were taken with such fear of them, that none invaded them. Here was then a notable type indeed of the everlasting rest to come to all the people of God, to which Jesus shall bring them, all their enemies being subdued, and they being put in possession of the mansions provided for them in their Fathers house.
For the last words, there failed not ought of any good thing which the Lord had spoken, &c. St. Augustine saith, it is to be understood, that although all was not now performed, yet it failed not, because in Solomon's days, not only seven, but eleven Nations spoken of, Gen. 15. were all brought under, from the River of Egypt to the great River Euphrates. And again, nothing failed of all that was spoken, because all the promises of good were conditional, if they continued in obedience, which they not doing, although they could never extend their bounds so far, yet nothing sailed. Moreover, in speaking upon that, There was not a man that could stand before them: he saith, it may be understood, whilst they made Wars jointly together, before the divisions were made to the several Tribes.
CHAP. XXII.
HEre is shown first how Joshua dismissed the two Tribes and an half to their possessions on the other side of Jordan, praising them for their obedience, and doing hitherto as they had promised, in helping their brethren constantly so long a time in the conquest of Canaan, till all was subdued; and he adjoineth exhortations to fear God, and blesseth them at their departure, remembering the rich spoils of the enemies, that they now went home laden withal, willing them to divide them amongst their brethren. The time when this was done, is not set down but only in general, when their brethren had rest; and the foresaid divisions of the Land were made amongst them; but by that which was said before upon Josh 11. 18. it may be gathered that it was after seven years since their coming over Jordan. Comestor saith, fourteen years, but without all ground. Their love and constancy in doing for their brethren, is worthy our imitation, saith Ferus, who are every man for himself, and regard not the good of one another. Whereas Joshua chargeth them to walk in the commandments of the Lord, and in his Law: Lyra distinguisheth betwixt them, saying, the first setteth forth precepts moral, and the second judicial and ceremonial. And he blessed them by a solemn praying for good unto them, as Aaron was appointed to bless the people, Numb. 6. 23. Whereas v. 7. a commemoration is made of the half Tribe of Manasseh receiving their inheritance on the other side of Jordan, and half in Canaan, this was done because, v. 1. mention was made of the half tribe dismissed; if any man should ask why half a tribe was sent away, and what became of the other half? here the reason is rendered. Touching the charge of dividing the spoils amongst their brethren, some think that this was no command, but an exhorting of them so to do, to prevent envy; thus Calvin. But herein I prefer Tostatus, Masius, &c. affirming it to be a command: For although they that were left at home, fought not, as these did, yet they stood to defend their Confines, if any enemies should in the mean season have come against them. And Moses had before given an example of dividing with those that stayed by the stuff, Numb. 31. and this was always followed afterwards, they that went to the War had one half, and the rest, although many more, the other half amongst them; wherein consideration was had of the labor and hazard of the one more then of the other.
The two tribes and an half being returned, set up an Altar near Jordan, at which the other Tribes hearing of it, were through zeal moved to great indignation against them, supposing that it had been made to offer Sacrifices thereupon, and assembled together to go to war against them. But first they send Phinces and ten Princes with him, to see what they had done. These first reprove them as falling away from the Lord; but the two Tribes and an half answering, that it was not made for Sacrifice, but for a witness, that although they were separated by the River Jordan from the other Tribes where the Tabernacle was, yet they also belonged to the Lord, lest their children in time to come, should be discouraged by their children from following the Lord: they were fully satisfied, and so was the whole Congregation, when at their return this was related unto them, and they praised God for their good intention. This fact of the two Tribes and half is praised by Ferus, for the care herein shown of their posterity, that they might be upheld in the true Religion. But Calvin censureth it, because they did it without first consulting with the High Priest, and the rest of the Congregation on this side Jordan, whose advice they should have used herein: and because, howsoever their intention was good, yet they knew not what an occasion of scandal it might be afterwards. But their care of their posterity certainly was commendable, and would be imitated by all Christian people: howsoever the circumstance of doing this, no consultation being before had, is no way justifiable. This Altar is said to have been set up in the borders of Jordan, in Canaan, and that it was very great to see to, the vulgar Latin of infinite greatness, hyperbolically. Hereby it appeareth that it was not built on the other side Jordan, but on this side, which was the Land of Canaan, wherefore Josephus erred in saying, that they set it up, when they had passed over Jordan, for they did it before, when they were now come to Jordan. And they made it of such a vast greatness, that it might be seen afar off, on both sides of the River.
For the people's assembling themselves together to fight against them, for this, it was out of zeal to God's Commandments, whereby it was provided, that there should be but one Altar for all Israel, Exod. 20. 24. Deut. 12. 5, 6. for they thought that they would offer sacrifice here-upon to the Lord, or else leaving him, serve Idols here. And if a City revolted to Idolatry, they were commanded to destroy it, Deut. 13. This zeal of theirs was partly commendable, and by us to be imitated, in that they would not endure in any, [Note.] although most dear unto them, and to whom they had been obliged so much for their constant helping them in their wars so long a time, any corruption in religion: for such zeal should every of us have for God, as our places and callings will permit. And partly it was preposterous, because they should first have sent to know the truth, and not so tumultuously first come together, the intent not being known, see Deut. 13. 14. Thou shalt search and make diligent inquiry.
For the Princes sent, Phinehas is particularly named, because of his zeal for God shown Numb. 25. and for this Moses had sent him as chief before against the Midianites; the ten Princes sent with him were according to the number of the nine Tribes and half. These come together unto them, and begin with reproof, as if they had certainly built this Altar with a mind to rebel against God. And they put them in mind of the sin not long ago committed in Peor, saying, Is the iniquity of Peor too little for us, from which we are not cleansed, until this day, &c? The vulgar Latin, Is it a little matter, that ye have sinned in Bethpeor, the stain of which remaineth in you unto this day? But in the Hebrew it is as before, as Lyra also noteth, arguing against the Latin Translation: for that the Prince slain then Numb. 25. was not of the Reubenites or Gadites, but of Simeon. From which we are not cleansed to this day, that is, so as not to have more judgments executed upon us anew for it, if we provoke God anew by sinning again in like manner. For although Phinehas is said then to have turned God's wrath away, yet it is not meant so, but being provoked again, he would be ready again to punish that sin over again together with this. Or, we are not cleansed, is to be understood with Calvin both in respect of judgments, and the slain thereof yet remaining, because it was so fresh in memory. Again, they offer unto them, if they thought the Land of their possession unclean without an Altar, to give them Land out of their possessions, where the Lord's Tabernacle was, alleging the example of Achan, who alone sinned, but wrath came upon all the Congregation, so that they might much more fear, if for the sin of one secretly committed there came wrath upon all, that if they should suffer this, which was a sin of many, and that openly committed: wrath should much more burn against them all. Hereby it appeareth [Note.] how well they profited by former corrections, we being by their example taught to have God's judgments likewise in mind, to make us the more watchful against sin, for all time to come. The Rubenites and Gadites, &c. hearing what was laid to their charge, answer with much passion; and for the clearing of themselves from this foul imputation: appeal to God, and then tell the true cause of their setting up this Altar, as is aforesaid; whereas v. 22. it is said, save us not this day, as if they spake thus to the Israelites, it is plainly in the Hebr. of the Lord, let not him save us.
This their answer being heard by all the Congregation, they praised God, that these two Tribes and half were clear from the sin, of which they had thought them guilty. And in token, that this Altar was built for no other end, but to be a witness, that they which dwelt beyond Jordan, had right to bring their sacrifices to the Altar in Canaan, they called it Ed, that is witness. Ferus hereupon gathereth, that things done to a good end in the Church of God ought not to be abolished, but if they be abused, the abuse is to be corrected, and they suffered still to remain, and such he saith, are singings, festivals, and images, and fasts, which were ordained for a good end. But when the Image of the Brazen Serpent, which at the first was set up for an excellent end, was abused to Idolatry, Hezekiah uttery abollisht it and is commended therefore.
CHAP. XXIII.
HEre Joshua being grown old, and so making account, that the time of his departure was at hand, assembleth all Israel, and warneth them to fear God and to serve him constantly, promising, that if they did so, he would expel the rest of their enemies from before them, and give them the lands, which were already divided unto them; but if not, no more of them should be driven out, but they should remain, as snares and traps unto them, and scourges in their sides, and thorns in their eyes, if they had any familiarity with them, or made any marriages with them; or served their gods. And this speech was had after a long time of peace, whereupon Ferus noteth well, that as war is dangerous to the body, so is peace to the soul, and this Joshua prudently seeing into, seeketh to preserve them here-from by this admonition. And thus ought the Ministers of God's Word to warn the people, [Note.] and to seek to keep them in the right way by promises and threatenings from time to time. And it is the part of a good Governor, as Calvin noteth to take care, as Joshua did of the good of his Subjects, that they may do well and prosper after his death, wherefore Moses also did thus before, and Peter likewise, 2 Pet. 1. 15. whereas Joshua is said to have called all Israel▪ and then the Heads and Elders are mentioned in particular, this last seemeth to be exegetical, the meaning being, that these were all Israel representative, whom he called together, and such voluntaries, as would come with them, for he could not assemble and speak to all together. To what place they were called, is not expressed, but the next assembling of them was in Shechem, Ch. 24. 1. Some conjecture the place to be Tinnath-serah, where he dwelt, and some Shiloh, where the Tabernacle was, which is the most probable, because such holy exhortations were wont to be before the Lord, who is said to have dwelt in his Tabernacle. For the time, it is uncertain, only it is said when Israel had rest now a longtime, and Joshua was very aged, the number of whose years are said to be an 100, Ch. 24. 29. but at what age he entered into Canaan, and so what year after this he died, is not expressed, but in the Hebrews Chronicle, called Seder-Olam, it is said 28 years, Josephus. 25 years, and Euseb. 27 years, and Adrichomius 7, and others make some more, some fewer. And it is no marvel that Writers are so diverse hereabout, seeing the years that only give light into this matter, be those 480 mentioned 1 Kings 6. 1. which are said to have passed since the coming of the Israelites out of Egypt, to the fourth year of Solomon's reign; and it cannot certainly be found out, how these years are to be reckoned to make an exact account to a year, that other several sums being deducted, the remainder may be counted to Joshua his government, because that before any Judge arose after Joshua, it is said, that the people served God all the days of the Elders that overlived Joshua; but afterwards, they sinning, were spoiled by their Enemies, and then crying to God, Othniel was raised up to save them; and how long it was after Joshua his death to this, is uncertain. Whereas, v. 8. they are forbidden to mention the names of their God's, the meaning is, that they should make no honorable mention of them, by calling them to witness in swearing, or by calling upon them, as is here further expressed.
CHAP. XXIV.
HEre again Joshua yet living, to show his solicitude for the people's good, assembleth them in Shechem before the Lord, and maketh his last exhortation to them. Calvin thinketh this assembling of them, to be the same with that, Ch. 23. and that here is only set forth how he dealt with them more at large. And Comestor joineth this and that together as one. But Lyra and Ferus, and others hold it to have been done at another time, when Joshua was yet nearer the time of his death, and the History seemeth to make it plain that it was so. But why did he assemble them in Shechem, seeing the Tabernacle was in [Qu.] Shiloh? Answ. The Ark was at this time brought thither, that the people standing before it, might be moved with the more reverence, and the more carefully keep the Covenant now to be renewed. For the standing place of it was in Shiloh, where the Tabernacle was, but now it seemeth that the Ark was in Shechem; for when a great stone was set up there for a remembrance of this renewed Covenant, it is said to have been set up by the Sanctuary, v. 26. and Joshua wrote this Covenant there in the book of the Law, which book was kept in the side of the Ark, Deut. 31. 26. One Sept. Copy for Shechem here hath Shiloh, but all others Shechem. Some think Shechem and Shiloh to be all one, but they are deceived; for Shechem was 36 miles from Jerusalem, and Shiloh but 4, see Ch. 18. Shechem was near to mount Ephraim, where Joshua dwelt and in mount Gerizim, where the blessings and curses had been read, Josh. 8. 33. wherefore they are in this place now specially assembled.
Your Father dwelt on the other side of the flood, &c. that is, of Euphrates in Chaldea, and they served other God's, of this see Gen. 11. & 12. To move them the more to obedience, he recounteth God's benefits towards them, and beginneth with Terah and Abraham, showing what they were, and what his singular favor was to Abraham, I multiplied his seed, saith he, and gave him Isaac; that is, first causing Isaac to come of him, and of Isaac Jacob, whose seed was so multiplied. The benefits recounted are 13, as Ferus numbereth them. But how is it said, v. 11. The men of Jericho fought against you, when as they kept within their walls, till that they were miraculously thrown down? Answ. Because they prepared to fight, and fortified their City against them.
And I sent the bornet before you, which drove them out; of this promised, see Exod. 23. 28. and how it is to be understood. This thing, although we read not of it before, as performed according to the Letter, when they subdued the Kings of the Amorites, Numb. 21. yet here it is shown to have been done, and that they subdued them not with their sword and their bow.
The foundation of remembering God's benefits being laid, he now exhorteth them therefore to fear God, and to serve him, and to put away the strange God's which their Fathers served beyond the flood, and in Egypt, whereby he discovereth a thing not hitherto touched, that they sinned by idolatry in Egypt, whereby the grace of God is yet more magnified towards them. In bidding them to put away the strange God's, it may seem to be intimated, that they had such still amongst them, and much more, v. 23. But their former zeal shown, Ch. 22. and the commendation given them, Ch. 23. 8. make to the contrary, as Augustine reasoneth at large. And if so, the meaning then is, turn not to strange God's anymore, for they which turn not to them, but abhor them, put them from them. So likewise Calvin. Yet some hold, saith Lyra, that some of them had idols at that time, which they brought with them out of Egypt, applying hitherto that of Amos 5. 26. recounted again by Stephen, Acts 7. But this seemeth not to be so, because then upon this Covenant making, there would have been some mention of their putting away of these God's. Wherefore Augustine concludeth, that their erroneous imaginations touching God in their hearts, were their false God's, which he would have them to put away, and to conceive rightly of him, which who so doth not, serveth false God's, although he hath no idols made with hands.
If it seemeth evil to you to serve the Lord, choose you this day whom ye will serve, &c. This is not spoken to set them at liberty to serve God or idols, but knowing that yet they were generally bent to serve the Lord, he useth this rhetorical passage to draw from them a voluntary profession to serve God, that having publicly professed this, they might be the more obliged, and so moved thus to do with perseverance. Moreover, he addeth his own example to move them, saying, I and my house will serve the Lord: and it worketh with them accordingly, v. 16, 17. He gave them their free choice, saith Ferus, to show that the service of God should not be coact, but free and voluntary. He did it but as Moses, set before them the way of life and of death, that they might choose which to enter into. He saith, If it seemeth evil, &c. because of the great charge of Sacrifices, and the many Rites about the service of God, as Lyra hath it.
And Joshua said to the people, Ye cannot serve the Lord, for he is an holy God, &c. Neither was this spoken to discourage them, but that resolving to serve God, they might the more seriously consider of it, and so serve him, as to put away all sin and idolatry, which no way agree, but are intolerable in his servants. For Joshua knew well enough, as Moses before him, the perverseness of their disposition, and therefore he seeketh all ways to stimulate them to their duty, and so he bringeth them the second time to profess his service, v. 21. and the third time, v. 24 and then he maketh a Covenant with them, v. 25. Whence note, that it is no easy matter to serve the Lord resolvedly indeed, without mingling the service of sin with his service, which he will by no [Note.] means endure. In making this Covenant, there is no mention made of any solemn Rites used, as Exod. 24. yet Comestor saith, that water was poured out to intimate, that God would so spill them, that they should never be gathered up again if they brake this Covenant; but seeing the Scripture saith nothing of any Rite, it is best to leave this undetermined: it is most probable that the Old Covenant being now only renewed, there were none but solemn protestations only, and the writing hereof in the book of the Law, and the setting up of a stone there for a monument, as followeth, v. 26. The book of the Law was Deuteronomy, which was written by Moses, and kept in the side of the Ark, Deut. 31. 24. The stone is said to be set up for a witness, under an Oak by the Sanctuary, that is, near the place where the Ark stood for the present, for the planting of trees by the Sanctuary, where the standing place of it was, is forbidden, Deut. 16. 21. A great stone is a most durable thing, and therefore this is set up to continue for many ages, as before upon mount Ebal, the Law was written upon stones, Josh. 8. 32, 33. and the Chaldee Paraphrast speaketh of this stone, as having these things written upon it for a memorial, being therefore called a witness, v. 27. and said to have heard all these words, which some apply to them, saying, ye have heard: whereas it is Hebr. it hath heard, because they thought it absurd that hearing should be applied to a stone. But it is thus spoken by a Prosopopeia, as Moses biddeth the Heaven and the Earth to hear, Deut. 32. and Esa. 1. 2. Jer. 2. 12. And all things have hearing and speech for God, and against his rebels. Augustine thinking it unreasonable, that he should say, that stone heard, expoundeth it Allegorically of Christ the chief stone in the spiritual building; for he heard, and shall testify against the rebellious Jews; and this stone, saith he, was under a tree, although hanged upon a tree, because through his humility he submitted himself to this, and he calleth the tree terebinthus, from whence an humor cometh that is sanative, showing the virtue that floweth from Christ hanged upon a tree. Jerome and the Septuagint also call it terebinthus. Lastly, Augustine examining the reason why Joshua amongst all his admonitions, saith nothing in reproving them for permitting the Canaanites to dwell amongst them, whom they were so strictly charged to destroy utterly, yet they suffered them to live, and took tribute of them; He resolveth, that it was a sin of infirmity, the people not being of courage enough to prosecute their Victories begun under Joshua his government, or because they were weary of so long continued Wars; wherefore, as Paul saith, At my first defense no man stood to me, the Lord lay it not to their charge: so this was not imputed to them, but in mercy pardoned.
Here Joshua dieth, and is buried in his inheritance of Timnah-serah, on the north side of the hill Gaash. This is again commemorated, Judge. 2. 9. but for Timnath-serah, there is Timnath-heres, see what was noted upon this before, Chap. 19. 50. his age is set down also, 110 years. The hill Gaash most probably was an hill upon mount Ephraim, and not a distinct place from it, so Jerome and Adricomius; Jerome noteth here, that Joshua being dead, no mention is made of mourning for him, as when Moses died, to intimate mystically, that under the Gospel, the happiness to come to the faithful being more clearly opened, we should not mourn, but rejoice when the faithful servants of God die. And it may be added, in that no man knew of the Sepulcher of Moses, but Joshua his Sepulcher is notified, that we might hereby be admonished to seek to Jesus for justification, but not to the Law, which if we do, we shall surely never find it, as the body of Moses, who gave the Law, could never be found by any after his death.
And Israel served the Lord all the days of Joshua, and all the days of the Elders that overlived Joshua, &c. Here is the great commendation of the servant of God, Joshua, by his godly care the people were contained in obedience, an example worthy the imitation of all Christian Princes. The Elders overliving Joshua were Caleb and Eleazar, and divers of the Levites; for all the other Elders died in the wilderness; this same is repeated, Judge. 2. 7. and v. 10. and also all that generation was gathered to their fathers, and another generation rose after them, which knew not the Lord, &c. How long these Elders who are called that generation, lived after Joshua, it is uncertain, but by computing the times following unto Solomon, it appeareth that it was not many years. For Solomon began to build the Temple 480 years after their coming out of Egypt, the 4 year of his reign, unto which time, if we reckon to Othniel the first Judge after Joshua, 40 years, Judge. 3. 11. to Ehud 80 years, v. 30. to which Shamgars time may also be counted; to Deborah 40 years, Judge. 5. ult. to Gideon 40, Judge. 8. 28. to Abimelech 3, Ch. 9. 22. to Tolah 23, Ch. 10. 2. to Jair 22, v. 3. to Jephthah 6, Ch. 12. 7. to Ibzan 7, v. 9. to Elon 10, v. 11. to Abdon 8, v. 14. to Samson 20, Ch. 15. ult. to Eli 40, 1 Sam. 4. 18. to Samuel and Saul 40, for they are put together, Acts 13. 21. to David 40, 1 King. 2. 12. to Solomon 4. all together make 423, unto these add Moses 40, and the whole is 463: so that here were but 17 years for Joshua and the Elders that overlived him. I have followed, I confess, another reckoning, Acts 13. 21. making the years of the Judges many more, as Melchior Cano doth, adding to the years of the Judges, the years of their oppressions by divers enemies; but now seeing that that account can no way be reconciled with 1 Kings 6. 1. I rather subscribe to them that bring those oppression times under the years of the Judges, for although thus counted they make but 377, yet 17 of Joshua and the Elders being added, and 40 of Moses, the whole is 434 to the end of the Judges, so that it might well be said about 450 years. V. 32. The bones of Joseph carried from Egypt, Gen. 50. Exod. 13. are buried in Shechem, bought by Jacob, Gen. 33. 19. and given to Joseph, Gen. 48. 22. This most probably is spoken of here, out of time, for it was done before, but is now mentioned, because Shechem was last spoken of, ver. 33. Eleazar dieth, and is buried in an hill belonging to Phinehas his son, that was given him in mount Ephraim. It is said now to belong to Phinehas, because it was his when his Father was dead. It is said to have been given him, because the High Priest had that place extraordinary, for the Priests had nothing in Ephraim, see Chap. 21.
A COMMENTARY UPON THE BOOKE OF IUDGES.
The PREFACE.
WHo wrote this Book it is uncertain, some think it was Samuel, some Ezra, some divers writers successively, as the time, that this History goeth through, is very long, viz. of 299 years, in which God stirred up 13 Judges, whose years if they be summed up together, amount to so many. If it be demanded, what a Judge differed from a King, and what the Office of a Judge was? it is easily determined. The Judges Office was first to fight against the enemy, and deliver the people of Israel from their oppression. Secondly, to judge the causes brought before them, as did Deborab, Eli and Samuel. Wherefore they had the supreme place and Authority over others in civil things, and a coactive power to call the people after them to war, and to punish offenders, and to enforce to the execution of their judgments. The difference betwixt a Judge and a King yet was great: because the Judge ruled only by the Laws of God, and made none other Laws, or constitutions, but in weightier matter stood to the decrees of the great Synedrion or council of 72: but Kings had power to make other new Ordinances, yet not repugnant to the Laws of God, so that in the time of the Judges God and his Laws were as the only King, 1 Sam. 12. 12. but when they desired to have a King, they are censured, as rejecting the Lord, that he should no longer reign over them, because although all good Kings would rule according to God's Laws, yet he knew, that being puffed up by so high a dignity, they would for the most part play the tyrants and do contrary to God's Laws, and so bring the people to a more miserable condition, as is foretold, 1 Sam. 8. 11. 13. &c. to. v. 18. Secondly, Kings were anointed, ware Crowns, of gold, and went forth, and lived in great pomp, having a guard of men and Officers about them, but Judges not. Thirdly, many Kings came to their Kingdom, as the inheritance of their Fathers, but Judges not, but by election, God setting up one of one Tribe, and then another of another, as seemed good unto him: 1 Othniel of Judah, 2 Ehud of Benjamin, Barak of Naphtali, Gideon of Manasseh, Tholah of Issachar, Elon of Zebulun, Abdon of Ephraim, Samson of Dan, Eli of the Tribe Levi. Fourthly, Kings took tribute of their Subjects, 20 Sam. 20. 24. 1 Kings 4. 6. but Judges not. And yet as the word King may be taken in a large sense for the supreme Magistrate, a Judge may be called a kind of King, as Moses is, Deut. 33 5. Ferus showeth the difference in brief thus, Judges were not set over the people, Emperor-like, but as deliverers, directors, & counselors, wherefore Gideon refused this kind of Rule being offered unto him, saying, I will not rule over you, but the Lord shall. And he only was made a Judge, that was by God set up by miracles to deliver the people & to contain them in the obedience of God's laws, so that the state of the people of Israel then was a free and golden estate to that it was afterwards in the time of the most flourishing King, because then they were made servants, and were greatly exacted upon. Judges ruled, saith Lyra, non per modum imperii, seu; alicujus dominii, sed tantum per modum ministry, exhortationis & confilii, Deo sibi istud Dominium re • inente, ut patet per istud Gedeonis, c. 8. The scope of this Book is to show, how the transgressors of God's Laws were not threatened with judgments in vain, nor the obedient fed with gracious promises without effect: for here are both these exemplified at large, sinners not being then especially suffered to go unpunished, lest the threatenings of transgressors against the Law lately given should have been contemned, as being without effect. For at the first it was necessary for the confirmation of God's Laws, that Israel offending should be severely judged, and repenting again, received to mercy, that all living in after ages might be assured, that although judgments have not since been so frequent, yet at last all the wicked shall bear their punishments, and repentant sinners shall be received to mercy. For this Book of Judges, although the Author be unknown, yet it being a part of Canonical Scriptures, we are sure that the Spirit of God was the prime & the chief Author of it, and therefore we learn reverently to read and attend unto it.
CHAP. I.
NOw after the death of Joshua, the children of Israel asked the Lord, saying, Who shall first go up for us against the Canaanites, &c. Joshua being dead, there was no one supreme Magistrate for the space of 17 years, as the Hebrews have it, or 18 years, as Josephus, but the great Synedrion or council of 72 governed, and the High Priest directed in all cases of difficulty. And this seemeth not unprobable, because Othniel was the first Judge, Ch. 3. 9. and he was not raised up, till that the people of Israel had revolted from their obedience to God, and were therefore delivered into the hands of their enemies, and greatly oppressed by them; and this revolt was not made till after the death of all the Elders, that over-lived Joshua. If this shall seem to make against the former account of years cast up to make the sum set down, 1 King. 6. 1. wherein only 17 years are reckoned to Joshua his government, and the Elders that overlived him. It may be answered that the 40 years reckoned to Othniel, Judge. 3. 11. include these 17, the Land had rest 40 years accounting to the time from Joshua his death, to the 40 years after. Whilst Joshua lived, it is said, the land had rest, Josh. 22. 4. because so much was subdued as was sufficient for them for the present, neither durst any enemy stir against them, wherefore Joshua ceased from war, only permitting such Tribes, as found themselves grieved with the straitness of their bounds by reason of the enemies still dwelling therein, to fight against them and expel them, as to Ephraim and Manasseh, Josh. 17. 17. But Joshua being dead, and the people increased after a time of rest, they thinking it high time now to go about the clearing of more Land for their enlargements; first consult with the Lord, who should begin in these wars against the Canaanites, that is, which Tribe should first attempt the driving of them out of his coasts, that by the happy proceedings of one, the enemies might generally be the more terrified, and the other Tribes the more encouraged to do the like in their parts. If it be demanded, how they consulted with Lord? Answ. By the Urim and Thummim, as hath been shown upon Exod. 28. see also 1 Sam. 28. 6. and Ch. 23. 9. And this inquiring and seeking direction and success from the Lord, was a most sure way to proceed in their ways prosperously, thus also they did, Ch. 18. 5. c. 20. 18. and Asa and Jehoshaphat being to fight with their enemies, first sought unto God, and then obtained wonderful victories. Thus also Judas Maccabeus, Maccab. 3. 46. And Theodosius being about to fight with the tyrant Maximus sought unto God by the prayers of the godly monks of Egypt, and prevailed wonderfully. The Israelites, saith Lyra, remembering what ill success they had against Ai under Joshua, who sent them forth, the Lord not being consulted with, to prevent this danger, first ask counsel. Touching the High Priest, by whom they consulted with the Lord, Comestor saith it was Phinces, who now was promoted to that Office, Eleazar being dead, so likewise Josephus Their inquiry is not, what captain shall go up as some suppose, but what Tribe should first begin this war, as is expressed, Who shall go up for us against the Canaanites first to fight against them? And the Lord said, Judah shall go up, &c. that is, not any man so called, but the Tribe of Judah, over which yet, saith Comestor, Galeb happily was set, as leader, but is not numbered amongst the Judges for the shortness of his time, but this is only a conjecture, and if he were Captain of this Tribe, yet this maketh him not to have been a Judge of all Israel, that he should, if he had continued long, be numbered amongst the Judges. Some hereby conceive, saith Lyra, that Judah the Tribe was now set up generally to be leader to all the rest in their wars, and thus he saith it is commonly expounded. But that, which here followeth, showeth that it is not so meant, because Judah goeth not up upon this answer to fight with the enemy, but in his own lot, and men of other Tribes were afterwards made Captains of general wars, and not of the Tribe of Judah only. Judah being appointed first to begin the war, calleth Simeon to go with him into his lot, promiting to do the like for him, and thus these two Tribes go to war together, but not without some man chosen to be their general Captain, who most probably was Caleb, as being most famous: for without a Captain General the Armies going forth would have been subject to confusion. The reason why Judah took his brother Simeon to him was, because Simeon's lot lay within that of Judah, as was shown upon Josh. 19. 1. It may seem that the Tribe of Judah had no need so to do, considering the promise of God, I have delivered the Land into his hand, v. 2. but when God promiseth anything, the best means and help for atcheiving of it are to be used, and so Judah joineth Simeon unto him, not out of di •• rust, or trusting to Simeon's help, but in great obedience & charity to that his brother, that he might help him again, for one brother being holpen by another is as a strong City, for so is that, Prov. 18. 19. rendered in Jerome's translation. Thus Ferus, who also applieth their consulting with the Lord after the death of Joshua, to the Apostles seeking together to the Lord in prayer for the direction after the death of Jesus, before their going out to preach to all Nations.
This application he maketh mystically, and morally as Judah was appointed first to go up, so the Christian that would prevail, must go out by Judah; that is, by confessing the Faith, and hereunto join Simeon, that is, obedience to the commandment: for to these two the Victory is promised. Isidor will have the Judges succeeding of Joshua to set forth the Apostles succeeding • esus, and the people's, sinning and suffering therefore, but upon their repentance, the raising up of Judges to deliver them, to set forth the sinning of Christians and their persecutions, and the stirring up of Princes and Doctors of the Church, for their help and comfort.
And Judah went up, and the Lord delivered the Canaanites and Perizzites into his hands, &c. Here it appeareth, that God did not make so gracious a promise of Victory unto them in vain, and they slew of them in Bezek, 10000 men. This City saith Adrichomius was in the Tribe of Judah, near Bethlehem, and Jerusalem, having Bethlehem on the east, and Jerusalem on the north. But H. Bunting placeth it 44 miles from Jerusalem, by the waters of Merom spoken of Josh. 11. 5. wheresoever it stood, it must needs be within the lot of Judah, because Judah made no war here, but within his own lot, as appeareth, v. 3. Adombez • k also the King of Bezek was taken Prisoner, and had his thumbs and great toes cut off; whereupon he confesseth his own cruel and barbarous dealing with 70 other Kings, who, he saith, being thus mutilated, gathered their meat under his Table. For the reason of dealing thus with him, and of his dealing so with other Kings; it is to be understood, that the thumbs being cut off, a man was madounfit for War, and the great toes being cut off unfit for slight, because Adonibezek had before fought against them, and being overcome, fled away. That he might therefore neither fight nor flee away anymore, he was thus used: Pierius in his Hieroglyphics, to set forth a man unfit for War, made an Emblem of an hand with the thumb cut off, and of an hand shut with the thumb erected, to set forth strength and fortitude, because pollex, the thumb, hath the name a pollendo, as Isidore hath it, because inter caeteros digit • s virtute pollet & potestate. And for this cause of old the Athenians cut off the thumbs of Aegines, that he might not go forth with the Navy, of which he was Captain; so Valer. Maximus and Aelianus; and some, saith the same Val. Max. having cut off their own thumbs that they might not be taken for Soldiers, have been severely punished by the Senate. The like is related by Suetonius of a Roman Knight that cut off the thumbs of his two sons, that they might not go to War, being therefore severely punished by Augustus. And Ammianus Marcellinus praiseth the French, that none of them did cut off their thumbs to decline the terror of War, as many in Italy had done. But there was a secret reason in respect of God's just judgments, why Adonibezek was now served thus, because he had dealt so with 70 other petty Kings before, many of them happily being Kings under him over particular Cities, as the King of Hazor is said to have had many Kings under him, Josh. 11. 10. but hereby it appeareth that Adonibezek was of no small power, whom God yet subdued unto Judah. Hence note the justice of God, to pay wicked men with their own coin: so Valerius the Emperor, who caused 80 Priests, who were sent upon [Note.] an Ambassage to him, to be put into a Ship and burnt, was a little while after burnt in a thatched Cottage by the enemies, who put fire to it. Justinian being also expelled from his Empire by Leontius, and his nose cut off, the said Leontius was used in like manner by Apsimarus; so Zonaras, who also in the same place saith, that Constantine the son of Irene, who had put out the eyes of N • cephorus his Uncle, and of Alexius Mosolus, for suspicion of affecting the Empire, had his eyes put out five years after, upon the same day, by Irene his mother.
In that Adonibezek did not only cut off the thumbs, &c. but made those Kings to gather meat under his Table; this shown the pride and cruelty of a wicked man; there is no mercy in him towards such as he hath subdued, but he useth them as dogs and beasts; as Sapores the King of the Persians having overcome Valerianus the Emperor, used him for a stool to set his foot upon when he went up to his Horse, as Eutropius relateth: and Tamerlane having overcome Bajazet the Emperor of the Turk • served him likewise, and carried him about in an iron cage for a spectacle. But such cruelty used even by the wicked to the wicked, God will not suffer to go unrevenged, as we may see in this example, see also Esa. 33. Amos 2. Lastly, as Ferus noteth, here is a notable example of the mutability of worldly things, in that so many who were Kings, [Note.] were thus abased.
Adonibezek suffering by this judgment, acknowledgeth that God had dealt with him justly, as he had done to others, now causing the like to be done unto him; whereby we may see, that even the wickedest heathen were not without the knowledge of God, as is also taught, Rom. 1. but they had no sense of this but in their misery, and not then neither to call upon him for mercy, but to justify him in his proceedings against them. And they brought him to Jerusalem, and he died there. The reason of their carrying him to Jerusalem is set down in the next verse, that was the next City they subdued and burnt; so that Adonibezek was carried thither as a prisoner only taken along with them in the way that they marched. Touching Jerusalem, we read before of the king of Jerusalem slain by Joshua, Ch. 10 and Ch. 12. and of Jerusalem inhabited by the men of Judah, together with the Jebusites, Josh. 15. 63. but nowhere of the taking of it till this time; yet, as hath been shown upon Josh. 15. 63. it is most probable that it was taken in the days of Joshua, but repossesied again by the enemies, whilst they were busied in other Wars, and that now it was taken the second time by Judah and burnt, as Jericho and Ai had been for the greater terror of the enemies, and in detestation of the abominations therein formerly committed, that it being thus purged and rebuilt, might be fit to be the Metropolis of the whole Kingdom, and the seat of the Temple of God. Whereas this was done by the men of Judah, and yet the far greater part of the City was in the lot of Benjamin, as hath been shown upon Josh. 15. 63. and accordingly they are said to have dwelt here, v. 21. of this Chapter: it may be conceived that the Benjamites were also with the men of Judah in this War, although not hitherto spoken of, because their going out to fight is not afterwards spoken of, as of all the other Tribes, v. 22, 23, 24, &c. but only it is said that they dwelt in Jerusalem, and the Jebusites with them unexpelled, v. 21. but because Judah was the chief in this expedition, he only is named, and not Simeon or Benjamin so rearly joined unto him. Whereas the City is said now to have been burnt, Hebr. to be cast into the fire, a phrase amongst the Hebrews, to express the utter destruction of a place by fire, it is yet to be understood that all without exception was not burnt, but all that was taken only; the Fort of Zion held by the Jebusites even till David's days escaping, as hath been before shown upon Josh. 15. 63.
Here are other expeditions of Judah set forth against the Canaanites in the mountains, and in the south, and in the valleys, in general, the particular places, and their success being further declared in the verses following to v. 20. And first against those in the mountains, Hebron and Debir, of which see Josh. 14. 12, 13. and Ch. 15. 15, 16. and of Debir, or Kiriath-sepher again, v. 49. where enough hath been spoken of the names of these Cities, and of the gift of Hebron to Caleb again repeated, v. 20. and of his expelling the three sons of Anak by the help of Judah. Only that which was done about Debir, and the taking thereof by Othniel the son of Kenaz, Caleb's younger brother, and having his daughter Achsah therefore given him to wise, &c. all which is in the same words set forth, Josh. 15. 15, 16, 17, &c. remaineth here to be spoken of, as most proper to this place, this being the time when these things were done. And Caleb said, He that smiteth Kiriath-sepher, and taketh it, I will give h • m Achsah my daughter to wife; and Othniel the son of Kenaz, the younger brother of Caleb took it, &c. Here a question is made, whether this marriage were lawful [Qu.] or not, seeing that Othniel being brother to Caleb, was Uncle to Achsah, and a Nephew is expressly forbidden to marry his Aunt, therefore by the like reason the Uncle may not marry his Niece. Lyra scanneth this diversely; first, saying, that some hold it to have been against the Law, but Caleb having made a vow at large, and not knowing that his brother should take that City, when it was done, held it not to stand with his magnificence to go back from that which he had promised, and therefore preferring the tie of a vow before that of the Law, performed it, as Jephthah afterward performed his vow in offering his daughter. Thus Hugo Cardin. he had rather keep his vow, then the Law about marriages. But Lyra rejecteth this, because Caleb & Othniel were both godly men, and so it is not probable that they would agree to do anything against the Law of God. Secondly, he therefore saith, that some hold Kenaz the father of Othniel to have been Caleb's brother, and so he was Caleb's Nephew, and called his brother only, as Lot was called Abraham's brother, Gen. 13. Lastly, he saith, that although he were Caleb's brother, yet he did nothing against the Law in marrying his daughter, for Abraham married Sarah, his brother Haroms daughter, and only the marriage of a Nephew with his Aunt, and not of an Uncle with his Niece is by the Law forbidden, Levite. 18. And although the case may seem to be alike for the same degree of consanguinty, yet there is this difference, it is against nature for the Nephew to bring the Ant, his superior, into subjection to him, as he doth, if he marrieth her, but it is not so for the Uncle to marry the Niece. Thus he, who addeth also more touching the liberty of the man above that which is granted to the woman, for the further confirmation hereof. But see the contrary to this proved upon Levite. 18. 18. and Othniel determined to be a brother to Caleb, not properly so called, but according to the appellation used amongst the Hebrews, because he was his kinsman; therefore Junius for brother here, hath agnatus Calebi, but the word in Hebrew is brother, and if that be true which hath been before alleged out of Lyra, that Kenaz the father of Otbniel, took to wife the mother of Caleb, Josh. 14. then this controversy will thus be soon at an end. Ferus from hence praiseth Caleb, in that he sought a son in law rather virtuous then rich; and Themistocles gave his daughter to a man poor indeed, but honest, saying, I had rather have a man wanting money, then money wanting a man. Achsah being given to wife to Othniel, she moves him to ask of her father a field, and then she lighting off her Ass, asked him a blessing, saying, Thou hast given me a dry land, give me also springs of water, and he gave her the upper springs and the nether. The Septuagint and Vulgar Latin have it, he moved her, to which the words following answer best: but Hebr. it is she moved him; both are true, saith Lyra, she moved him, but he thinking it fittest that thee should make this request to her own father, bade her do it. For these words, And she lighted from off her Ass, the Septuagint and Vulg. Latin have it, She murmured & cried, or sighed upon her Ass; but Jun. Pagninus, Uatablus, Tygurini interpreters and divers more, and some Rabbins, as David Kimchi, R. Solomon, Chaldee Paraphr. expound it, she lighted from her Ass, Hebr. it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is not found elsewhere but in this same relation, Josh. 15. and Judge. 4. 21. where it is put for smiting to the ground: Polanus rendereth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 cum impetu demittere se, desi • re, or defigere, but for ingemiscere, or to sigh, it cannot be taken. Wherefore Bonfrerius laboreth in vain to justify the Vulg. Latin herein. Serrarius better thinketh it a mistaking of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to sigh or groan. Caleb perceiving by his daughters coming down and prostrating her self, as it is likely, before him, that she would ask him somewhat, asked her what she would, she answered, give me a blessing, &c. as before. Here by a blessing she meaneth not only a wishing well; but a performance of good unto her, as Caleb her father was able. So likewise the word blessing is used, Gen. 33. 11. 1. Sam. 25 27. 2 Cor. 9. 5. thou hast given me a south land, or dry land, Hebr. it is south, but because the south in Canaan was most dry, it may be termed a dry land. And herein Canaan was contrary to all our Countries in Europe, wherein the south is moistest and fruitfullest, but in Canaan the west was the part from which the rain came, Luke 12. 1 Kings 18. the reason, because the west was to the Sea, but the south to the vast wilderness of Arabia, which was dry. Give me also Springs of water, the Septuagint 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , the redemption of water; and twhereas it followeth, He gave her the upper Springs and the nether, the Septuagint have 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , which Augustine, who followed that translation, coming to explain after that he had said, she cried out upon her Ass, give me a blessing, &c. he saith, she being advised by her husband to ask a field, asked the redemption of water, but what this should mean I know not, unless a fruitful field wherewith water might be bought, because the place to which she was going with her husband was dry, and Caleb gave her such a field, as that she might with the fruit thereof buy waters, that came from the mountains above, and springing from the valleys beneath. Symmachus rendereth it, possessionem in superioribus & possessionem in inferiorbus, but Theodotion, irrigationem aquarum, Hebr. it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 fluctus aquarum. But what is meant by the Springs, or flowings of water, the upper and the nether, it is not agreed. Cajetan saith, that nothing but the Springs are meant in the higher and lower grounds near to the south land already given her, which was dry, that being derived thither by channels, it might be made fruitful. Lyra saith, it was a field, having Springs both in the upper and in the nether part. Tostatus, that two fields are meant, one above the south land already given, lying more north, and the other lower then it, lying more south, both well watered with Springs. It is not likely, that it being agreed before betwixt her husband and her, that she should ask a field, that she asked Springs only, without the ground wherein they lay, but rather such a ground, and Caleb to show his bounty to Othniel, so well deserving, granted more then was desired, a field lying higher, and another lower, accommodated with Springs or Rivers. Bonfrerius standeth for one field only, and for the upper Springs to be the rain of Heaven; but this is absurd, seeing it was not in Caleb's power to give any such Springs, but of God alone at his pleasure, and yet it is said, that he gave his daughter the upper Springs and the nether. If it be demanded how lands could be given to a daughter by one that had sons, as [Qu.] Caleb, 1 Chron. 4. seeing the land was the inheritance of sons only, but in case of the want of such issue. It is answered, that daughters were to have dowries, and the father was not herein tied, but he might, if it pleased him, give some of his land for a dowry to them, to be enjoyed till the year of Jubilee. This passage, saith Ferus, might seem unworthy the sacred History, but that Achsahs practice may well be a pattern for other women, she desired not costly apparel, or gold, or silver, but necessaries for hers and her families sustenance. And there is herein a mystery, Caleb setteth forth God the Father, Othniel Christ, Achsah the Christian soul, the south or dry land given her, this earth, wherein we live, or the flesh, which is dry and barren in respect of all spiritual good things; wherefore Christ adviseth, and the true Christian asketh the upper Springs of grace, to be devout and heavenly, and the nether of contrition and tears for sins and miseries, which who so hath, hath a rich possession indeed.
Gregory by the south land, understandeth the gift to speak freely for the truth, to give alms, to relieve the oppressed, to be zealous for the faith; so that he which hath these graces, but not the grace of tears, hath a dry land, but yet wanteth Springs: This is therefore also to be desired, that through the love of heaven, and the fear of hell, he may be contrite, and weep for his sins, which exclude him from the one, and endanger him in respect of the other. These are the upper and the nether Springs; but because the heart is first affected with sorrow for fear of hell, and then, a confidence towards God being wrought, for being delayed in coming to the blessedness expected; the nether Springs are first in Nature, but because sorrowing and groaning out of a desire of heaven is the more worthy, this is first placed here, the upper Springs, and then the nether, as not being of so great dignity. And this mystical application is rather to be preferred, because a gift given after espousalls is spoken of, which cannot be earthly, but spiritual, although defective, till true sorrow to repentance be added. Wherefore Ferus also goeth from his first, saying, or by the south land the gifts of grace may be understood, by the springs of water, the gift of eternal life.
And the children of the Kenite, Moses Father in law, went up out of the City of Palme trees with the children of Judah, into the wilderness of Judah, &c. Numb. 10. 29. Raguel is said to be the Father in law of Moses, and Hobab to be his son, he is also called Revel and Jethro, Exod. 2. 16, 17. Ch. 18. 1. and here the Kenite, of which name see again, Judge. 4. 11. and Numb. 24. 21. He was desired by Moses to stay with him, Numb. 10. 29. promising that he should dwell amongst the people of Israel in the best of the Land. And hereby it seemeth that this was performed after the death of Moses, for his children abode hitherto in the City of Palme trees, that is, Jericho, Deut. 34. 3. Judge. 3. 13. which Josephus describeth to be the most pleasant and fruitful part of all the Land. But now they go up into the wilderness of Judah. Whereas it is by their going up out of Jericho implied, that they dwelt therein, it is to be understood, that this they could not do, because Jericho was all burnt down to the ground, and not built yet again; wherefore they abode only in Tents within the confines of Jericho. But why did they now remove? Lyra saith, that they might be near [Qu.] unto Othniel, to learn of him the knowledge of the Law, 2 Chron. 2. 55. the Kenites are said to have come of Hemath, the father of the house of Rechab, celebrated Jer. 35. for their abdicating of the world and worldly profits and pleasures: If these were the same with those Kenites, this might be a reason of their remove from a pleasant place to a wilderness, that they might be the more free to Divine contemplations, and not corrupted with the aff • uence of worldly delights. Yet Junius thinketh that they went to join themselves with the children of Judah in their Wars.
Arad, by lying near which the Wilderness of Judah is described, was on the border of the land of Canaan, next unto the Idumaeans and Amalekites, as it were a corner east and south, see Numb. 21.
And Judah went with his brother Simeon, and they slew the Canaanites that dwelt in Zephath, &c. Simeon having holpen Judah in his lot, now is holpen by Judah in his lot: Zephath was 16 miles from Debir, the City last taken by Othniel. It is thought to have been a City of the Region Arad, of which see Numb. 21. how it was devoted to hormab, or destruction, which is here executed; but only there it is said, Israel destroyed them and their Cities, here only one City is said to be destroyed, which happily was the chief, and the appurtenances to it are not named.
Also Judah took Gaza with the coast thereof, and Askelon and Ekron. These were Cities of the Philistines, about which it may be doubted how Judah is said to have taken them, seeing Ch. 3. 3. five Lord's of the Philistines remained unpossessed; and these were three of them, and always after the Philistines continued [Qu.] infest enemies to the Jews, and unsubdued, even unto the days of Eli, 1 Sam. 5. Lyra answereth, that either it is meant, Judah took something belonging to these three Cities, or having taken them, possessed them not, and so they were again recovered by the Philistines. Josephus saith that Gaza and Ekron were not taken, but Askelon and Azotus, and the Septuagint Roman. edition, they possessed neither, Gaza, Askelon, Ekron, nor Azotus. But both erroneously; yet this last is true, they possessed none of these, although they took them.
And the Lord was with Judah, and he drave out the inhabitants of the mountains, but he could not drive out the inhabitants of the valley, &c. It may seem strange if God were with them, that they should not be able to expel any enemies; so that this seemeth to be a reason of no force, which is added, because they had Chariots of iron: of which kind of Chariots, see Josh. 17. 16. But it is to be understood, that God permitted them for these Chariots to be timorous of them, that so the expelling of some enemies might be deferred, they being left still to try the children of Israel, as is said, Judge. 3. But why had they in the valleys [Qu.] Chariots of iron, more then they in the mountains? Answ. Because these kind of Warlike Engines were not to be wielded, but in plain places, where they might run every way with force and great violence.
Here Hebron is given to Caleb, and he expelleth the three sons of Anak, see before, v. 10. and Josh. 14.
And the children of Benjamin could not expel the Jebusites out of Jerusalem, &c. see the same said before of Judah, Josh. 15. 63.
And Joseph went up against Bethel, and the Lord was with him, &c. Bethel lay nigh unto Ai, Josh. 8. 9. at the taking of which the men of Bethel most probably fell also. But now it seemeth that it was again re-peopled, and Ephraim meant here by the house of Joseph went against it; for Manasseh another Tribe of that house is spoken of, v. 27. so Lyra. But as Manasseh, so Ephraim is spoken of severally, v. 29. and therefore by Joseph here, both together are meant. For their coming into Bethel, it is said, that they found a man that came out of the City, and prayed him to show them the way into it. Whereupon the Rabbins say, that there was no entrance in but under the ground, so that without a guide they could not come in: but this seemeth to be fabulous. It is more probable that there were many winding & turnings to come in it, so that the way was hard to find. This man for his kindness in showing them the way they saved, with his family, as Rahab in Jericho had been saved before, Josh 6. and he went amongst the Hittites, and built a City, calling it Luz, as the old name of Bethel is said to have been, v. 23. of which see Gen. 28. Touching the fact of this man of Bethel, betraying his own native Country, something hath been spoken before of Rahab's, Ch. 2. which was not much unlike unto it. This may seem to have been an heinous thing in this man, and unnatural, because all are bound by the law of nature to seek the preservation of their own Country as much as they can, and therefore when any man hath been treacherous to his Country to betray it, he hath been hated in all nations. Philip, or as some have it, Antigonus of Greece was wont to say, I love them greatly that are about to betray, but when they have betrayed, I hate them most of all. When Rhimitalces the King of the Thracians fell away from Anthony to Augustus the Roman Emperor, and thought therefore that he was worthy of great favor, he said likewise, I love prodition, but praise not proditors. When Camillus the Roman besieged the Falisti, a certain Schoolmaster led out the children of the Lord's which he taught, into the Tents of the Romans, pretending that he went out only to walk with them for recreation, hoping by this treachery to get a great reward; but the Romans contrariwise, to show their hatred of this fact, delivered the Schoolmaster bound to those Boys to be beaten with rods, and so sent them back to their parents. Mahomet the Turkish Emperor having taken Constantinople by the treachery of one Gereula, to whom Paleclogus the Emperor that then was slain, had been very beneficial; in hatred of so foul a treachery, laid cruel punishments upon him. And the Dolphin of France in King Johns time, vowed, that if he attained the Crown of England, he would kill all the Lord's that had been Traitors to their own King, in bringing him in against him. But this man is not to be ranked amongst such; for when it is made known, that it is the will of God, that any City or Country should be destroyed, it is now no longer treachery, but piety, even for a native of that Country, although not to be an agent in destroying it, yet to further those herein that are appointed to destroy it. And this was the case of all the Cities in Canaan, as was commonly known to the inhabitants. But seeing this man was one of them, how could he lawfully be dismissed, when as everyone of them was adjudged [Qu.] to the sword? Answ. They were not all so adjudged to the sword, but that upon just occasion some might be spared, as Rahab was, and the Gibeonites also. But herein was the difference betwixt them and this man, they were spared, and lived amongst the children of Israel, because most probably they turned to the true Religion, but this man happily not being converted, was not permitted to dwell amongst them, but sent away into another Country. And they could not in way of gratitude for the good turn he did them, but let him and his go in safety. What the land of the Hittites was, to which he went, is uncertain, but it seemeth to have been some other Country near, and no part of the Land of Canaan given to Israel.
Having shown the victory of the house of Joseph, now it is shown in what Cities they could not prevail, either Manasseh or Ephraim, v. 29. But herein somethink that their negligence is blamed. Of these Cities see before, Josh. 17. 11. & Josh. 16. 10. And the like is said of Zebulun, v. 30. of Asher, v. 31. of Naphtali, v. 33. and of Dan, v. 34. touching all which it is to be held that they sinned, in that for the love of the gain of tribute they expelled not the Canaanites, as they were straitly charged, Numb. 33. Deut. 7. so Lyra.
Touching Dan, his condition is set forth as different from the rest, the Amorites forced him into the mountains, themselves holding the valleys, and some mountains also, as Heres, Aialon, and Sbaalbim, which was doubtless for their sin • , for otherwise God was able, and would have given them more power also against them. This straitening of the tribe of Dan was spoken of before Josh. 19. 47. which caused them to go out and subdue other places, so likewise Judge. 18. The Septuagint for these three mountains have it, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 where there were Bears and Foxes, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , by Aialon understanding Bears, and by Sbaalbim Foxes, for which yet they are nowhere taken, but Aialon for a wild beast, called an Hart, and Shangnalim for Foxes. Heres is thought to have the name from the Sun, for the dryness, as the word signifieth, by some from shells or potsherds. Of Aialon, see Josh. 10. 12. Of Sbalabim, Josh. 19. 42. 1 King. 4. 9. This was the state of the Danites, but the house of Joseph made these Amorites tributaries, that is, the Ephraimites who bordered upon the Danites, as the Septuagint have it expressly, And the hand of the house of Joseph was heavy opon the Amorite: Hebr. there is nothing but, And the hand of Joseph was beavie, and he put him to tribute, it not being expressed who was put to tribute, whether the Amorite by the house of Joseph, or the house of Joseph by the Amorite, but because we read not yet of any tribe of Israel put to tribute, but contrariwise, that of the Septuagint is to be preferred, although Lyra leaveth it doubtful.
And the coast of the Amorites was from the going up to Akrabbim, from the rock, and upward. Of this place see Numb. 34. 4. it was the bound of the tribe of Judah southward, unto which seeing the Amorite extended from Dan, it appeareth, that he was still of great power, so that this may be taken, as added to show a reason why Dan was so straitened by them: The rock, Hebr. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is said by Josephus to have been a City of the Amalekites; by Jerome a City in the confines of the Amalekites and Philistines.
CHAP. II.
AND an Angel of the Lord came from Gilgal to Bochim, and said, I made you to go up out of Egypt, &c. The sin of the Israelites being set forth before, that they expelled not the Canaanites, but covenanted with them for tribute, now they are reproved for it, and threatened. Touching the Angel of the Lord said to come unto them, the Rabbins say it was Phinehas who is called an Angel, because a messenger from God is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , an Angel, as the word signifieth. Christian Expositors generally, that it was an Angel indeed; because he speaketh not like a Prophet, Thus saith the Lord, but as an Angel, I made you to go out of Egypt, and when a Prophet is spoken of, he is so mentioned, as that it may certainly be known that such an one was sent. But why is he said then to come from Gilgal, and not rather from heaven? Junius hereupon inferreth, [Qu.] that it was not an Angel, but a man who is said to pass from one place to another, as an Angel is not, and because his vanishing away again is not spoken of; but the last of these reasons is of no force, seeing although sometime an Angel appearing is said to vanish again, as Judge. 13. 19. yet at other times not, as Josh. 5. 13. Gen. 18. 33. Ch. 19. 22. And for that reason taken from his coming from Gilgal, it may well be understood to have been thus said, because he appeared there before to Joshua, Ch 5. when he said, that he came as a Captain of the Lord's Host. Wherefore mention is here made of that place, as wherein he had before so graciously shown himself in their aide, that their ingratitude in falling from God might the more appear. But for the place [Bochim] to which he now came, if it be demanded where that was? Divers [Qu.] conjecture diversely. Adrichomius saith, it was within the lot of Benjamin near unto Gilgal, calling it Clautomon, weeping: some at Shiloh, because the Tabernacle was there, and Sacrifices were here offered, v. 5. but it was unlawful to offer in any other place then where the Tabernacle was. And at Sbiloh, because of the Tabernacle the people used to assemble together three times in the year, so that the whole Assembly of them might here be spoken unto. Lastly, others, that it was a Wood near to Jerusalem, where David afterwards lay hid, and a sign being given by the moving of the tops of the trees, issued out against the Philistines; because the Septuagint for Mulberry trees, have it 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , near the place of weeping, as Bochim in Hebr. signifieth. And Josephus saith, the High Priest prophesied in the Woods, which were called the place of weeping. And against the former opinion, that it was Shiloh, it is alleged, that Shiloh was never called Bochim after this, as it should have been, if the apparition had been there, according to v. 5. yet I think it most probable, that Shiloh was the place for the reasons brought before. For the reason objected, then the name should hereupon have been changed, it is easily answered, it was enough for a part of that place where the Assembly was held, to be called Bochim, although the old name of the whole in general were retained still. Lyra taking it for granted that this place was not Shiloh, draweth an argument from hence to prove, that he was an Angel that appeared, because otherwise it was unlawful to have sacrificed here; but an Angel appeared to Manoah, he likewise sacrificed in the place where he appeared unto him. And they that stand for another place besides Shiloh, hereby answer the reason brought before to prove it Shiloh, because otherwise they could not have sacrificed here, because howsoever ordinarily they might not sacrifice but at the place which the Lord chose for his Tabernacle, yet in extraordinary cases they might, as David in the threshing floor of Araunah, 2 Sam. 24. and Elias, 1 King. 18. But to these places alleged it may be said, that Manoah and David had special direction, and Elijah was a Prophet inspired, but here without any such direction they offered sacrifices, which implieth, that it was done in the ordinary place.
For the time when this Angel appeared, there is also a difference, some thinking that it was before Joshua his death, because v. 6. Joshua is spoken of as dismissing the people from this Assembly, and then dying. Others, after his death, because the people are said to have served the Lord all the days of Joshua, and of the Elders that over-lived Joshua, v. 7. but this reprehension of them by the Angel was after their falling away, when they had made Leagues with the inhabitants of the Land, and suffered their Idols and Altars to stand, which was, when for tribute they suffered them to live, Ch 1. It cannot be, that during Joshua his life any such thing should be tolerated, or if against his will it had been done, he would doubtless have reproved them for it in his last speeches, Josh. 23 and 24. Moreover, Joshua was by the Lord called off from warring anymore with the enemy, to divide the Land, Josh. 13. 1. 7. and so there was an intermission of War the rest of his days; wherefore the Conquests made after, and putting of some to tribute, must needs be after his death, when the Israelites were more multiplied, and this apparition was after that. And thus much is expressed, Judge. 1. 1. where it is said, After the death of Joshua, &c. As for Joshua his dying mentioned after this, it is done, saith Augustine, by recapitulation, to begin the Story from the first, and in the book of Joshua, their putting of the Canaanites to tribute, is mentioned by pre-occupation. It seemeth plainly to be a repetition of that, Josh. 24. 28, 29, 30. where it is spoken to the same effect, as if it had been said, because v. 3. the Angel threatened, that the enemies left by their negligence, should be as thorns in their sides; and their God's suffered to remain, as snares unto them.
I will now show from the beginning the order of these things fulfilled. First, they were dismissed by Joshua after a Covenant made to their inheritances, and possessed them, and in this good case they stood all his days, and of the Elders overliving him, because they yet served the Lord, and were not ensnared by Idols; but after this iniquity began to work upon the ground laid in sparing the Canaanites, &c.
Touching God's prohibiting them to make Covenants with them, and command to throw down their Altars, the transgressing against which they are here charged with, see Exod. 23. 32, 33. Exod. 34. 12, 15, 16. Deut. 7. 2, 3. Josh. 23. 12. also Exod. 23. 24. & 34. 13. Deut. 7. 25.
Wherefore I said, I will not drive them out from before you, but they shall be thorns in your sides, and their God's shall be a snare unto you; to this effect it was said, Josh. 23. 13. to which this hath reference.
These things being spoken by the Angel, the people wept, and hence the place was called Boch • m, weeping; so that it was called so before by anticipation, because, as Augustine hath it, this Book was written after this thing done, and this name upon that place imposed. and they sacrificed there unto the Lord. They wept, saith Ferus, out of compunction for their sins, and sacrificed, to show their faith in Christ, that was to come, who was figured out in those sacrifices, so that here were two things required in true repentance, but the third, viz. the works of faith, was wanting, and thus their repentance was frustrated, because that after this they amended not their lives. Wherefore we must learn to do all three, that God may forgive us. Sacrificing was sometime by peace-offerings in way of thankfulness for benefits received, and sometime by sin-offerings for the expiating thereof, and of this kind their sacrifices at this time doubtless were.
Joshua his dismissing of the people is repeated from Josh. 24. 28. and his dying and being buried, and the people's persevering in the service of God, &c. of all which enough upon that place.
And there arose another generation, which knew not the Lord, nor the works that he had done for Israel. Here is set down the Original of all the evils that followed, related in this Book, godly men were taken away, and an ignorant generation remained: intimating how necessary godly Governors and Pastors [Note.] are for the people; when such fail, godliness, and the knowledge of God faileth in the land, and all things tend to ruin. They are said not to have known the Lord, because they had not seen those famous and wonderful works w ch he did in former times, so Augustine; and for the relation made hereof either they believed it not, or were unaffected herewith, so that they knew not the Lord to be better and more worthy to be served then the God's of the Heathen.
And hereupon they did evil, and served other God's, for which they were given over to divers oppressions by their enemies, but then God in mercy raised them up Judges to deliver them, and the Judge being dead, they sinned in like manner again, which is the sum of all the relations following in this Book. Wherefore it is to be understood that what is here said to v. 20. is the general sum, after which follow the particulars in the residue of this book.
They served Baal and Ashteroth. Baal signifieth a Lord, and was the common name of the chief God amongst the Heathen, who was Jupiter Belus, being set forth in divers Countries with divers additions; and Baalim in the plural number were all other heathen God's called that were males, and the females Ashteroth, and when it is in the singular number Astarthe, Juno the chief Goddess is set forth hereby; so Augustine, who will have Baal to be a Punic word, and saith, that Juno was set forth in the plural number Ashteroth, because there were many images of the same Juno, called together Ashteroth, or Junoes. Others think, that by Astrate and Ashteroth Uenus was set forth, the Goddess of the Sidonians, as Ashteroth is said to be, 1 Kings 11. 5. 33. 2 King. 23. 13. being so called from Astron the morning Star, in the similitude whereof she was worshipped. Plutarch is doubtful whether it be Uenus or Juno. Lucianus thinketh that it was the Moon. The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , from whence Ashteroth cometh, signifieth a flock of sheep being Ewes, in similitude of which this Idol was made, and worshipped by the Sidonians, so Pagninus out of R. D. and Jupiter of a Ram.
And he sold them into the hands of their enemies: If he sold them, saith Augustine, what price took he for them? and answereth by that, Psal. 44. 12. he took no money for them. Wherefore he is said to sell them, when he gave them into their hands who were wicked, and returned no thanks or Worship unto God as a price therefore. The Vulg. Latin hath it, they sold them, which Lyra expoundeth of their enemies, who took them and spoiled them of their goods, and then sold them for slaves, but both Hebrew and Septusgint have it, he sold them, referring it to God.
The Lord's hand was against them as he had said, and as he had sworn unto them. To be against them, if they transgressed, he had threatened, Levite. 26. and Deut. 28. but we read not anywhere that he sware it, wherefore it is to be held that this was done, but not hitherto expressed, but the expression of it reserved to this place.
But the Lord raised them up Judges to deliver them, but they would not hearken to their Judges, that is, constantly to leave their sins; for still when any Judge was dead, they returned to their old wickedness, v. 19. whereby is implied, that they were contained in some obedience to God, whilst the Judge lived, by whom they were delivered; but afterwards they fell away again.
For these their sins the anger of the Lord waxed hot against them, and he said, I will not henceforth drive out any of the nations which Joshua left, when he died. This seemeth to make for that opinion, that the victories obtained, Judge. 1. and their inability to expel anymore enemies out of their particular lots, and the reproof of the Angel, Judge. 2. were before the death of Joshua. But it hath already been plainly proved, that all this was done after Joshua his death; the meaning therefore is, that he would not drive out anymore of them, that were left, when Joshua died, then had been already driven out. That Israel might by them be proved, &c. which he saith was the end of his not driving them out, but leaving them unsubdued in Joshua his days. Whereas David and Solomon afterwards brought and held them in subjection, it was not contrary to this threatening, for they remained even still in their days, although as a people brought under, but ready, when they should sin again, to be a scourge unto Israel. For their being reserved to prove Israel, it is not meant, that the Lord might know, what they would do, for he knew all things from the beginning, but that it might appear experimentally to themselves and to all men, whether they would do good or evil by their standing in a prosperous estate, or falling into misery, which should be a certain proof of their sinning.
CHAP. III.
HEre first it is shown, what enemies were left unexpelled, five Lord's of the Philistines, all the Canaanites, the Sidonians, and Hivites of mount Lebanon, and from mount Baal Hermon, to the entering in of Hamath. And these are said to be left to prove Israel, and that they might know war. Of these nations, see before Josh. 13. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5. and the notes thereupon, and why they were not driven out as the Lord had promised, Ch. 2. 20, 21. they by their wickedness were the cause hereof. These enemies, saith Ferus, were left to prove them, that is, that being in continual danger of them they might fear to offend God, as upon whose protection they always depended. And to teach them war, that is, that they might have need to apply themselves to military exercises, when their enemies should infest them for their sins, and not lie down in sloatgh and idleness. War is not then hereby commended, it is the refuge not of felicity, but of necessity, to learn to war; it were much more happy to be ignorant of war, and to have God for our protector, thus he. These enemies then were left in their fathers times; whilst Joshua lived, before that they had provoked the Lord by their sins for these reasons, another reason also being rendered, Exod. 23. 29. lest the land should be left desolate, and the beasts of the field should be multiplied against them. And where as one reason here rendered is, that they might learn to war, it appeareth, that although peace be most desirable, yet for the vices that accompany it, slothfulness, luxury and pride, wars arenecessary, and lest through continual peace men should grow altogether ignorant, how to proceed in war, when they are by their enemies assaulted. It is true indeed, that God can protect his, although they know not how to fight, but he will have them so to depend upon his protection, as to use the means of warlike preparation, whereas all the Canaanites are said to be left, and Josh. 13. 4. all the land of the Canaanites, this is not to be understood, as if none of them were destroyed, for Numh. 21. those in the south were rooted out, and Josh. 9. many Canaanites more, Josh. 12. 8. but that still many of them remained in divers parts of the land, Josh. 16. and 17. all which only are meant here.
Mystically by the enemies left, understand our spiritual enemies, that yet remain, now that our Jesus hath brought us into the land of Christianity: the five senses set forth by the five Lord's of the Philistines, and the world, flesh and Devil, set forth by the Canaanites, Sidonians, and Hivites; these remain still to prove us, whether we will be drawn hereby to evil, or follow the Lord, and that the greatness of our corruption might appear, and so the greatness of God's mercy in delivering of us, which otherwise would not so readily have been acknowledged. And lastly, that we might not live in security, which produceth many vices, as it is said, Exod 23. 29. lest the beasts of the field multiply against thee, but learn and exercise the spiritual warfare, all the days of our lives.
The enemies that were left to prove them, being hitherto particularized, now the effect hereof through their corruption is shown. They take their daughters to be their wives, and gave them their daughters and served their God's. The beginning of their wickedness was in presuming to do contrary to God's express command, Deut. 7. whereby is shown what horrible evils come of sinning in anything, that we may not presume upon our own strength to [Note.] offend in any kind.
And they forgot the Lord and served Baalim, and the groves. The vulgar Latin hath Baalim and Ashteroth, but the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 groves, and so the Septuagint render it also, where by groves understand the Idols worshipped in groves. Forget the Lord, saith Ferus, they could not, but because they contemned his word and neglected his precepts, they are said to have forgotten him: neither is it to be thought that they served other gods, but that they served God with the worship used unto Idols, as when they worshipped the golden calf, they could not be so gross as to think that calf a god, or that Aaron could make them a god, wherefore it was proclaimed, To morrow is a holy day to the Lord, implying that they exhibited that worship to the Lord▪ He that doth anything then contrary to the word of God, although he intendeth his worship, committeth Idolatry, and likewise he that setteth up any other worship, omitting that which he hath commanded. Wherefore let us look to it, left it be objected to us, Ye have forgotten God and served other gods. Thus that Friar aiming doubtless at the Popish worship by images, and at their superstitious rites.
And he sold them into the hand of Cushan-rishathaim, King of Mesopotamia, &c. For Mesopotamia Hebr. is Aram Naharaim, and Aram alone, v. 10. which is Syria, and so the vulgar Latin there rendereth it. But Aram is rendered Mesopotamia, because it stood within two rivers, as Naharaim signifieth. The Septuagint have Mesopotamia of Syria, for Mesopotamia was the chief City of Syria, and then the Metropolis of that Kingdom. Aram Naharaim signifieth Syria of the Rivers, it was between two famous Rivers, Euphrates and Tigris, and lay far from the land of Canaan, yet from thence God brought enemies to chastise the rebellious Israelites, as Ferus noteth, even 400 miles. For it was not Cushan-rishathaims power, that could subdue Israel, but God sold them into his hands: wherefore God, and not man, is to be feared. Josephus calleth this King the King of Assyria, but erroneously, and here he placeth the history of the Levites concubine, which followed long after Judge. 19. They served this king 8. years, according to the time, saith Hugo and Lyra, that they had served idols.
And when they cried to the Lord, he raised them up a deliverer, Othniel, &c. of Othniels description see before Ch. 1. 13. for deliverer, Hebr. is a Savior; a man, saith Augustine, is called a Savior, because God saved them by him, and by the same name are other Judges afterwards also called. Wherefore both the Sept. and vulgar Latin, render it a Savior. Bonfrerius, the Jesuit, because we in our translations decline this word, and put for it a deliverer, falleth very foul upon us saying, that these Novatores will make new the Scriptures and all, and inferreth that the Virgin Mary, and the Saints departed, may well be called Savior's, and Mediators also, without derogating from God and his Son Jesus Christ, because as these Judges saved by the help of God, as subordinate instruments and means, so Jesus being our chief Savior, yet useth them as helps under him to save the faithful. But we contend not so much for the word, but only oppose that doctrine and practice whereby it is derogated from Christ, our only Mediator, for they do not only thus style the Saints, but pray, unto them, and ascribe merit to them, which are incommunicable properties of our Lord only. We acknowledge that preachers save, according to that, 1 Tim. 4. 16. but as instruments by whose preaching and praying God worketh grace and saveth, and therefore that they are to be sought unto, whilst they live, but that the most excellent amongst them, the very Apostles should be prayed unto, when they are dead, or their merits relied upon in any part, we do utterly deny as being a thing, for which we have no precept, or precedent in all the word of God, but divers passages to the contrary. But how was Othniel and other Judges stirred up to [Qu.] be Savior's? An. Josephus and the Chaldee Paraphrast say, that he was bidden by divine oracle to go against the king of Mesopotamia, and that by the Spirit coming upon him was meant the Spirit of prophecy, whereby it was revealed to him, that he leading forth the people to this war should prevail. Thus the Spirit is said to have come upon the Prophets to prophecy, Ezek. 2. 2. c. 3. 24. c. 11. 5. &c. But I do not think, that the Spirit came upon Othniel thus only, but to indue him with courage, wisdom, and extraordinary force also to subdue the enemy and to govern the people aright, and to make him a sufficient Judge over them all his days, for his proceedings were miraculous and extraordinary through that Spirit coming upon him, causing terror in the enemies, and an awful regard in the people of Israel, whereby they were kept in obedience, whilst he lived.
The time of his being stirred, saith one, was anno mundi, 25 12. and 9 years after the death of Joshua, his name signifying the God of Time, so that he was a type of Christ, that saved his people in the fullness of time. And if so, then the children of Israel fell away soon after the death of Joshua, viz. one year after, but a longer time hath been already assigned upon Ch. 1. 1.
And the land had rest 40. years. If this should be understood merely of the time, that they lived under Othniel, after their deliverance from their 8 yeaaes servitude, the time would not agree with the years mentioned, 1 King. 6. 1. and therefore the meaning must be, the land had rest 40 years from the time, wherein they were first brought into servitude by Cushanrishathaim, and so the times of their oppressions afterwards are to be reckoned to the years of their Judges, see Josh. 24. 32. and Judge. 1. 1. If this shall seem absurd, that the land should be said to have had rest 40 years, when as 8 of them were spent in servitudes and oppressions: Bonfrerius answereth two things, first that the greater number of years of Peace carry the name of the whole time of 40 years, as the time that the children of Israel lived in Egypt, carried the name of 430 years, although many of those years were spent elsewhere. 2. That there is a rest from sinning as well as from being oppressed, and of this the rest of 40 years may be understood, they rested from entering upon the way of sinning so abominably 40 years. But either of these ways seem to me to be forced, and the most genuine to be this; the land had rest, till 40 years were expired from the death of Joshua and the Elders that over-lived him. For before, the time, since their coming out of Egypt, was counted first by their travels in the wilderness, and then by Joshua his time, and the time of that generation, now a new way of reckoning is followed throughout the rest of this book, viz. by the years of Judges succeeding one another, each ones time beginning at the death of his predecessor, although he was not raised up, till many years after, and so Othniels time of 40 years began immediately after the death of the Elders, and because when that was, is uncertain, and so how long time is to be reckoned to Joshua his government, and to the Elders overliving him, that we might not err in the general, the whole sum of years from their coming out of Egypt, till Solomon's beginning to build the Temple is precisely set down, 1 King. 6. 1.
Mystically by Cushanrishathaeim, signifying their humiliation according to Origen, we may understand the Devil to whom the wicked are delivered for their humiliation, when they are excommunicated, but when they are thoroughly humbled and cry to God, they are delivered, and enjoy peace a far longer time then they suffered, even forever and ever, unless they do wickedly again, for then they shall be humbled again, as the Israelites were by Eglon, the king of Moab, as it followeth, v. 12, 13. &c. where it is said, they did evil again, and God strengthened Eglon against them, and he came with the Ammonites, and Amalekites, and possessed the City of Palme-trees, and smote the Israelites, and made them serve him 18 years. Here again sin giveth power to the enemy, and so to the spiritual enemy, as the gloss noteth. The Moabites could do nothing against Israel before, and Amalek was easily overcome by them, but the sins of Israel now make these mighty to overcome them. The City of Palme-trees was Jericho, as hath been before shown, and by the City, the limits where it stood and that belonged to it are to be understood, for Jericho it remained unbuilt. The enemy came hither then saith Lyra, and having subdued thus far, the whole Country yielded and became tributary. In that God is said to have strengthened Eglon against his [Qu..] people, it may be demanded how he did it, and whether the act of Eglon in oppressing Israel were just? To this Ferus answereth, that God made him his instrument justly to punish the Israelites for their sins, and gave him strength and courage to subdue them, but for so much as he came against them, not with any such intention, but in tyranny, pride and covetousness, in wrath and hatred, the fact was wicked in him, and therefore he was slain by one raised up of God, as he deserved. And the same is to be held touching Nebuchadnezzar, Sennacherib, and other heathen tyrants. But how is God said then to strenghen him? Answ. Not as a godly judge directly sending him, but supplying him with power, courage and instruments of war, and striking terror into the Israelites, and infatuating their counsels, and so occasion being ministered of quarrel, he out of a milacious mind came against them and brought them under.
And when the children of Israel cried out to the Lord, he raised them up a deliverer, Ehud the son of Gera, a Benjamite, a man left-handed, &c. For Ehud the Vulgar Latin hath Ajoth, qui utra{que} manu pro d • xtra utebatur; the Septuagint 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Hebr. Ehud 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 renbred by the Tygurin interpreters, qui vir fuit clausa manu dextra, because 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth claudere, Psal. 69. 16. as Pagninus hath it, so likewise Amandus Polanus, Arias Montanus, Vatablus, Robertus, Stephanus, Rabbini. He was then a man whose right hand was shut up, and therefore said to be left handed, as being not able to use the right hand with such force. Elder interpreters generally follow Jerome’s translation, and some reason stif • lie for it, both because the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is used but once more in all the Scriptures, viz. Psal. 69. 16. where it may be as well expounded to open, as to shut, and because the men of Benjamin are celebrated for this, that they could use their left hands as their right, Judge. 20. 16. and Ehud was of that tribe, and lastly, because a man lame on his right hand was unfit for this employment. In that place Judge. 20. 16. the same phrase is used, that in this place, and therefore they are doubtless to be expounded alike, Ehud was left handed, and so were they, but not lame on the right, as some suppose Ehud to have been, but yet if he had been so, the miracle had been the greater. But a man left handed, is as apt and able for any service, as one right handed. The phrase seemeth to be an Hebraism, his right hand shut, because he used not that, as men commonly do, but his left hand for it, and therefore it is rightly rendered by our Interpreters, a man left handed, whether ye expound the word to open or to shut, for if, to open, then he used it not to hold his weapon, or to fight with it. For this word, a Benjamite, Hebr. is a son of Jemini, but by Jemini Benjamin is meant, who had his name from Jamin a right hand, and Ben a son, and hereunto Ehud’s fathers name Gera agreeth, see Gen. 46. 21. but it is to be understood, that he was not the immediate son of Gera, for he died too long before, but of that family, whereof he was the father. So that H. Bunting, in his Patriarchs travels was wide in this, when he set him forth to be a man of Judah, that dwelt in Jericho, and lame on his right hand. But for his being lame on his right hand, Ferus also standeth, saying that the power of God herein appeared in delivering them by such an infirm instrument, but because the same is said of 700 of Benjamin, Judge. 20. 16. who, it is not probable, were all lame on their right hand, this phrase must needs have another exposition, as before.
By Ehud the Israelites sent a gift unto Eglon, and he prepared him a dagger, which he girded to his right side under his loose garment, & herewith, after the the present delivered, having obtained privacy with him he stabd him into the belly, and slew him &c. If it be doubted, whether Ehud’s fact herein be justifiable, because Eglon now was his Lord, and every soul must be subject to the higher powers; To this Ferus answereth well, that for any subject of his own private motion to rise up against his King, although a tyrant, is a great sin, but Ehud was stirred up by God, as Jehu was afterwards, & therefore is not to be condemned, but commended: this example then is not in any case to be imitated, but when God likewise giveth authority. St. Augustine questioneth, whether Ehud did not lie, when to cause him to put all men forth, he said, that he had a secret word unto him, but yet said nothing but stabbed him? and answereth that by word in the Hebrew Phrase, an act may also be understood, as is usual in many places, and to do this act God stirred him up, wherefore he said, that he had a word from God unto him. Lyra saith that he cannot be excused from lying, but it was an officious, not a pernicious lie, because it tended to the killing of a tyrant, which was commendable, but not his lying. The place where this was done was about Jericho, where the king of Moab kept his court, as is intimated in v. 19. where he is said to have returned from the quarries at Gilgal, which was near unto Jericho, Josh. 5. The word is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and is rendered by the Sept. and in the Vulgar Latin, idols in Gilgal, and Ferus saith, that seeing the idols set up there by the king of Moab, it being a place of great esteem in divers respects, his zeal so wrought with him, that he returned and killed the king. But it is plain, that Ehud prepared to do this before, and therefore was not hereby moved. Moreover the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth to carve wood or stone, and although 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 sometimes signifieth carved images, yet it may also be taken for any hewed or carved stones, and for the places where this is done, as Pagninus showeth, and Junius rendereth it, Lapicidinis, Arias Montanus, dolaturis. But because the word is commonly put for images, I think the Vulgar Latin of Jerome is herein to be preferred.
Ebud accompanied those, that came with him to bring the present thus far, that they might be out of danger, and then returned to do that which God by his spirit had moved him unto. And happily he made a show, as if he had been at Gilgal to worship before the kings idols set up there, & had something touching the king revealed unto him, that he might the better get an opportunity of being alone with him. Howsoever, his plot took effect, for the king caused all men to go out, and then Ehud told him, that he had a word unto him from God, at which he arose out of his chair, and Ehud stabd him not being aware of it. The Instrument wherewith is said to have been a dagger with two edges, a cubit long, v. 16. the Vulgar Latin, Qui secit tibi gladium ancipitem habentem in medio capulum longitudine palmae manus, but although the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 here used, signifieth a sword or a dagger, yet these words, habentem in medio Capulum, are neither in the Hebr. Sept. or Chaldee. and the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth not the palm of an hand, but a cubit, as reason also evinceth that this must needs be the length of it, that it might pierce through his fat belly, and if it had been but as long as the palm of a man's hand, he should not have needed to hang it by his side, but in his pocket. The word rendered here from God, is plural, from the gods, so that it may be applied, as before, to Eglons idols, that he had set up in Gilgal, which was a great indignity, because there the ark had remained divers years, circumcision was made, and the first passover was kept, Josh. 5. but the plural word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is also put commonly for the true God. Eglons rising up when he heard of a message from God, shown his reverence, which was a thing commendable in him, if it were to the true God: So Constantine the great, always stood up to hear the word of God; and Carolus Borromeus, is said to have read it always kneeling, as Joshua fell upon his face to hear the Lord speaking to him. The dagger being thrust into the belly of Eglon, the haft went in also, and was closed so fast in his fat, that Ehud could not pluck it out, that is, without delaying the time to labor about it, which was not necessary, and might have been dangerous to him: and therefore he left it sticking there still, and the dirt came out, that is, his dung, as the word properly signifieth.
Ehud having dispatched the King, hasteneth out by the porch, and locketh the door, &c. The Hebr. word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 here used cometh of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ordo, and is expounded by Pagninus, a gallery, where they sat, that attended upon the king, amongst whom he came forth, as having done nothing amiss, and so passed away, that the Courtiers might have no suspicion of him, so Cajetan, Arias Montanus, R. David. The Vulgar Latin hath it, by a back door, but herein saith Lyra, it is corrupted, and it is not likely by that which followeth that he went out by a back door, because the Kings servants came by and by to the door, and finding it locked, suspected, that the king did his easement in his Summer Parlour, whereas if they had not seen Ehud come forth, they would not yet have dared to offer to enter in again, or finding the door fast, they would rather have thought, that the King had not done talking yet in private with Ehud. Whilst they delay the time about the parlor door, Ehud came again to the place of the Idols, and from thence to Seirath: where this place was, it is not particularly known, but all agree, that it was in the tribe of Ephraim, not far off, from whence he might soon call some company together to surprise the Moabites, having now lost their head; which he did, and took the foords of Jordan, that the Moabites about Jericho might not be suffered to pass that way into their own country, and so 10000 of them were slain; For v. 27. he blew the trumpet in mount Ephraim, the men of Moab, slain at this time, are said all to have been lusty men and men of valor, Hebr 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 all fat, so likewise the Sept. but fat is put for lusty or wealthy.
So Moab was brought down, and the land had rest 80. years, that is reckoning from the death of Othniel, the first Judge, the time of their sinning, being oppressed 18 years, and living under Ehud, and Shamgar, the third Judge, being all put together, for unto Shamgar no years are reckoned, neither were they brought in subjection to any betwixt Ehud and him.
After him was Shamgar, the Son of Anath, which slew of the Philistines 600. men with an ox goad &c. It is doubted by many, whether he were a Judge or a private person, stirred up to do one act only against the enemy, because he hath no time assigned him, as all other Judges have; 2. because Ch. 4. 1. Ehud is spoken of, as unto whom Deborah was next; 3. because Eusebius omitteth him, and so doth Clem. Alexand. Isidor, and Beda. But he was certainly a Judge, because he is said to have been after Ehud, and to have saved Israel, as was said of him and Othniel. Wherefore Josephus saith, he was chosen Emperor next after Ehud, who died in the 80. year before spoken of, and Shamgar succeeding him, lived but to fulfill that year, and if so, it is no marvel, that his time was not counted, and that by and by it is said, the children of Israel sinned again after the death of Ehud, and for the shortness of his time he was omitted by Eusebius and others. Touching his exploit, which was so wonderful, for ox goad, the Vulgar Latin, and Sept. have, cum vomere boum; August. following a corrupt copy readeth it, praeter vitulos boum, whereupon he moveth a needless question, whether he killed their cattle also: The Hebrew word is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 coming of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to learn, wherefore it is taken for an ox goad, because hereby the husband-man learneth his oxen to work, so R. David, Pagninus, Junius, &c. and Lyra saith, for vomer, Hebr. is an ox goad of which he thinketh, that he made a spear, and others did likewise, and so together they slew herewith 600 Philistines, so that by an ox goad in the singular number he thinketh ox goads are to be understood, because it is improbable, that one man with one of them should slay so many. But this were to extenuate the miracle, as if when Samson is said with the jaw-bone of an Ass to have slain 1000. men, to make it the more probable, it should be feigned, that he and others with many jaw-bones did it Shamgar is rather therefore hereby set forth, as an extraordinary Champion enabled by God to make this great slaughter with such a poor instrument, if it were an ox goad or a plow share, for the word is nowhere else used, whereby we may have some light, how best to understand it, and the authority of the Sept. is very great. I should think, that Ehud being dead, the Philistines began now in troops to come and rob the Israelites, intending happily, after some mischief done to the nearest, to raise a greater power, and to invade the land to subdue it. But Shamgar, a plain man being the first that they lighted upon, being with his oxen at plough or cart, the Spirit of God coming upon him, went against them, snatching up his coulter, or having nothing in his hand but his ox goad, went with it against them, and made this great slaughter of them, and so was taken for their Judge and deliverer, because the Philistines were hereby so quelled that they durst not assault them anymore. There is no need hereupon, saith Ferus, of any great preparation for war to those, that serve God, any weak instrument will serve the turn, as for David a sling, and for Samson the jawbone of an Ass, but to the wicked high walls, as those of Jericho, are of no force.
By Ehud mystically Ferus understandeth Christ, who first subdueth the Devil, and then calleth his forth to fight against spiritual wickednesses. Origen by him killing with the sword, understandeth the ecclesiastical Judge killing with the sword of discipline and severity of correction; by Shamgar killing with a plough Share, the Minister destroying sin by preaching, as by the spiritual plough, in plainly setting forth the doctrine of the word. So that by these two is shown, that severity and sharp punishments are not always to be used, but sometimes, and sometime preaching without this rigor hath the same effect.
CHAP. IIII.
HEre is shown, how the Israelites sinning again they were brought under by Jabin King of Canaan 20. years, he reigned in Hazor, and the Captain of his Hoast was Sisera, who dwelt in Harosheth of the Gentiles, and had 900 Chariots of Iron. All their former oppressions by the Mesopotamians, and Moabites did them no good any longer then Ehud lived, and seeing the Philistines also subduedby Shamgar, they thought themselves safe from all Enemies, and now having enjoyed 80. years of peace, they abuse this great mercy, turning it into an occasion of renewing their idolatry. But another Jabin, King of Hazor, of the race happily of that Jabin, Josh. 11. 1. whom Joshua slew and burnt his City, v. 10. who therefore might not seem formidable to them, now subdueth them, and that longer then any enemy before, even 20 years; and God is said to have sold them into his hand: whereby Ferus noteth, that their miserable case is intimated, that they were used like beasts, which are bought and sold, to carry burdens, and are pressed intolerably. And it is not likely, that it could be otherwise considering his great power, and inveterate malice, that must needs be in him and his people, remembering how cruelly in times past the Israelites had destroyed their King, city and people; wherefore to express this it is added, he mightily oppressed them. Thus far some enemies before subdued [Note.] and made contemptible, are made strong against their conquerors, and subdue them, and make them slaves, then which nothing can be more grievous. Some refer this, He dwelt in Harosheth, to Jabin and not to Sisera, because Hazor was burnt down to the ground; but who knoweth not,