Commentary on the Old Testament Volume 2-4

CHAP. IX.

AND it came to pass, when all the Kings on this side Jordan, in the hills and the valleys, &c. heard thereof, they gathered themselves together, &c. In this chapter the divers effects of the preceding judgments are set forth in divers people's, some hearing of them, harden themselves, and come to fight against Joshua, others come and subject themselves to the Lord, but they are destroyed, these preserved. And so it falleth out still, some are made worse by hearing, [Note.] and some yield, the one sort to their certain perdition, the other to their salvation. It is strange that all should not be made to yield, hearing of such an unresistable power, against which there was no striving. But their eyes [Note.] were blinded, and their hearts hardened by a just judgment, this being in them the forerunner of ruin, and so likewise it is in all others, both Princes and common people. Calvin here observeth the singular providence of God in holding these great Forces hitherto from coming against Israel, and that they sent no succors to Jericho, or to Ai, for which they had time enough, since their arriving in that land: but herein he shown great favor to his people, not being yet so courageous till they had gotten heart, and such is his providence over his Church in dissipating oftentime the great Forces of their enemies, and infatuating their counsels, that his servants may be the better able to resist them, and less endangered by them. In the hills and the valleys, this land was full of hills, especially where the lot of Judah lay, Deut. 1. 24. Judge. 1. 19. And by the coast of the great Sea, that is, the Mediterranean sea, which was on the West, where the Zidonians, Tyrians, and Phoenicians dwelt, being of the Canaanite kind, and the Philistines, over against Lebanon, which was on the North, so that here is described a general uniting of their forces all over the Land to come against Joshua; but how, and in what order this was done, is further declared, Chap. 10. 1. Ch. 11. 1.

And when the inhabitants of Gibeon heard what Joshua bad done to Jericho, and Ai, they did work wilily, and made as if they had been Ambassadors, &c. Gibeon, saith one, was 12 miles from Gilgal, where Joshua now was, and 4 miles from Jerusalem, it was a great City, Ch. 10. 2. and seated upon an hill from whence it had the name, for Gibeah, or Gibeon signifieth a curled hill. It was within the lot of the tribe of Benjamin, Ch. 18. 25. and was given to the Priests, Ch. 21. 17. it stood upon the hill Siloas, saith Borchardus and Adricomius, so that all the memorable things said to have been done in Shilo, were done in this City, here the Tabernacle continued a long time, and here Saul was made King, &c. In the Gibeonites the wonderful mercy of God appeared even towards some that were condemned to die, saith Ferus, so that some, even in Countries that are most wicked, are made vessels of mercy, as Rahab also before in Jericho. And he doubteth not • ut they were brought by the Spirit of God to submit themselves to Joshua. And whereas they lied to save themselves, he saith, that being Gentiles, this was easily forgiven them. Calvin both derideth the device of the Gibeouites, as needless and vain, to come in this dissembling manner: needless, because the Israelites, before that they assaulted any City, were to offer conditions of peace, and vain, because it could not be thought that Joshua could by such poor means be deceived, because they had mouldy bread, &c. to believe, that they came from afar, because they might have such things, although not by accident in a long journey, and the device having taken effect, the Oath obtained was frustrate, because made to a people that had no being in the world, but as it were, to a Phantasma. But it was only to Cities afar off, and not to any of the Canaanites, that conditions of peace should be offered: and their case being desperate, it was not vain for them to use the poorest means of escape, referring the success to God, and because this policy sprung from the fear and terror of the Lord, he made it successful for their preservation, when all others were destroyed. And they believed that Joshua made such conscience of an Oath, that being once taken, he durst not break it, although taken to them under the name of far dwellers, seeing they were the men, to whom he was bound. Again, Calvin condemneth Joshua for his credulity, when as he might easily divers ways have found out the deceit, and for his gross neglect of God's Ordinance, in that before he gave them any resolution, he went not to the High Priest, with the Urim and Thummim, to inquire of him what he should do. This last indeed is spoken of by way of taxation, v. 14. but Lyra saith, that the Gibeonites came thus to submit themselves, not only through fear, but in Faith, as he gathered from these words, v. 9. In the name of the Lord thy God are we come, that is, to be joined with his people, and to learn how to worship and serve him aright. So likewise Ferus, they knew that all in that Country were adjudged to die, yet they against hope believed, that thus seeking peace, and submitting themselves, they should escape with their lives, and therefore happily if Joshua had consulted with the Oracle, the like resolution should have been given, seeing God rejecteth none that humbly seek unto him for mercy, and he confirmed what was now done, when for their blood unjustly shed in blind zeal by Saul, he sent a famine, and declared this to be the cause, 2 Sam. 21. And therefore God now wrought so for them, that they being brought by his fear and Faith should not perish, and so the temerity and imprudence of Joshua was the more excusable, this thing being noted Ch. 11. 19. to have come of the Lord. Whereas the Gibeonites are said there to be a remnant of the Amorites, but Josh. 11. 19. of the Hivites; the word Amorites is to be understood at large for all the people of Canaan, being of divers sorts, and so the Hivites were comprehended under it.

Two questions here offer themselves; 1 How Joshua could lawfully save these Hivites alive, seeing the charge given by God was utterly to destroy them all? 2 Whether Joshua were bound by his Oath, to which he was by them drawn through fraud, to save them? To the first it is answered, that it was not unlawful to save such as submitted themselves, and yielded to become proselytes, as Rahah and her house, and these Gibeonites did: for the charge of destroying all was doubtless to be understood with this condition, except in [Qu. 1] some extraordinary case, when any of them should voluntarily yield from their possessions and religion, and be at their disposing, which case God foresaw would be very rare, for by his spiritual judgment he hardened all others, that none yielded, that he might bring their deserved punishments upon them. For the reason why the Lord would not have them to save any alive, was, lest the children of Israel should be entangled with Idolatry by their means, but when any shown themselves to be taken with the fear of God, and ready to turn from this wickedness, there was not in preserving them the like danger, and this was the case of the Gibeonites. Yet I do not think, that if they had come directly to sue for mercy, they should have been saved, but the tie of an oath concurring. For the second question, divers [Qu. 2] hold diversely: Augustine, Tostatus, Masius, Magallianus, &c. That Joshua was not bound by this oath, as also Calvin; of whom before their reasons, 1 Because the oath was made about a thing unlawful, and contrary to the express charge of the Lord. 2 Because the Oath was no more in effect, but if ye be such far dwellers, as ye say, ye shall live; yet the Oath was kept, both because they took themselves to be bound hereby, viz. Joshua and the Princes, and it was afterwards allowed by the Lord. The first of these reasons falleth by that, which hath been already said: and the second, because although Joshua being deceived took them to be far dwellers, yet this condition was not expressed in the oath, but it was made to them there present, and therefore hereby Joshua was bound unto them, whatsoever they were, as a man that marrieth a woman, which saith she is English, although she be French, is bound to her, and he that promiseth money to a Spaniard, who to draw him to it, affirmeth himself to be an English man. And that they were bound by this Oath appeareth both because Joshua, who had the spirit of God, took himself and them to be bound hereby, and God afterwards shown, that it was an Oath that bound, when he sent a judgment upon the Land for Saul's breaking of it. Wherefore others hold better, that it was a validous oath, as Ambrosius, Lyra, Dionisius. Carthus. Gratianus. If it be demanded then, whether an Oath touching a thing unlawful bindeth? It is answered no, by no means, for when David had sworn to destroy Nabal, having met with Abigail, he repented and did it not. Wherefore to spare any of this Country was not absolutely unlawful, whatsoever the case should be, but generally. In this case Joshua knew, that it would be more pleasing to God to spare then to kill, 1 Because God is more inclinging to mercy to such as ask mercy, then to judgment, although his sentence be past for judgment, as in the case of the Ninevites. 2. For the avoiding of scandal after this Oath made; for if Joshua had not kept it, the Nations round about would have thought vilely of Israel, as not regarding an Oath, and so that their God cared not, whether Oaths taken were kept or not. If it be said, this was an encouragement to others to deceive. Answ. It was not for their deceit, that they were saved, but because they feared God, and for other reasons already rendered, thus Hugo.

And the men took of their victuals, this is thought by some to have been done to eat thereof, and in eating to make a Covenant, as the manner hath in some places been, but it is more probable, that they only took and beheld, and smelt unto them, to see whether they were indeed so old or no, using no other means of trial, either by consulting with the Lord, or questioning with Rahab about them, or observing their manner of speech, as they might have done.

Joshua and the Princes having sworn unto them here, within three days, that they had deceived them, wherefore he called them, and accurseth them to servitude, and to be hewers of wood and drawers of water for all the Congregation. When the Israelites came to their Cities, the Princes could hardly keep them from smiting the Gibeonites, v. 17, 18. but they were pacified by telling them, that they should all be their servants. If it be demanded, how justly they could after the oath, be condemned to servitude? It is [Qu.] commonly answered, that the League barred not Joshua from this, for they offered themselves, as servants, v. 11. Their Land and Houses then, might notwithstanding be taken from them, and all their possessions, their lives only being spared, and they might be put to any service appointed them. And if the Oath had been taken otherwise, it had been unlawful, because that whole Land was given to the children of Israel for an inheritance. And accordingly their Cities were given Gibeon, Chaphira, Boeroth to Benjamin, Josh. 18. and Chireathiearim to Judah, Josh. 21. and these are said to be their Cities, v. 17. And this sentence of being servants was just for their former sins and the fraud now used. Calvin saith that the oath was kept but in part, their lives being spared, but their liberty which was dea • er then life, being forever taken from them, that they might have little benefit by their fraud, and mockage, yet they quietly submitted themselves, there being no remedy. But it is plain by that, which hath been already said, that the Oath, was not broken in any part, neither durst Joshua certainly have done against it in anything, for fear of God's wrath, before whom an Oath is most sacred. But what was their service? Answ. Joshua saith, None of you shall be freed from being bondmen, and hewers of wood and drawers of water, for the house of my God, thus [Qu.] explaining that v. 21. they shall be hewers of wood, and drawers of water to all the Congregation. For hereby it was not meant that they should be servants to particular men to do common works, but to the Tabernacle, providing and bringing wood for the sacrifices, by all the congregation there offered, and water to wash the Priests and sacrifices, and to seeth the flesh brought thither, and whatsoever servile work else they should be put unto about the Tabernacle and Temple, when that was built, as cutting and sawing stone, &c. so that their bondage was to the Levites, to serve under them continually. Wherefore the strangers appointed by Solomon to do these works about the Temple, 2 Chron. 2. 17, 18. being 153600. were most probably a great part of them Gibeonites. Whereas at the end of this Chapter, v. 27. it is said, they should be hewers of wood and drawers of water for all the Congregation, and for the Altar of the Lord, the last words serve to explain the former, herein, they should serve all the Congregation by doing those public works, which concerned all. And because their service was about the Temple, they are spoken of amongst the Levites, Porters and singers, by the name of Netbinims, Ezra 7. 24. which by the Kings Decree were made free from toll and tribute, the word Nethinim coming of Nathan, to give, which word is used here, v. 27. Joshua gave them, &c. for these were the men given for this service; and of this name we read again, Ezra 2. 58. Nehem. 7. 60. and that they could not show their Genealogies to be of the children of Israel, whereas Joshua doth not only condemn them to servitude, but saith that they were accursed, it implieth nothing else here, as Calvin noteth, but this temporal judgment upon their persons, as contrariwise it was a blessing to be free, and to inherit in that Land, or as Junius, ye are accursed, that is, ye are of the people who are accursed, and appointed to destruction, so that if your lives be spared, ye may think yourselves well dealt withal, though ye be made servants. If it be demanded how they were maintained, and how so many could be placed for habitation and service about the Tabernacle only, seeing they were [Qu.] four Cities? It is answered, that all were not continually at all times employed at once, but only so many as were necessary, one company coming to serve after another by course, as the Priests growing numerous were distributed in David's time into 24 courses. For their habitations, they might have them sparsedly amongst the children of Israel, that dwelt near about the Tabernacle, and their maintenance, when they served, must needs come from the Temple, out of the contributions of all the Congregation, or out of the Levites means, to whom they immediately ministered, and amongst whom it seemeth that they dwelt, Ezr. 2. 70. and some of them in Ophel, Nehem. 11. 21. Wherefore Ferus was mistaken in writing, that when Joshua might justly have taken away these four Cities of the Gibeonites, and the spoil of them, yet he did none of these things for his Oaths sake; for although he took not happily their goods, yet their Cities were taken, as was before shown.

Mystically the combining of all the Kings against Joshua, shown the seeking of the Kings of the Earth, by a joint consent to overthrow the Gospel of Jesus, by stirring up most hot persecutions against Christians: but as Israel is increased even at this time by the accession of many of that Land unto them, and all their combining against Joshua was vain; so the more Christians were persecuted, the more they increased, gaining some in those tyrants Countries, and all their attempts against Jesus and his Gospel are frustrated, for they fall at length before him, and he by his people possesseth their lands. Thus Origen, who also thinketh, that by the Gibeonites were figured out some that live in the Church, and are kind and serviceable to the Saints of God, but they have old garments, and shoes, &c. that is, live still according to the old man, these shall be saved, but not without some note of disgrace. But Isidor, better, they enjoy a temporal life in the Church, but not eternal. But I rather follow Ferus, who by the Gibeonites in their old clothes coming to Joshua, understandeth penitent sinners, that come to Jesus, there is nothing in them to commend them, but vileness by reason of sin, yet he saveth them, and only imposeth the cross upon them, which they must bear and serve in the house of God, this is called a curse, but is turned to the into a blessing, in which Paul gloried above all things: Thus he upon Chap. 9. but upon Ch. 10 he maketh them a figure of such as living in the Church, yet continue in their old sins, they serve others but neglect themselves: These are permitted to live, but are not taken into the society of the faithful as Rahab was: These are most miserable, laboring only for things temporal, but losing the eternal.

CHAP. X.

IN this Chapter Adonizedek King of Jerusalem, having heard that Gibeon had made peace with Joshua, and that Jericho and Ai were destroyed, he feared greatly, and sent to call Hoham King of Hebron, Piram King of Farmoth, and Jophin King of Lachish, and D • bir King of Eglon, to go with him against Gibeon, which they did. But the Gibeonites send to call Joshua from Gilgal to their succor, who hasteneth thither, and is encouraged by the Lord, promising to deliver them into his hands, and so he smote them and chased them, and the Lord cast hailstones upon them fleeing, whereby more perished then by the sword. Adonizedek signifieth the Lord of righteousness, as M • lch • z • d • k, Gen. 14. King of Righteousness. This is thought by some to have been the common Title of the Kings of that City, as Pharaoh of the Kings of Egypt; Abimelech of the Philistines; and Caesar of the Roman Emperors. Which if it were so, the present King was much degenerated from the virtues of his Ancestors, having nothing in him but the bare Title, which yet he gloried in as a Title of honor, as the Kings of Spain in the Title of Catholic; and the Fernch Kings of Christianissimi. It was said Ch. 9. 1. that all the Kings about combined themselves against Joshua, now the History proceedeth to show how this was done. 1 By the instigation of the King of Jerusalem, as being nearest the danger, these four Kings are called together; first, to take revenge upon the Gibeonites as Traitours to their Country, and hereby terror being stricken into others, to proceed with the more courage against Israel, as Calvin noteth. 2 Their overthrow being heard of, by the instigation of Jabin King of Hazor; all the rest of the Kings were gathered together from all parts, Ch. 11. 1, 2, 3. And God suffered these five Kings first to come against Gibeon, that being the second time delivered out of danger, they might the more willingly bear the yoke imposed upon them. This is by Ferus well turned into this Moral; So soon as any submit themselves to God and to his service, they shall be sure to have Enemies, the devil and his instruments, [Note.] that will attempt their destruction, but let us not fear in this case, but seek for help of our Joshua, Jesus, who will undoubtedly save us. v. 2. Gibeon is said to have been A great City, as one of the Royal Cities, and all the men thereof to be mighty. That is, although it had no King, yet it was not inferior to a City that had a King. This is added, to show that the forces of the Enemies [Note.] were not a little impaired by the revolt of this people. In that no King yielded to Joshua, but this people only, that had no King: Ferus noteth, that Kings, who have no fear of God in them, are proud, and think their power to be so great, that none are able to withstand it, no not God himself, as Pharaoh, Sennacherib, and Nebuchadnezzar, but they shall fall like men. And herein was not obscurely figured out the resistance made by all Kings and Emperors at the first going out of the Gospel, against Jesus, was prophesied Psal. 2. for the common people only submitted themselves, and suffered cruel persecutions therefore, for the space of 300 years.

Of the four Cities under these four Kings, we shall read more afterwards, Ch. 14. 15. they fell to the lot of Judah, and so were not far off from Jerusalem. Of Lachish, where that stood, see in this Chap. upon v. 31. Of Eglon, v. 34. And of Hebron, v. 36.

Whereas the Enemies coming against Gibeon, is first set down, and then their sending to Joshua for aid, Calvin thinketh that the order is inverted, and that they stayed not so long, before they sent; but so soon as they heard of their preparations against them, which is not improbable. But whereas he saith, that Joshua was three days in coming to their succor, it both seemeth contrary to the Text, which saith, that he came suddenly, and went all night, v. 9. and against reason, seeing Gilgal was but 12 miles distant from Gibeon, as was shown Ch. 9. 3. yet I hold with him, that Joshua first consulted with the Lord, as is intimated, v. 8. when God bade him not to fear, for this implied his seeking to God for direction herein, that he might err no more, as formerly he had done, when these Gibeonites first sought unto him for peace; Yet Augustine saith, that God unconsulted, spake to him, intimating that if it had been his will that the Gibeonites should not have been preserved before, he would have told Joshua who they were, although he asked him not.

And the Lord discomfitted them before Israel, Hebr. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , in the Vulgar Latin, he troubled them, and the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth to trouble, from which it may be derived, the affixt 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifying them, but if the word them be understood, it cometh of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Conterere, but because it is added, and smote them with a great slaughter: The first word may better be understood of the fear and trouble caused amongst them, by Joshua his sudden coming with his Army, God working herewith, that the Israelites might the more easily overcome them; for fear taketh away all courage to resist. And chased them along the way that goeth to Bethoron. There were two Bethorons, the nether and the upper, both built by Sherah, the Daughter of Ephraim the Patriarch, 1 Chron. 7. 24. but they were not yet built: for how could she come to build there, before the Land was conquered, this place therefore was called Bethoron, as some think, by anticipation, or rather being now an obscure Village and decayed, but called by this name, she enlarged and new built it, the same name being stiil retained. It was eight miles from Jerusalem, Northwest, not far from the Castle of Emmaus the upper, 16 miles further towards the North. But if we consult with Josh. 16. 5. we shall find that Bethoron the upper lay Eastward. Both these are said again to have been built by Solomon, and fenced with walls and gates. See more of Bethoron the nether, Josh. 16. 3. And of the upper, v. 5. And smote them to Azekah, and to Makkedah. Azekah was a City eight miles also from Jerusalem Westward, and near this, stood the City Makkedah, both which fell afterwards to the lot of Judah, Josh. 15. 35. 41. so that the Enemies fled, someone way and some another, to save themselves, but all in vain: for the Lord cast down great stones upon them, as they went to Bethoron, and as they fled from thence to Azekah, and with these hailstones more died then with the sword. That these hailstones were not ordinary, coming of natural causes, but extraordinary and miraculous, appeareth both by the effect and the directing of them upon the heads of the Enemies, the Israelites escaping, who were so near unto them, even at their heels, eagerly pursuing them, and killing them. Josephus saith, that it thundered and lightened also, Exod. 9. 24. There was hail and fire ruingled with it, sent upon Egypt by the same divine power, at the word of Moses. Also thunder and lightning is said to have been sent against the Enemies of Marcus Aurelius, a Roman Emperor, at the Prayers of a Christian Legion in his Army, when all the Army was ready to perish for thirst, and for their comfort a gracious rain. And those hailstones are said to have been sent at the prayer of Joshua, Eccles. 46. 5, 6 o • strange stones falling out of the air at sundry times, some of iron, some of brick, some of chalk, and some fiery, write Pliny, lib. 2. c. 56. Livy, lib. 1. Decad. 1. and lib. 10. Decad. 3. and P • utarch in Fabio. But many such relations are fabulous, this most true and certain.

Then spake Joshua to the Lord, &c. and he said in the sight of Israel, Sun stand thou still upon Gibeon, and thou Moon in the valley of Aialon, &c. It may be thought, saith Calvin, that by Joshua his speaking to the Lord, is meant his speaking before him; because when a man prayeth to God, he is not said to speak unto him, for this were too irreverent, but to pray or to call upon him; but by his speaking here, is undoubtedly meant his praying to him, and he is said herein to speak to the Lord, because he propounded what he desired of him power to do; and after this being certified of his grant, he speaketh before Israel to the Sun to stand still, nothing doubting, but that both Sun and Moon should now obey his command. For if he had not first sought to the Lord, and been made privle to his will, it had been temerity in him thus boldly to speak to the Sun and Moon before all men, and being able to effect nothing, it would have been to his great disgrace. Lyra saith, he spake to the Lord by thanksgiving for the favor already shown, and then being confident, seeing God had given one sign out of the aerian Heaven, he desired another in the starry Heaven. The Chaldee Paraphrast, and the Rabbins speak to the same effect with Lyra. But I rather subscribe herein to Calvin; and Augustine acknowledgeth a wish and a prayer in this his speaking to be implied: and Ferus saith, it is as if he had said, I thank thee O Lord that thou hast already thus shown thy power, I would to God that all the world might see thy power. When it is therefore said, he spake to the Lord, the meaning is, that he spake secretly, praying in his heart for this thing, & then by faith believing it, in zeal for God's glory, he saith before Israel, Sun stand thou still, &c. for whatsoever, saith our Lord, ye shall ask in faith it shall be done for you, & who so shall in faith say to this mountain be removed, it shall be done. The word rendered here, stand still, is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 dum, be silent; but metaphorically it is put for move not, because when a man is silent, he moveth not his tongue to speak; and to show that standing still is meant, the word is varied, v. 13. into 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 stood, in speaking of the Moon, that stood still in Aialon; wherefore the Septuagint render it stand, and Jerome, move not. The Rabbins are over-bold here, to vent their one imaginations, saying, that the Sun stood not still, but moved with a very slow motion, that could not be perceived; but the text saith, it stood, which was by a strange and miraculous stay, the like to which was never heard of but only in Hezekiah his time it went backward ten degrees upon the dial of Ahaz at the word of Isaiah. But a question is here moved, at what time of the day Joshua spake thus? Comestor answereth, when he saw the Sun now ready to go down. [Qu.] Lyranus and Serrarius, when the Sun was now in the Meridionall point, because it is said, v. 13. that the Sun stood in the midst of heaven: Unless, saith Lyra, by the midst of heaven we may understand whatsoever is above the horizon. And so Tostatus and Magalianus will have the midst here to be understood of any part of the heaven somewhat above the horizon. But Bonfrerius consuteth this, because the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 chetsi here put for midst, signifieth precisely that part which hath two equal portions on either side thereof, although the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 upon which Tostatus insisteth, be of a more large signification. And yet going from this, he determineth, that this was spoken soon after the Sun rising, because it was hot at noon time to labor in the pursuit of the enemies; and because Gibeon was castward from the place where Joshua now was, seeing Bethoron & Azekah were west & south from Gibeon. And for the taking away of that, which may seem to make against his opinion, viz. the Suns standing still in the midst of the heaven, he saith, that by the midst may be understood the midst betwixt the horizon and the vertical point, to which he would have the Sun now to be come; and to confirm this, he saith, that Aialon where the Moon stood, was westward in the tribe of Dan, Josh. 19. 42. But Eusebius saith, it was eastward from Bethel, and the Author of the Book called the Patriarchs travels, southeast; but Borchardus and Adricomius, make it west and south. The reason of this difference may be, because there were two Aialons; and this, as Euseb. hath it, being but a little village, is not elsewhere named. That the Sun was not yet come to the noon point, is most improbable, because so much had been done that day; and it is against reason, that Joshua should so soon desire a stay of the course of the Sun, when as there was still day enough to follow the chase; and the like may be said against those that hold it now to have been about noon. I rest therefore in that of Comestor, the Sun was declining, and the Moon being at the full, rising, and so the night coming on, which might hinder the pursuit, therefore Joshua desired this stay, that he might have the more time to make a perfect victory, and obtained it. And it is not absurd to hold, that the Sun being now declining, should be said to be in the midst of heaven, seeing all the heaven appearing to our sight above the horizon, is the midst in regard of all those parts hidden from us by the vast body of the earth. I determine then, that the Sun seemed now to stand over Gibeon westward, and the Moon eastward over Aialon, and here they were fixed an whole day more. But it is inquired here further, how [Qu.] long the day of this solstice was? It is most commonly held to have been as long as the space of time from the rising of the Sun, to the Sun setting in those parts, about the time of the summer solstice, when the days be at the longest, for about that time was this battle fought, and that was much longer then the longest of our days, viz. about 18 hours. Whereas it is further added, v. 14. There was no day like this neither before nor after it. If the day in [Obj.] Hezekiah his time be objected, when the Sun went 10 degrees backward; for if each degree was an hour, that day was lengthened 20 hours. It is answered, happily the days were at that time of the year shorter, viz. but 8 hours, and if so, it was not so long a day as this. 2. The motion of the Sun might then be much swifter then ordinary, and so notwithstanding its going backward, the day little increased, to which I rather assent, because no annotation is made, as here, of the extraordinary length of that day. Turpinus in the life of Charles the Great, saith, that one day was made as long as three, whilst he was persecuting his enemies. Mutius is said, when he went far to visit one being sick, to have prayed, when he saw the Sun ready to go down, that it might stand still, and it stood till he came to his journeys end; and the like is said of Bessarion. But these and the like may well be suspected to be fabulous. That the Lord hearkened to the voice of a man; or it may be rendered, for the Lord's hearing of the voice of a man; that is, to do such a miracle, in staying the two great lights of the world, contrary to the course of nature, for the like was never heard of before, nor after, neither hath any man ever defired it, that we read of, but Joshua, and therefore when the Sun went backward in Hezekiah's time, it was a sign voluntarily given by the Lord, and not desired by him. For the words inserted, v. 13. Is not this written in the book of Jasher? Touching this book, something hath been said already upon Numb. 21. 14. out of Tostatus, affirming it and the book of the Wars of the Lord there spoken of to be one and the same. Junius & Tremellius render it liber recti, according to the signification of the word Jasher, expounding it of the book of Annals, which is lost. Calvin not much differing understandeth by the just, Israel, sometime before called Ieshurun, here Iasher, holding it to have been a book setting forth the gests of Israel that is not now extant Lyra calling it liber justorum, reciteth the opinions of others, and rejecteth them; As 1. That it was a book never translated, and so came not to us. 2. The book of the small Prophets, because Hab. 3. it is said, that the Sun and Moon stood still; and then he followeth the Hebrews, holding that it was the book of Genesis, so called for the just ones, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob there written of, wherein Chap. 48. 19. Jacob in blessing Ephraim, saith, a multitude of Nations shall come of thee, therein pointing at Joshua that came of Ephraim. But all this, and whatsoever else can be said, is but a conjecturing about that which cannot certainly be known. Masius thinketh, that there was some Prophetical Book, like the Apocalypse, thus called, wherein these things were before spoken of; this book of Jasher, is again cited, 2 Sam. 1. 18. some think, that it was a book in Meeter, setting forth the most notable things in the sacred history, because in Hebrew, here are three sentences that seem to be Metricall. And so although it be not now extant, yet we have no want in the sacred history, because that was but a setting forth in Meeter of the same things which are here and there contained in the Books that we have. To me it seemeth to have been a Book of the annalls of Israel, begun happily in the time of Moses, and continued in David's time, &c.

Mystically by the Suns standing still, that the day might be prolonged by the means of Joshua, Origen understandeth the prolonging of the time to the end of the world at the request of Jesus, that the Nations might be subdued unto him. For when the Gospel was first preached, it is said, this is the last time, but ask of me, saith God to his Son, and I will give thee the Heathen for thine inheritance, &c. Whilest then the fullness of the Gentiles be come in, he asked and obtained a prolonging of the time, for still the Sun shineth, light is in the world, and goeth not out. Only let us make use of it, and be subdued by this Jesus to our Salvation, as the Canaanites were to Joshua to their destruction.

And Joshua returned and all Israel with him to the Campe to Gilgal. This, saith Lyra, is put down here by anticipation, for Joshua was yet encouraging his Soldiers to pursue his Enemies, and returned not till the Victory perfected, and many Cities taken, v. 43. till which time the Campe was at Makkedah, v. 21. The Septuagint, because it seemeth to be superfluously set down here, leave it quite out. Masius saith, he returned, that is, prepared to return; but that cannot stand, because they went on in the fight long after this. Others hold that this verse crept in here by the fault of the Scribe. But there is no need, neither is it safe to grant that. The meaning is, he returned with all Israel to Gilgal, but first, as followeth v. 16. hearing of the five Kings hid in a Cave, he took order about them, and prosecuted his Victories to the full, and then returned thither, v. 43. To make this yet more plain, we may thus conceive of the relation here made. 1 It is done briefly, the Sun stood still till the people had avenged themselves upon their enemies, after which, some Annotation being made upon that day, it is said, Joshua retunrned, &c. 2 More largely, as if he had said, I have given you the brief of the gests of Israel, and Joshua at that time against their Enemies, after which they returned to Gilgal, now I will relate all things in order, before their return, v. 16, 17, 18. &c. And then finally he telleth of his return, v 43. Here tidings are brought to Joshua, that the five Kings were hid in a Cave at Makkedah, then he biddeth to stop them in with great stones, and to go on in the pursuit of their men, which they did, and smote many of them, but some escaped into fenced Cities.

Then all the people returned to the Campe to Joshua at Makkedah in peace, none moved his tongue against any of the children of Israel. This Cave was nigh unto Makkedah, not in the City, which was not yet taken, till v. 28. By rolling great stones to the mouth of it, they imprisoned the five Kings, that they might afterward be brought forth to execution. Whereas they are said to return to the Campe at Makkedah, it is to be understood, that there was a pitched Campe there, for that was at Gilgal, but here was the place appointed by Joshua for them to return unto when they had done smiting their enemies, that they could come unto, that from thence they might proceed together against their Cities. And all the people of Israel are said to have come hither again in peace, to intimate that none of them was slain in this battle, so that it was rather a going out to kill men condemned and disarmed, then a fighting against the Armed. And to show a perfect Victory now obtained, all their Enemies in the way being destroyed, it is added, None moved his tongue, that is, there was none left to attempt the least hurt against any of Israel. A like speech to this is had, Exod. 11. 7. Jud. 11. 15.

Joshua and all the Army being again at the Cave at Makkedah, the five Kings are brought out, and the Captains put their feet upon their necks, and they are slain and hanged upon five trees. Joshua would have them to set their feet upon these Kings necks, not out of insolency, but in token of subjecting likewise all their Enemies unto them, that they might be the more courageous against the rest. They triumphed thus, saith Calvin, over all the rest, as if they had been already subdued. This putting of their feet upon their necks may seem to be prophefied of Deut. 33. 29. where the Septuagint have it, Thou shalt ascend upon their necks, and the Vulgar Latin, Thou shalt tread upon their necks, but Hebr. it is Upon their high places, see Expos. Thus Tamerlane, but with more pride, made Bajazet his footstool, when he took horse, and Justinian having recovered his Empire again, from which he had been put by Tiberius and Leontius, set his foot upon their necks, and having made them a public spectacle, caused their heads to be cut off in hunting. He killed them, and then hanged them up, saith Calvin, for greater ignominy, that other Kings of the Country being enraged at it, might come against him, and so bring destruction upon themselves the sooner. For his commanding, that they should be taken down at the Sun going down, see the like before, Josh. 8 29. but this is not so to be understood, as if Joshua stayed their taking down, but only appointed it to be thus done by some left for the purpose, for he went the same day and took Makkedah, and destroyed the people, and from thence to Libnah, and served it likewise, v. 28, 29. For on the second day Lachish was taken, v. 32. and other Cities, from whence most probably this Army was raised.

Mystically by the treading of these Kings under their feet, was set forth our treading of our spiritual enemies, which, before Faith cometh, reign as Kings, under our Feet; and accordingly the phrase is used, Rom. 16. 20. God shall tread Satan under your feet. For this is done by the power of Jesus, when sin is mortified in us, and doth not reign in our mortal bodies: to this effect Origen. And morally the mightiest of the wicked, shall be most mightily tormented. Libnah was a City within the lot of the Tribe of Judah, it fell to the Priests, Ch. 21. 13. And lay between Makkedah and Eglon, 10 miles from Jerusalem, but two from Makkedah, Libnah signifieth white Frankincense, whereof plenty was found there, and from hence it is thought to have taken the name. These Cities were doubtless fenced with walls and gates, wherefore it was no less miracle, that they were both in the latter part of a day subdued, then that the Enemies were before destroyed with stones cast upon them. Joshua did but come and Conquer, for God presently opened the way, and took away all power of resistance, and the like is to be held for the Cities here following, all are said to have been subdued at one time, for God fought for Israel, v. 42. they returned not to the Campe at Gilgal, till they had finished all these expeditions. Morally the wicked, whose punishments are deferred, are in no better [Note.] case then they that are presently cut off, but rather in a worse; they are reserved for greater judgments, as these in fenced Cities, not only to be slain, but to see the destruction of their wives and children, neither is any defense of force to resist, when God will judge.

Lachish the first City taken the second day, was within the lot of Judah also, Ch. 15. 39. and was eight miles from Libnah, and lay Northwest; of both these Cities, see 2 King. 19. 8. Here Horam, the King of Gezer was also smiten with his people, for he came hither to help the King of Lachish.

From Lachish, Joshua went to Eglon, and smote it the same day. This was also in the lot of Judah, Ch. 15: 39. and was eight miles from Lachish, standing Southward from Jerusalem.

From Eglon they went to Hebron and smote it, and the King thereof: this was done another day; it stood 16 miles from Eglon, and was also in the lot of Judah, Ch. 15. 54. and was given to the Priests, Ch. 21. 11. of Hebron see before, Gen. 13. 18.

Here two questions are moved; 1 How the King of Hebron could now be [Qu. 1] said to be slain, seeing he was one of the five Kings that were slain and hanged, v. 26? To this Lyra answereth well. It was another new King, either succeeding his Father, or presently elected. 2 How it can be justified, that Joshua now smote it, and all the souls therein, when as Ch. 15. 14. Caleb is said to [Qu. 2] have taken it, and likewise Judge. 1. 10. Judah is said to have smiten it, after Joshua his death? Answ. Lyra saith, that Joshua took the nether Hebron, and Caleb the upper, held still by Giants, the Sons of Anak, there being happily a Castle, which he hastening to other places would not stay to take. But this is both against the Text, he left none remaining, but smote all the Cities thereof, and all the souls thereof, and against that, Ch. 11. 21. Joshua cut off all the Anakims in Hebron, Debir, &c. and left none remaining, saving in the Philistines Country. It is therefore to be held rather, that Hebron being subdued at this time, was repossessed again by Anakims, coming out of the Philistines Country, against whom Caleb fought. For it was not one work only to subdue all those Cities, but the Enemy entering into some of them again, caused more expeditions against the same.

From Hebron Joshua and all Israel returned to Debir, and smote it likewise. This City lay Northwest from Hebron about a mile, and it is also said to have been taken by O • hniel, Josh. 15. 17. and Judge. 1. but that was likewise upon a repossessing of it again by the Enemies. It was also called Kiriathsephar, the City of Scribes, because such as studied the Law dwelt there, and Debir cometh of Daber, hath spoken, it signifieth an Oracle. It stood in the lot of Judah, Josh. 15. 49. and was a City of Priests and Levites.

So Joshua smote all the Country of the Hills, and of the South, of the Vales and of the Springs, and he smote all their Kings, and destroyed all that breathed, &c. Here for brevities sake, other particulars being omitted, it is shown in general, what a large tract of ground Joshua ran over, destroying all, before his return again to the Campe at Gilgal, wherefore v. 41. it is said, all these Kings, and all their Land did Joshua take at one time, that is, prosecuting his Victories begun from day today, till that he had fully subdued all that tract of ground which lay from Kadesh-Barnea to Gaza, and from Goshen to Gibeon, that is, from the South to the West; for Kadesh-Barned lay Southward, being the limit of the lot of Judah that way, and Gaza of the Philistines, was the utmost limit of the land of Canaan Westward towards the Sea. Goshen also was a large Country lying Southward. All this tract is thus described by H. B. It lay towards the South, bordering Eastward upon the dead Sea, South: upon Kadesh, West: upon Gaza, North: upon Gibeon and Gilgal, containing in circuit 156 miles. And because those parts were some Mountainous, some barren, through the parching heat of the Sun, some plain, and some watery, he distributeth the parts conquered accordingly into four. For towards the South, the Sun lying hot upon it parched the ground, and made it more barren. For Vales, and Springs, the vulgar Latin hath Campestrem, & Asedoth; so likewise the Septuagint; But 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth the flowings down of Waters, and therefore may well be rendered Springs, and by the other word, all plain places are meant. By everything that breathed, understand with Lyra all mankind, for the beasts they were permitted to take for a prey, Ch. 11. 14. All this being done, Joshua and all Israel with him returned to the Campe at Gilgal. v. 43. Thus they did because here they had left, as in a place before subdued, their wives and children, for their safeguard, with some company doubtless to keep the Campe.

CHAP. XI.

THE Enemies on the South being subdued, and their Cities taken, now is shown, how those on the North, and on all sides from thence, East, West, combined together against Joshua by the instigation of Jabin, King of Hazor, but with as ill success as the former five Kings, for they were all destroyed and their people, none being spared throughout all their Lands. If this shall be thought cruelty, saith Ferus, that so much blood should be shed, it is but as all sinners, when they come to be punished, are ready to object that God is cruel towards them. But they truly were worthy of these severe proceedings; for when as Nebuchadnezzar was moved at one miracle to give glory to God, they were nothing moved by divers, unto the dividing of Jordan, and the falling of the walls of Jericho, the standing still of the Sun being added in the fight of all men, wherefore they were most desperately wicked, and worthy to be all cut off, for that still they banded themselves together against the Lord.

Mystically hereby was figured out how the Enemies of Jesus should join against him, first the Jews, and they being overcome, heathen persecutors, and they also being put down, Heretics in greater numbers, but none shall ever be able to prevail against his Church, but finally bring ruin upon themselves, as these did. Thus Ferus; but whereas in speaking of the Kings, that now combined against Joshua, he saith, that they were 24 and Comestor likewise, and that seven only were slain before, according to the capitulation made Ch. 12. of 31 Kings, the contrary appeareth, because 11 perished before, and moreover Ch. 10. 40. some others, whose number is not particularly there set down, but if 11 only, here could be no more then 20.

Hazor was a great and Metropolitan City, within the lot of Nephtalim, Ch. 19. 36. towards Mount Libanus, and not far from Cesarea Philippi. And here another King Jabin reigned afterwards, Judge. 4. much afflicting the Israelites with his Canaanites. It lay 80 miles from Jerusalem towards the North, and the ruins of it are to be seen at this day. Jabin the King of this City, was over all the other Kings, v. 10. and therefore by his authority might call together the rest to this war. Jobab the King of Madon; where this Madon lay, it cannot be said by anything spoken in the sacred History; but Josephus calleth these the inhabitants of Libanus: This was the first King for whom Jabin sent; the second was the King of Shimron, this hath an addition, v. 20. Shimron Meron; this was in the Tribe of Zebulun, Ch. 19. 15. near to the lot of Nephtalim, towards the south. The third was the King of Achsaph, which Achsaph lay in the lot of Asher, Ch. 19. 25.

And he sent to the Kings that were on the north of the mountains, and of the plains, south of Cinneroth, and in the borders of Dor, &c. For the Kings on the north, the Septuagint have the Kings towards Sidon, happily taking 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 for 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 as Masius conjectureth, or rather because Zidou is mentioned, v. 8. as the place towards which Joshua chased them. Cinneroth was the same, that was afterward called Gennesareth, and so the Chaldee paraphr: rendereth it in this place. Dor was a City in the lot of the half tribe of Manasseh, near the Sea, Chap. 17. 11. Judge. 1. 27.

And to the Canaanite on the west and the east, and the Amorite, Hittite, and Perizzite, &c. This seemeth to be an enumeration of divers others sent for, besides the forenamed; because it is said, and the Canaanite, &c. but in Hebr. there is no and, whereby it seemeth rather that the people hitherto sent for, before described by their Cities and coasts, are here only further shown to be Canaanites, Amorites, Hittites, &c. only the Jebusites in the mountains, which were towards Jerusalem, are added; and the Hivites under Hermon in the Land of Mizpah. Hermon was a mountain near to Libanus, 122 miles from Jerusalem towards the northeast, it bounded all the north part of that Country, the same is called Mount Baal Hermon, Judge. 3. 3. Besides this, there was another Hermon on the other fide of Jordan, called also Shenir, Deut. 3. 9. of the former this here is to be understood. Mizpah signifieth a Watch-tower, whereby is intimated, that it stood upon a high place. One Mizpah was in the Tribe of Judah, Ch. 15. 38. another in the tribe of Benjamin, Ch. 18. 26. But Adricomius will have both these to be one, standing upon the border of these two tribes. This Mizpah was famous for the people's assembling thither together against Benjamin, Judge. 20. 1. and for Samuel's assembling them to make Saul King, 1 Sam. 10. 17. Another Mizpah was on the other side of Jordan in the tribe of Gad, Ch. 13. 26. Of the first of these, the City here named must needs be understood, because that Mizpah where Gad dwelt in Gilead, was before conquered; the Land about, even to Hermon, seemeth to have taken the name from this Mizpah, being therefore called the land of Mizpah: in the other Jephthah the Gileadite dwelt, Judge. 11.

And they went out, and all the hosts of them, much people, as the sand upon the Sea shore, and their Chariots and horses. This speech is hyperbolical, and setteth forth a very great Host; and the addition of Horses and Chariots must needs be the more terrible to the Israelites, who were all on foot. Josephus saith, that the horsemen were 10000, the chariots 20000, and the footmen 300000.

They came and pitched together at the waters of Merom, &c. This was a lake not far from Dothan, 44 miles from Jerusalem towards the north; from Gilgal above 22 miles. This Lake is made a great part of it by the overflowings of Jordan, being 60 furlongs long, and 30 furlongs broad, but when Jordan overfloweth not, it soon waxeth almost dry; it is also called Samaconitis, near to this was Hazor, where the great King Jabin reigned, to whom the rest here assembled; but Josephus calleth the place of their meeting the City Berotha. Lyra saith, that Merom was between the head of Jordan, and the sea of Cinneroth.

And be Lord said to Joshua, Be not afraid of them, for tomorrow by this time I will deliver them into thy hands all slain; and thou shalt hough their horses, and burn their chariots with fire. The Vulgar Latin, tradam omnes in manus tuas vulnerandos. The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 chalilim, here used, signifieth either wounded, or slain; but this last is to be preferred, for it is shown immediately after, that Joshua slew them all, v. 8. that is, as Lyra hath it, all that saved not themselves by flying into fenced Cities: but this was a long time in doing, v. 18. that is, as shall be further shown there, five or six years; for the escape of Jabin into Hazor, and of other Kings, is intimated, v. 10, 11, 12. Wherefore these words, To morrow by this time, are not to be understood, as if they should all be slain in one day, but they should then be all discomfited, and begin to fall; neither would the Lord cease fighting for Israel, till they were all slain that they could meet withal. From hence Calvin gathereth, that Merom was not far from Gilgal; or that these Forces were coming against Joshua in Gilgal, and were now not far off. And because God biddeth him again, not to be afraid, that notwithstanding the like encouragements formerly given him at divers times, he needed now to have the same repeated again. Josephus saith, that the people of Israel hearing of their mighty Forces despaired through fear, till the Lord again gave them this encouragement. For the charge of houghing their horses, and burning their chariots with fire; this saith Ferus, was, lest if they should have kept these horses and chariots, they should afterwards have trusted in them, and not in God only; for the Heathen that were thus furnished, trusted in them, Psal. 20. 8. but God's Angels are about his as Horsemen and Chariots of fire, and God is as a fiery wall about them. 2. To show the greater indignation against the wicked in making all their pomp and pride to fall together with them. 3. To teach them that Horses and Chariots are of no power in War against God. 4. To prefigure how Jesus should destroy all his enemies, as the Jews by taking away their Temple, and Land, and his Word from them, which were as their Horses, whereby they were puffed up with pride, and persecuting Kings, by destroying their power and greatness, which were as their Horses; and Heretics by confounding their wit and eloquence by his Word, for these were as their horses wherewith they warred against the truth. 5. To show how we should war against the devil to overcome him, viz. by houghing his horse, which is the flesh, and subduing it by fasting, praying, and laboring. Lyra yieldeth none other reason of this charge, but that it must be done in token of a perfect victory obtained by the Lord; but others generally say the same with the first reason of Ferus, and Deut. 4. 17. 16. the King is forbidden to multiply horses to himself. Calvin besides this addeth another reason, viz. that not being furnished with horses, they might contain themselves within their own bounds, and not seek out to enlarge their dominions; farther then they were allowed. And we read not, that the Israelites went to the Wars after this with Horses and Chariots, but if sometimes they did, it was with ill success.

Here is fulfilled what was promised, the enemies were cut off by Israel and chased to great Zidon and to Misrephothmaim, and to the valley of Mizpah. Ziden, saith Josephus, was a great City of the Phoenicians, built by Zidon the first born of Canaan, lying by the Sea, and not lying far from Antilibanus, say Adricom. and Borchardus. This Antilibanus, saith H. Bunting, was one part of the same mountain, called Libanus, for that part towards the West, near Zidon, was called Antilibanus, the other upon the East towards Damascus, Libanus. Touching this chasing of the Enemy, he saith, that it was to Zidon 612 miles, and yet he maketh Zidon from Jerusalem but 16 miles, so that herein was a great escape, and in that he addeth, from Zidon, he returned again to Hazor 32 miles. It is more probable, that the way which he chased them, was 62 miles to the furthest part of the land of Canaan Northward, at the end of the Land of Zebulon and Naphtalim. Touching Misrephothmaim, in the Vulgar Latin, the waters of Mazerephoth, it is a name compounded of burning and waters: which Lyra following the Hebrews, thinketh to have been so called, because being also near the Sea, and salt waters flowing thence into it; Salt, which is of an hot burning quality was there made: but Vatablus and Pagninus more probably, because those waters were hot, as the waters of Bathes. Masius because glass was made there by a long decoction of sand. Of Mizpah see before v. 3. the meaning is, that some of them fled Eastward, to the valley of Mizpah, and some Northward and Westward towards Zidon and Misrephothmaim, and were pursued all these ways.

And Joshua did unto them, as the Lord bad him, he boughed their horses, &c. He considered not, that their horses and chariots might be now useful for him in his Wars, but neglecting all worldly benefit, he was altogether led by God's commandment, herein giving example to every of us, that the love [Note.] of temporal gain sway us not against God's precepts, for he is able to give us much more.

The enemies being destroyed all that had not escaped into Cities, now Joshua returneth to deal with them, and first he beginneth with Hazor the head City of all the rest, to which it seemeth that Jabin the King had escaped, for having taken this City, he killeth the King and all the people, and burneth the City with fire: which execution was done upon it singularly, because the King thereof had made the greatest resistance. For the Cities of the other Kings under him, he destroyed both Kings and people therein, sparing none, young or old, but he burnt not anymore of them, but let them stand still and took all their goods and cattle for a prey to the children of Israel. Of Hazor and Jabin, a King thereof we read again, Judge. 4. against whom Barak fought; which although Tostatus would have it to be another Hazor in the south part of Judah, yet it is rather to be held that it was this same City rebuilt; because as Josephus saith, it stood in Galilee near the lake Samachonitis, and that it was the same; and Thabour where the battle was then fought, was in Galilee. And all this Joshua is said to have done, as God commanded Moses, and Moses commanded him. Then reckoning up the Countries subdued by him, it is said, He took all that land, the bills, and all the South Country, and all the Land of Grshen, and the valley, and the plain, and the mountain of Israel, and the valley thereof, &c. Here is a capitulation made, not only of the Countries now subdued at their going out against Hazors King and his confederates, but also before, as we may see, Ch. 10. 40, 41. Only in this verse the mountain of Israel, and the valley thereof are more added. But what place this was, divers conjecture diversely. Some think that it was Bethel, because Jacob who was called Israel worshipped there, both at his going into Mesopotamia, and at his return, Gen. 35. some, that it was mount Gerizim, near Samaria, where Jacob bought a piece of ground, and where he dwelt and worshipped, of which the woman of Samaria said, Our Fathers worshipped upon this mountain: and to this do I assent, because it must be a place called by this name when Joshua lived, which could not be, but from Israel the Father of this people, and no place can so probably be thought to have the name from him, as this which he bought, and so was his proper possession. Thus Rab. Kimchi saith also in general, that it was some place where Israel dwelt: and Masius a mountain by Samaria, but he will have it so called from the ten Tribes, going afterwards by the name of Israel, who held this mountain; but then it should not have been so called at the writing of this book, but long after only. Of the mountain of the height of Israel we read afterwards, Ezek. 17. 23. and 20. 40. but that is nothing to the giving of light into this. Calvin rejecting all particular explications here, holdeth that nothing else but the mountains in general now possessed by the Israelites are meant, by a word collective, being called together the mountain of Israel. But because the mountains are here reckoned apart, and then this mountain of Israel, that cannot stand; yet because, v. 21. we read of all the mountains of Judah, and the mountains of Israel, the mountain of Israel may be here so called by anticipation, the mountains being meant, which were afterwards proper to the ten Tribes, as by the mountains first named those in the lot of Judah and Benjamin.

Even from mount Halak that goeth up to Seir, unto Baalgad in the valley of Lebanon under Hermon. For mount Halak, the Vulg. Latin hath, part of the mountain, because 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth a part; and Aquila hath it, a monte dividente, the Chaldee and Tygurine interpr. a monte divisionis; Symmachus a monte Levi; Vatablus and Masius, a monte glabro; the Septuagint, as if it were a proper name, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . That rendering it glaber, smooth, is followed by Junius, and seemeth to be best, as answering to Seir, rough, abounding with bushes and trees, whereas this beginning of it was without them, and so smooth, neither do I anywhere find Halak, put for a proper name. Seir was on the South where the Edomites dwelt; and Baalgad Northward, being a City beneath mount Libanus, see Ch. 13. 5. of Hermon see before, v. 3. So that here is set forth the longitude of the Country taken from the South to the North, as before the latitude from the East to the West, v. 16. the circuit of this conquest, saith H. Bunting was 280 miles. But all these parts were not subdued at once, for it is added, Joshua made war a long time with these Kings. How long a time this was, may be gathered from the age of Caleb, Ch. 14. 6, 7. For he was 46 years old when he was sent to view the Land, and the Wars being ended, 85 years old. Now before his going out at that time, one year, and somewhat more was spent of the 40, which they wandered in the wilderness, which being added to the 5 above 80, maketh 6 years and upward; so that the Wars lasted 6 years and somewhat more. This delay was not made for want of power in God to give them the whole Land instantly, but partly to exercise their faith, and to make it the more evident that God fought for them; and that the Country being long in subduing, they might be more affected with the benefit; and partly, lest all being subdued at once, the wild beasts should multiply upon them in such places as they had not yet people enough to inhabit, as was said before, Deut. 7. 22. to this effect Calvin. But at length all these Kings and their Cities were destroyed: for it is noted that none of them made peace with Joshua, saving the Gibeonites, but were hardened to come to fight against him, that they might all be cut off. If it be objected here, their seeking of peace [Obj.] had been vain, seeing they were all destined to the sword for their abominable sins: and therefore hardening seemeth not rightly to be imputed to them as a fault. To this Calvin answereth, that the scope of this place is not to tax them, but to show how the Lord by his singular providence took away all impediment, and so made way for the execution of his judgment appointed. For if any had submitted themselves, this must needs have bred some demure in the Israelites what to do, but they all contrariwise coming madly to War against them; and so being destroyed, there was no show of cruelty, but a most just execution done upon them. But I think rather, as was said before touching the Gibeonites, if any City else had submitted it self, and turned to God as the Gibeonites did, it might have been preserved. And therefore their not yielding is noted, as coming from a just judgment, God giving them over for their sins to this obduration, and so to destruction, as he had done to Pharaoh and his Egyptians.

Then came Joshua and cut off the Anakims from the mountains, from Hebron, Debir, and Anab, and all the mountains of Judah and Israel, &c. Of the Anakims see before, Numb. 13. 23. They were Giants, which in the taking of these Cities, Ch. 10. happily saved themselves hitherto in some Forts which could not so easily be overcome; and therefore to avoid delays, being hitherto let alone, whilst Joshua was busied in his Wars in the North parts; now they being ended, he cometh against them, and cutteth them all off also: so that those words, Ch. 10. 37. He left none remaining, are to be understood, not as if all without exception had been destroyed at the first, but partly then, and partly now. Of Anab nothing was said before, but it was a City not far from the other two in the lot of Judah, Ch. 15. 50. Out of all these Cities, and out of the mountains of Israel all the Anakims were destroyed, that is, out of all the Land, called henceforth the Land of Israel, as is expressed, v. 22. There were none of the Anakims left in all the Land of Israel, only in Gaza, Gath, and Ashdod there remained: these were Cities in the Philistines Country near the Sea, which the Israelites could never subdue.

So Joshua took the whole Land, &c. How can this be verified, seeing Ch. 13. it is said, much Land yet remained to be possessed, and Judge. 3. 2. Answ. Calvin [Qu.] resolveth this, by saying, according to the next words, as the Lord had said unto Moses; that is, not all the Land promised without exception, but all which was needful for the present, that the people of Israel which then were, might have competent possessions for their use; for to this effect the Lord had spoken Exod. 23. 29. Moreover, it may be said, according to others, that Joshua took all the Land which he attempted to take; and the forces of the enemies were so broken by him, that in the places remaining untaken, there was no such power to resist, but that they might easily have been taken afterwards, if the people had persisted in obedience to God. The reasons why some parts still remained unconquered, besides that before going of the beasts multiplying, were two, Judge. 3. 2, 4. 1 That they might be exercised with War in after times. 2 That by them the Israelites sinning might be scourged, and living amongst them proved, whether they would be drawn to idolatry. And the Land rested from War; that is, as Lyra hath it, from general Wars, but particular Tribes, and men made Wars, as is afterwards shown.

CHAP. XII.

HEre is 1. a capitulation made of the Kings, and their Cities and borders on the other side of Jordan subdued by the Israelites under the leading of Moses, of which see before, Deut. 2. & Ch. 3. For there be the same bounds of both their Lands in general, Deut. 3. 8. From the river Arnon to mount Hermon. And in particular of the Kingdom of Sihon, Numb. 21. 24. From Aroer upon Arnon to the river Jabbok: But here it is a little more fully described, From the middle of the River, that is, the river Arnon, and half Gilead, and the parts given in possession to the Reubenites and Gadites, Deut. 3. 16, 17. are here shown to have been of the Kingdom of Sihon. The plain also, and Jordan, and the coast thereof from Cinneroth to the sea of the plain, even the salt Sea under Ashdoth Pisgah eastward; of all which see upon that place. Touching the other Kingdom, viz. of Og, he is said to have dwelt in Ashteroth and Edrei, Deut. 1. 4. at Ashteroth in Edrei, Josh. 13. 12. he reigned also in Bashan and Salcah, and Mount Hermon to the border of the Geshunites, and of the Maachathites, and half Gilead, &c. Of all these, see before upon Deut. 3. 10. 14. but only Mount Hermon, in part of which only it seemeth that he reigned, it being the bound of his Kingdom, and part being possessed by the Canaanites was taken by Joshua, Josh. 11. 17. thus some: But by that which is said Josh. 11. 17. and v. 3. The Canaanites that dwelt under Mount Hermon; it appeareth rather that they possessed no part of this Mount, but the valley near unto it; and that all Hermon was taken and given away by Moses, is plainly affirmed, Ch. 13. 12. All this being taken by Moses, was given to the Reubenites, Gadites, &c. as is further shown, Deut. 3. 14, 15, &c. Now all these Conquests, and those of Joshua are here briefly propounded in one view together, saith Ferus, that the people of Israel might the better take notice of the mighty Acts which the Lord had done for them, according to his promise long before made [Note.] to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and after to Moses and Joshua, and the more confidently believe in him, and obey and serve him for all time to come. For it seemed sometime impossible to the children of Israel, that so many, and so strong Cities and people should be subdued unto them; wherefore this being now done, there was great reason why they should not be doubtful, but confident touching the performance of all other promises forever hereafter. And the same ground of faith should we build upon for all promises of the Churches prevailing at last, of Christ's second coming, &c. because all things hitherto promised, which were as hard to be believed, have been accomplished in their due times.

Here 2 is a capitulation made of the Kings on this side Jordan smitten by Joshua, whose Countries are described and bounded, as before, Ch. 10. 40. & Ch. 11. 16 The King of Jericho one, the King of Ai one, &c. This tract of ground taken by Joshua, saith H. Bunt. was 160 miles long, from Baalgad to mount Seir, & 28, or 32 miles broad. And touching the fifth King of Jarmoth here numbered, he saith, that his name was Perkam, and that Jarmoth was 20 miles from Jerusalem westward, but he is called Piram, Ch. 10. 3. The 8 King of Gezer, he calleth Horam, so also Ch. 10. 33. he is called: Gezer was 16 miles from Jerusalem westward, in the tribe of Dan. Gedar the seat of the 10 King, was 14 miles Westward from Jerusalem, in Judah. Harmah of the 11 King, 40 miles from Jerusalem, upon the borders of Arabia deserta Southwest, in Judah also. Arad of the 12 King, 22 miles from Jerusalem Southward. Tappuah the seat of the 17 King, not far from Jordan and Jericho. Hepher the seat of the 18 King, 6 miles Northward from Jerusalem. Aphek the seat of the 19 King, 44 miles from Jerusalem Northward, within 2 miles of Jezreel. Lazaron of the 20 King, 18 miles Northwest from Jerusalem. Nadan of the 21 King, 14 miles Northwest. Simron of the 23 King, 68 miles from Jerusalem Northward, and near Nazareth. Achsaph of the 24 King, 88 miles Northward in the tribe of Asher. Taanach of the 25 King, 44 miles from Jerusalem, and 6 from Jezreel. Megiddo of the 26 King, 4 miles from Taanach. Iokneam of the 28 King, 27 miles from Jerusalem Northward in the tribe of Zebulun. Dor of the 29 King, 48 miles from Jerusalem North: upon the Sea coast, between the hill Carmel, and Cesarea Stratonis. Gilgal of the 31 King, was near Jordan. Tirzah of the 31 King, 24 miles from Jerusalem in Manasseh. Thus he of most of these Kings, of the rest he saith no more then is in the History of Joshua, Ch. 10. Ch. 11. and Ch. 12. But whereas he saith, the Gilgal of the 30 King was that near Jordan, between it and Jericho, this is most improbable, because there was no City thus called before, but upon occasion of the foreskins there cut away, as is shown upon Josh. 5. neither do we read of any King there to be cut off, but of the people of Israel's coming to it the same day that they passed over Jordan, and pitching there, which they could not have done so quietly, if it had been before inhabited by the enemy. Moreover, this King is called the King of the Nations of Gilgal, arguing, that he had divers people's under his dominion. Masius following one Copy of the Sept. for Gilgal hath Galilee. But although Galilee be called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 it is nowhere called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; that exposition therefore falleth, and so must remain uncertain where this Gilgal was.

CHAP. XIII.

HEre the Lord biddeth Joshua to divide the Land of Canaan to the 9 tribes and an half, and to defer no longer, although all that was to be divided, was not yet conquered and taken, because he was now old and had not long to live, and by him the Land was to be divided before his death; and the parts yet untaken are reckoned up. In that God telleth Joshua that he was old, and Abraham is singularly spoken of before, that he was an old man, Gen. 25. 8. Ferus noteth Joshua to have been hence commended, but not simply because he was old in years, but in wisdom and good manners. How old he was at this time, is not said, but Ch. 24. when he died, that he was 110 years old, happily he was now 100. It seemeth, that after the Land conquered, and a quiet abode there obtained, Joshua went not by and by to dividing the Land, but waited till he had direction from the Lord so to do. In all things he was guided by the Word of God, as every of us also ought to be.

The Land not yet taken, is said to be all the borders of the Philistines, and all Geshuri, &c. For all the borders, the Vulgar Latin hath all Galilee; but this is plainly an error, as the Jesuit himself confesseth, because the word signifying borders, is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is Galilee, whereupon some have thought Galilee to be here meant, and so have written it. But Galilee was taken before Ch. 10. for Hazor and Kadesh there spoken of, were in the lot of Naphtali, and Simron in that of Zebulun, both which tribes were placed in Galilee, Ch. 19. & Ch. 20. 7. In describing the borders of the Philistines he saith, there were five Lord's of them, viz. of the Gazathites, Ekronites, Asbdothites, Eshkalonites, Gi • tites; these last having their name from Gath, of a King whereof we read afterwards, 1 Sam. 27. 2. Of most of these places, and where they lay, see before, Ch. 11. 22. Touching Geshuri, see Ch. 12. 5. and Deut. 3. 14. From Sihor which is before Egypt, to the borders of Ekron northward. This is not the description of the land of Geshuri, as it may seem, but of the Philistines Country, the Lord's whereof are immediately after numbered. For Sihor, the Vulgar Latin hath a troubled River, according to the signification of the word; but what River is hereby meant, divers think diversely; some, that it is not Nile, but another Rier mentioned, Gen. 15. 18. lying nearer to the Land of Canaan, and Amos 6. 14. called the River of the Wilderness. Junius saith, it is thought by some to be a River, which coming through Arabia Petraea, floweth into the marish Sirbouis, and divideth Egypt from the promised Land: but he following Epiphanius, judgeth it to be the River Rinocorura. Calvin rendereth it Nile, and for Nile it is taken by many others; not that the land of Canaan extended to Egypt where Nile lay; but because there was nothing but a vast and unhabitable Wilderness between it and Canaan Southward, so that it may be said, from this River, because there was no more land habitable between Canaan and it; their reason, because Nile is the most noted troubled River, for the black slimie stuff which it bringeth with it, and Jer. 2. 18. it is plainly called by this name Sihor: and because according to the phrase here used in Hebrew, upon the face of Egypt, Nile overfloweth that Land. And to this do I subscribe. This is the length of the Philistines Country, lying from the South to the North, as the land already conquered, lay from Jordan on the East, to the West. Whereas it is added, which is counted to the Canaanite, whereby it may seem not to be of the Philistines Country. It is answered, this approveth it rather to be out of the Canaanites possession at this time, but counted their Country, although possessed by the Philistines, because otherwise it would rather have been said, this was also the Canaanites Country: But it is said to be counted to the Canaanite, to intimate the right that the Israelites had to it, to whom God had promised only the land of Canaan, that is, of his children, and not the land of any of Hams other Sons. Although then the Philistines now held this tract of ground, yet it was first the Canaanites, and by the Philistines taken from them, as is shown, Deut. 2. 23. to the borders of Ekron on the North; for this was the furthest Northward of all the Philistines dominions, as Gaza was the most southerly, which is first numbered, so Calvin, who rendereth it Aza, by 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 is not pronounced, so likewise Junius. Five Lord's of the Philistines; Hebr. five Lordships, and thus Calvin and Junius also translate it, and this reading standeth with better sense: and for Gazathites, in the singular number is the Gazathite, that is, the Gazathite Lordship, and likewise of the rest. But besides these, the Avites are added, these were the old inhabitants of this Country, Deut. 2. 23▪ and it seemeth hereby, that some of them dwelt still therein, although they had no rule, as the Philistines had, but were under them. These words, and the Avites, are by the Vulgar Latin left out here, and placed in the next verse thus, But to the South are the Evites, all the Land of Canaan. This is against the Hebrew verity, wherein it followeth and on the South all the Land of the Canaanites; the Avites being added, v. 3. as in our Translation. The Septuagint for further explication have all the Land of the Canaanite from Gaza. For the South, Hebr. is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 teman, which word the Septuagint retain, and Teman was a Royal City in Idumea, South from Canaan, which is the reason why it is rendered South. And Mera that is beside the Sidonians unto Aphek: Hebr. Marah of the Sidonians, or Meara, which is of the Sidonians, as Calvin rendereth it word for word. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth a den, and so it is rendered by the Chaldee, and Arias Montanus, and not as a proper name; but Jerome and Pagninus make a proper name of it; and Junius calleth it Magorah, saying, that it is a River lying under Libanus, between Zidon and Bery • um, referring for this to Pliny, lib. 5. c. 20. Adricomius saith, that there was an admirable, and inexpugnable den in Sidon, which seemeth to be most probably here meant, this den, as a place of greatest strength, being put for the whole Country of Sidon. Aphek was a City where the lot of the tribe of Asher lay, Ch. 19. 30. but the Asherites could not expel the inhabitants thereof, Judge. 1. 31 There was also another Aphek in the tribe of Judah, Ch. 15. 53. and of this it is spoken again, 1 Sam. 4. 13. of one of these the King was slain, Ch. 12. 18. but if it were of this, the City held out still, and was not taken. Unto Aphek is added also to the borders of the Amorites, which borders, what they were, is uncertain. Masius will have them to be those on the other side of Jordan. Tostatus the Philistines, but without all color of reason. Bonfrerius, some Amorites dwelling Westward, but uncertain where: to me it seemeth, that it was some place beyond Aphek, held still by the Amorites, because it is said, unto Aphek unto the borders of the Amorites.

And the land of the Giblets; the Vulg: annexing this to the former hath it, and the confines thereof, but erroneously; for although 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth a confine, yet that word is not here used, but 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , of 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the name of a City, Psal. 8. 3. from whence the inhabitants are called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Giblites, 1 Kings 5. ult. Ezek. 27. 9. and if it be rendered confines, here were a redundancy, because the borders were mentioned before. It was a City then from whence this name cometh, and that in Phenicia, near to Tyrus and Sidon, called Gebal, as both Jerome and Adricomius consent, and may be gathered in the places forecited. And all Lebanon towards the Sun rising, from Baalgad under mount Hermon, to the entering in of Hamath: unto Libanus Joshua had taken, Ch. 11. 17 and to Baalgad under Hermon, but Libanus it self remained yet untaken to Hamath, which Hamath was a City northward from Libanus, inhabited by the Canaanites, even in David's time, 2 Sam. 8. 9. This same is repeated again, Judge. 3. 3. with the reasons why they were left untaken.

All the Inhabitants of the hill Country from Lebanon to Misrephothmaim, and the Sidonians, &c. Of Misrephothmaim, see before, Ch. 11. 8. There was beyond Libanus to this place, Antilibanus, having divers mountains, even to the Sea, and a Country called Abylene, Luke 3. 2. The Sidonians are here again named, that it might not be thought, that no more belonging to them was untaken, then Mearah their strong den. All these parts hitherto holding out, God promiseth to clear, saying, Them will I drive out before the children of Israel only divide thou it by lot, &c. This promise was conditional, if the people should continue in obedience, Exod. 23, 22. 23, &c. but because they did not, this was never performed, for the Country of the Philistines, and Phoenicians, and Libanus were never possessed by the Israelites, although in the time of David and of Solomon they were made Tributaries; yet Joshua must divide them to the nine Tribes, and a half of Manasseh, the other half with the two of the Reubenites and Godities, having their parts already on the other side of Jordan from Aroer, that is upon the bank of the River Arnon, &c. of these limits see before Ch. 12. 2. and all the plain of Medeba unto Dibon, of these two see Numb. 21. 30.

And all the Cities of Sihon which Reigned in Heshbon, to the border of the Children of Ammon; that is, to the River Iabbok, Ch. 12. 2. for that was their border of Heshbon, see Numb. 21. 30.

And Gilead, Ch. 12. 2. balfe Gilead unto Iabbok, for Gilead was not only that under Sihon, but also beyond Iabbok, the limit of his Kingdom, to the border of the Geshurites and Maacathites, see Ch. 12. 5. and all mount Hermon, Bashon, and Salcah, see also Ch. 12. 5.

And all the Kingdom of Og, &c. see Ch. 12. 4.

But the children of Israel expelled not the Geshurites and Maachathites, &c. this is added because it is said before, that they possessed to their borders, lest it should be thought that they were now destroyed. Only to the Tribe of Levi he gave no inheritance, &c. This is added that the Levites might be content, although they were neglected in this division, partly because it was done, as Moses had appointed, who was of their own Tribe; & partly because they had a better part, viz. the sacrifices of the Lord, the tenths and other offerings being also understood, from Numb. 18. and other places in the Books of Moses. After the description of the Land in general, given to the two Tribes and an half, now follow their parts in particular. First, to Reuben from Aro • r, and the City in the midst of the River, and all the plain by Medeba. And Heshbon, Dibon, Bamoth-Baal, &c. Of Dibon it is said, Numb. 32. 34. that it was built by Gad, [Qu.] how then is it here ascribed to Reuben? To this Junius and others answer, that it was a bordering City between Reuben and Gad, and so common to them both. In like manner Heshbon, which is here reckoned to Reuben, and Numb. 32. 37. is said to be of Gad, Ch. 21. 39. because in the confines of either Tribe. Of the other Cities, or most of them, it was spoken before, Numb. 32. 35, 36, 37. &c. and Josh. 12. 3.

All the Kingdom of Sihon, whom Moses smote with the Princes of Midian, &c. This was not done all at one time, but first Sibon was slain, Numb. 21. and after, Ch. 31. these Princes of Midian, there called Kings, but here Princes and Dukes of Sibon, happily because they were Tributaries to him.

Balaam also, &c. Of whom, see Numb. 31. 8.

Here the part of Gad is described, their coast was Jazer, and all the Land of Gilead, &c. Of Iazer, see Numb. 21. But whereas all Gilead is here reckoned to Gad, v. 31. half of it is reckoned to Manasseh, and likewise Numb. 32. 40. To this, I know not what better may be said, then that divers Regions were called Gilead, so the tribe of Gad may be said to have had all one Gilead, and Manasseh another. For Sibon, whose Land Gad possessed, had not all which was called Gilead, but half of it, Ch. 12. 2. the other part, or the other Gilead which the Manassites possessed, was of the kingdom of Og, as is expressed, v. 30. The Gadites then held all the Land of Gilead that was Sihons, and the Manassites all that of Og. And half the Land of the children of Ammon, &c. That is, which Sibon King of the Amorites had before taken from them, Numb. 21. 26. for with the Ammonites land they were forbidden to meddle, Deut. 2. 16. neither did they take ought thereof, Judge. 11. 15. Unto Aroer that is before Rabbah. Aroer was upon the River Arnon; Rabbah the chief City of the Ammonites, still in their possession, but afterwards subdued by David, 2 Sam. 12.

From Heshbon to Ramoth Mizpah, otherwise called Ramoth Gilead, Ch. 20. 8. as Debir is also called Kiriathsepher, Ch. 15. 15. Of other Cities, see Numb. 32. This part also extended to Jordan eastward, where it met with the part of Reuben, and to the Sea of Cinneroth.

Here the part of the half Tribe of Manasseh is described, From Mahanaim all Bashan, all the Kingdom of Og, and all the Towns of Jair, &c. Of this Kingdom, see Deut. 3. 13, 14, 15 and how it was given to half Manasseh, and of the Towns of Jair, Num. 32. 40. Whereas, v. 31. it is said, to the children of Machir the son of Manasseh, even to the one half of them; it is to be understood, that the children of Machir alone made all the Tribe of Manasseh; for he had none other son; see Numb. 26. 29. so Bonfrerius. But who so shall see into 1 Chron. 7. 14. may think that there were more sons of Manasseh, and Deut. 3. 15. Numb. 32. 40. Gilead only is given to Machir, and therefore that there were other families of Manasseh to possess the rest of Ogs Kingdom, viz. Bashau and Argob. But here Gilead, Ashteroth and Edrei are said to be given to the children of Machir, to half of them, because many Families came of him, a part of which received possessions on this side Jordan, see Josh. 17. 1. but there it is commemorated, that Machir had Gilead and Bashan given him, and therefore not Gilead alone, as it might seem by the places before cited. To conclude then, if Machirs children, yea, half of them, had all the kingdom of Og, and yet a lot remained to be received by them on this side Jordan, either they were all that came of Manasseh, or so many, that the rest in comparison of them were very few. And if they were all, these other sons said to be of Manasseh, Josh. 17. 2. and 1 Chron. 7. 14. were not his immediate sons, but Grandchildren by Machir. And indeed Joshua saith, that they came of Gilead, Machirs son, for the names differ not from Numb. 26. 31. but only for Jeezer, Joshua hath Abiezer. Here it is remembered again, that to Levi, Moses gave none inheritance, but a new reason is added, for the Lord was their inheritance, yet more abundantly to satisfy them, as was said, Numb. 18.

Mystically, Joshua dividing inheritances to the children of Israel, figured out Jesus, who distributeth gifts to his faithful people, both which now they possess, and which yet they attain not unto, but shall afterwards inherit in Heaven, gifts of grace here, and of glory hereafter. Secondly, as those Lands yet untaken, were not to be possessed, but upon condition of persevering in obedience; so he only that endureth to the end shall be saved. Thirdly, as Joshua took not this honor to himself, but being called to it; so Jesus. Fourthly, as all the Tribes had not inheritances in Canaan, but some being taken with the love of Bashan and Jaazer, on the other side of Jordan; so all Christian people have not inheritances in the heavenly Ganaan, for they that love the world, have their portion only in this life. Fifthly, as some had greater parts then others, for Judah's portion exceeded any of the other Tribes; so in heaven there be divers degrees of glory.

CHAP. XIV.

HEre Joshua proceedeth to declare, how the Land of Canaan was divided to the 9 Tribes and half, saying, These are the Countries which the children of Israel inherited in the Land of Canaan, &c. but by and by speaking something that was necessary for preparation to this division, as who were the dividers, and how there could be 9 Tribes and an half, when as two and an half had received their parts on the other side Jordan, and there were but 12 in all, and the Tribe of Levi had no part; viz. by saying, that the children of Joseph were two Tribes, Manasseh and Ephraim, v. 14. After this he interrupteth the course of his History, till the 15 Chap. by telling of Caleb, how he came in for Hebron, and then prosecuteth this History of the Division again, Ch. 15. The first words then, These are the Countries, &c. are to be understood of the Countries, the Division whereof followeth, Ch. 15. and all that followeth in this Chapter, as coming in by a Parenthesis. Wherefore Bonfrerius is in an error, in taking them to be spoken of the Countries divided to the two Tribes and an half, Ch. 13. as an Epilogue of all that is said there. And Lyra and Calvin are rather to be followed, who refer them to the Division following, as I have here done. Whereas Eleazar the High Priest is joined with Joshua, and the Princes in dividing the Land, this was done, as God had appointed, Numb. 34. 37. and as here, so there Eleazar is named before Joshua. Touching the reason rendered, v. 4. why the tribe of Levi had no part; For the sons of Joseph were two Tribes; the Vulgar Latin hath, in eorum locum successerunt filii Joseph in duas tribus divisi, and is therefore excepted against by Masius; but the meaning is nothing else but that these two Tribes coming of Joseph, made up the number of 12, although Levi were left out in the partition, and amongst 12 and no more, all must be divided, therefore Levi could have no part, seeing Manasseh and Ephraim, the two sons of Joseph were expressly constituted two Tribes by Jacob, Gen. 48. so Lyranus. Calvin moveth a question touching the men appointed to divide the Land, seeing the division was to be made by lot, how they could be said to divide it? and answereth, that when the lot had assigned the Country to each Tribe, where it should be, these men were to consider the number of people in the Tribe, if the part falling to any were too little, to enlarge it, if too great, to take some away, and to give it to another that wanted, see Numb. 26. 52.

Then came the children of Judah to Joshua in Gilgal; and Caleb the son of Jephunneh the Kenezite said to him, Thou knowest the thing that the Lord said to Moses, &c. Here, before the division amongst the Tribes made by lot, Joshua breaketh off the course of that History a while, and telleth first of Caleb's coming, and the men of Judah in his behalf, to require Hebron, as Moses had long ago promised unto him. This promise is not anywhere so particularly set forth, but Numb. 14. 24. it is said by the Lord in general, Him will I bring into the Land whereinto he went, and his seed shall possess it: and Deut. 1. 36. Lyra following the Hebrews, that are ready to vent their own imaginations, saith, that Caleb being in Canaan with the other searchers, perceived that they would dissuade the people from attempting the conquest of that Land, went alone into Hebron, and prayed that God would strengthen his heart, that he might not consent with them in that wickedness, wherefore at his return, he constantly cleaving to the Lord, Moses sware unto him that it should be his inheritance. But it is more probable, that Hebron being a place of note for the Giants inhabiting there, by the sight of whom the other searchers were terrified, but Caleb trusting in God, doubted not but to prevail against them; Moses hereupon sware to him in private, no more bcing present to hear it but Joshua, that he should have it for a possession: and therefore he saith to Joshua, Thou knowest what the Lord said to Moses concerning me and thee in Kadesh barnea. And v. 9. Moses sware on that day, Surely the Land whereon thy feet have trodden shall be thine inheritance and thy children's forever; expressing doubtless this Hebron to be the land in particular, being famous for the burial of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob there. And now Caleb and the men of Judah come with him to desire the performance of this promise, not out of ambition, as Ferus noteth, but that the truth of God in his promises might the more notably appear, that others might be encouraged constantly to follow the Lord, as Caleb had done. For two things he declareth here, had been promised unto him; the one, that he should live, and come into the promised Land, all others from 20 years old and upward being cut off before that time for their rebellion; the other, that he should have Hebron for an inheritance. The first, he showeth, was abundantly performed, for he did not only live, but being now 85 years old, was as able to go to War as at 40, which availed not a little to God's glory. The other he now desireth to have performed unto him, that God might appear to be true in everything. And to show his ability still for the War, and that he had yet the same confidence in God to overcome the mightiest Giants, he saith, v. 12. Thou heardest in that day, that the sons of Anak were there: if so be the Lord will be with me, then I shall be able to drive them out. And this he is shown to have done, Ch. 15. 14. for although the Anakims that held it before, were cut off by Joshua, Ch. 11. 21. yet others remained in the mountains hitherto unexpelled or came thither again out of the Philistines Country, wherein only it is said that some of them were Ch. 11. 22. Touching the name of Caleb, the son of Iephunneh the Kenezite: Iephone, saith Lyra, some expound divertens, holding it to be an Appellative, and not a proper name; and that he was so called, because he turned himself from the evil counsel of the other searchers; some prudent, and seeing, from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 ; but Jephunneh certainly was the proper name of Caleb's father, 1 Chron. 4. 15. Indeed he is not mentioned, 1 Chron. 2. 9. where Chelubai, which probably was this Caleb, is numbered amongst the immediate sons of Hezron, the son of Pharez, the son of Judah. But Caleb by the very name used, is mentioned both v. 18. and v. 42. here he is said to be the brother of Jerhameel, who is said to be the first borne of Ezron, v. 25. and this Chaleb is said to have had a daughter called Achsah, v. 49. of which daughter of this Caleb in question, see Josh. 15. 16. Of Caleb the son of Jephunneh yet we read not, till 1 Chron. 4. 15. which maketh it questionable, whether there were not more Caleb's; and touching this man, the son of Jephunneh, whether he came of Hezron, or no; although Lyra saith, that it is constantly to be held that he came of Hezron, who had also another name, Jephunneh. But because Caleb's age doth not agree, this must be left as uncertain, yet not so much for that, as for the name Jephunneh, because Pharez being very young when they came into Egypt, might beget Hezron 80 years after, and he at 80 might beget Caleb, unto which Caleb's age of 40 at the going out of Egypt being added all together, make 200 years. Moreover, why Caleb is called the Kenezite, is a great question, but Lyra also resolveth it, according to the Hebrews, thus; Jephunneh being dead, the mother of Caleb, his widow, married with Kenez, from whom, because he brought him up, he was thus called. Some think that Kenez was the father of Jephunneh, and so one brother of his was properly thus called, Josh. 15. 17. Some that he was so called from some exploit that he did. But nothing can herein be said certainly.

And Joshua blessed Caleb, and gave him Hebron, &c. He blessed, both by publishing his deserved praises; and as a man of God, praying for his good success in attempting to take this place again, and to expel the Anakims thence. But because Hebron was one of the Cities given to the Levites, Josh. 21. [Qu.] 11, 13. it may be demanded, how Caleb had it to him and his for a possession? They had only the houses to inhabit in, and the Suburbs, but he all the lands about; his goodness in this appearing, that when he had obtained it, as a singular reward of his faith and prowess, yet he was content to give part back again to the Priests, and to be a City of refuge, Ch. 20. 7.

And the name of Hebron before was Kiriath-arba, who was a great man amongst the Anakims. Kiriath-arba, signifieth the City of Arba, the father of Anak, Ch. 15. 13. The Vulgar Latin for these words, who was a great man, hath Adam maximus inter Anakim ihi situs est. Whereupon many have held it to be called Kiriath-arbah, for the burial of four there, Adam, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob; but this is a most erroneous reading, as the Jesuits themselves acknowledge; but of this conceit it see more, Gen. 23. 2. And the Land rested from War: this is repeated again, from Ch. 11. 23. to show, that they might now freely go about this division of the land, because the enemies were now quiet, and none durst make head against them, to interrupt them herein.

Mystically, saith Origen, by Caleb, who had a possession given him before all others, understand the heart, for Caleb signifieth, as the heart: and Jephunneh, whose son he is said to be, converting himself, the heart then turned from evil to good, shall surely have a possession in the heavenly Canaan, and be blessed.

CHAP. XV.

HEre is shown, that by a singular providence of God, the lot came first up for Judah, and that in a most eminent and fruitful place, and very large, that the prophesy of Jacob touching Judah his preference might appear to come from God, this his prelation in his part, being a praeludium of his future eminency in the Kingdom.

Amongst all the Tribes, Judah hath his part in the Land of Canaan first, saith Lyra, because that was the Kingly Tribe, and Joseph next, Ch. 16. because he came into the place of the firstborn Reuben, who was dis-inherited, Gen. 49. Touching Judah, his part is described by the 4 sides, the south, the east, the north, and the west. For the first, it is said, The wilderness of Zin, was his uttermost part southward; to show, that his lot lay most southerly of all the land of Canaan, see Numb. 34. 3. and this was nearest to Egypt where this tribe was placed, as being most warlike to resist the Enemy. And the South border was from the shore of the salt Sea, &c. This was the dead Sea, lying in a corner, where the South and the East part met, and hence they began to measure to the west, all the coasts by which they went along, being said to be southward. For the second side, viz the east, The East border was the salt Sea, even to the end of Jordan, &c. that is, where Jordan entereth into the salt, or dead Sea: and here it is to be conceived, that the line of measuring went northward, this being a description of all the east side, even to the north. For the third, viz. the north side, v. 7. And the border went up toward Debir, and from the valley of Achor, and so northward, &c. and the goings out thereof were at Enrogel. This En, or fountain of Rogell, was near Jerusalem, 2 Kings 18. being a fountain, or water where Fullers washed their clothes, from whence it had this name Enrogel, the Fullers pool, or well; so the Hebrews.

And the border went up by the valley of the son of Hinnom, unto the southside of the Jebusite, the same is Jerusalem. In this part on the north, the lot of Judoh was divided from the lot of Benjamin, for it came home to Jerusalem, but Jerusalem it self fell to the lot of Benjamin, where the Temple was afterwards built, but by it went up the northside of Judah from east to west.

And the West border was to the great Sea, &c. This was the Mediterranean Sea, where the west side, and the north met, and this was the utmost part of the Land of Canaan westward; so that the whole length of that Land, from the south to the west, fell to Judah. Here again the gift of Hebron to Caleb is repeated, being shown to lie within the lot of Judah; and he is said to have expelled the three sons of Anak thence. But this is not to be conceived now to have been done; for both this, and that of Othniel taking Kiriath-sepher, &c. were done after the death of Joshua, Judge. 1. 9. and therefore they are here put down by anticipation, as Expositors generally agree, being inserted by some other man; that Caleb's faith in God to drive out the Anakims, and to take this place, might soon appear to the Reader not to have been vain, and he might not be left to seek far off for the fulfilling of the thing given and hoped for, as touching the actual enjoying thereof, Ch. 14. But there it is said, that the tribe of Judah went up against Hebron, and slew the 3 sons of Anak, this being ascribed here to Caleb, with whom they went, as the chief in that expedition.

Here the Cities of Judah lying south, and so about Hebron the possession of Caleb, are first reckoned up by name, and then are summed up, v. 32. twenty and nine; but if we count them one by one, we shall find 37, the reason of this difference yielded by the Rabbins, is, because eight of them were again taken away and given to the Simeonites, as may be seen, Ch. 19. and so 29 only remained to Judah. Masius and Serrarius think, that the walled Cities only are put in to the sum; but together with them Villages also are reckoned, when they are counted one by one. But this last seemeth not to be so probable, because Villages are spoken of, as pertaining to these Cities.

The second numeration of their Cities here followeth in the valleys, about which also the sum differeth from the number mentioned, for they are 15, but are summed up 14, v. 36. this, saith Lyra, was, because one was called by two names, Tappuah and Enam, v. 34. The third numeration of 16 Cities, and the fourth of 9 Cities, v. 44. and the fifth of 11 Cities, v. 51. and the sixth of 9 Cities, v. 54. and the seventh of 10 Cities, v. 57. and the eighth of 6 Cities, v. 59. and the ninth of 2 Cities, v. 60. and the tenth of 6 Cities, v. 62. do all agree. But out of these were subtracted to the Danites, Eshtaol and Garea in the second numeration, and to the Simeonites, Ether, and Asan in the third, Ch. 19. So that the whole number reckoned up, besides those deducted, was of 118 Cities with their Villages, and yet these were not all, for Ekron, Ashdod, and Gaza of the Philistines, v. 45, 46. under which the other two Lordships also are to be understood, are not summed up, because in the enemies hands. But Ekron was given afterwards to the Danites; and as Josephus hath it, Gath and Azotus, Askelon and Gaza only remaining to Judah. Moreover, Ch. 21. 14, 15, 16. Estemo, Holon, and Bethshemesh given to Levites are omitted here; and Bethlehem said to be of Judah, Judge. 19. 1. and unto it, upon v. 59. ten Cities more are added in the Septuagint Translation, Theco, Phagor, Etham, Culon, Tamai, Soris, Carim, Gallim, Bather and Manocho, all which are here left out, which Jerome conjectureth to have been done through the malice of the Jews, razing them out of the Hebrew, that it might not appear, that Jesus came of the Tribe of Judah.

Touching Lachish, v. 39. Lyra noteth noteth, that it was a diverse City from Lachish taken by the Danites, Judge. 18. for this stood southward, that north, and differed in the name being called Laish.

Touching Kiriath-Sannath, which is Debir: this was the City before called Kiriath-sepher, that is, Civitas literarum, and Debir, verbum vel eloquentia. Kiriath-Sannath, civitas acuminis, because 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 signifieth acuere, to sharpen, and in the Syriac tongue 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 docte, vel acute dicere. It is thought to have had this name, because it was an Academy of the Canaanites, wherein were Schools of Learning.

Touching the City of Salt, v. 62. it was near the Sea, most probably having the name from Salt made there, and not the same with Bethshemesh, civitas solis, as some have thought.

As for the Jebusites, the inhabitants of Jerusalem, the children of Judah could not drive them out, &c. Jerusalem is called also Jebus, Judge. 19. 10. from whence, saith Lyra, the Jebusites had their name, being of the posterity of Abimelech King of Gerar, with whom Abraham had made a Covenant, Gen. 21. the time of which was not yet expired. Wherefore they held their one Fort still, even till David's time, who expelled them, but by reason of that Covenant, they could not yet be expelled. Calvin ascribeth the not expelling of the Jebusites, to the sloth of the Israelites, although Jerusalem was the most holy place of all the Land, and the most excellent, that sanctified all the rest, and was the glory of all, yet they through their own negligence, and love of ease, forbear to fight with the Jebusites, in the strong Fort of Zion therein: so that this is spoken to their reproach, they could not expel them, because they labored not to do it, being content with some part of the City, and leaving the rest to the Enemy: for which cause it is said, That the Jebusites dwelt in this city with the children of Judah to this day; that is, the men of Judah in one part, and they in another. For there being nothing yet to hinder God's favor and help from them, if they had attempted the expulsion of these Jebusites, they should certainly have effected it. But I can see no reason why the not possessing yet of all parts of Jerusalem, should be ascribed to the negligence of Judah, for then some such thing should have been intimated, and it would not have been said, they could not expel them. The Fort of Zion, which they held was high, and most strong by nature, and unaccessible; and therefore it is rather to be held, that God would not yet help them in the expelling of it, reserving that so difficult a work to another Worthy, even David, whom he would raise up afterwards, and make famous by this exploit, permitting the Jebusites to live here still, as other of the Israelites enemies in other places for their trial, as is said, Judge. 3. 1, 6. especially, seeing they had for the present houses and land enough to dwell comfortably in, till they should be more multiplied. For that of Lyra, ascribing the Jebusites dwelling here still, to an old Covenant made by Abraham, as he hath it from the Rabbins, so it may well be suspected as a tale of their own coining: for how may it appear that they came of Abimelech, since the Jebusites are commonly reckoned as one of the seven Peoples destined to destruction? and if they were included in the Covenant, and this Covenant was not yet expired, how shall we know that it expired so soon as David was King? Judge. 1. 21. and that which is said here of the children of Judah, is said of the Benjamites, but before that, v. 8. The children of Judah had fought against Jerusalem, and taken it, and smitten it with the edge of the sword, and set the City on fire. If it be here demanded, how could the men of Judah dwell here, [Qu.] and the Benjamites also? Answ. The south part of the City was within the lot of Judah, but the north part belonged to Benjamin, and herein the Temple stood, and it was the far greater part, see Ch. 18. 28. If it be further demanded, [Qu.] how it it said here, the children of Judah could not expel the Jebusites out of Jerusalem, when as Judge. 1. 8. it is said, they had taken the City, &c. Answ. In part they had taken it, and destroyed the inhabitants, but in part they had not, viz. in that part, where the Fort of Zion stood. And this taking of it, saith Josephus, was after the death of Joshua. But happily being taken as Hebron and Debir in Joshua his time, the enemies re-possessed it again, and were afterwards again destroyed.

Mystically, by the Jebusite dwelling still in Jerusalem, saith Origen, understand the wicked in the Church; for the Tares cannot be separated from the Wheat til the last day. The Jebusite signifieth one treading underfoot, they then, that with dogs and swine tread holy things under their feet, be the Jebusites in the Church, to expel whom, we must endeavor more and more unto the end.

CHAP. XVI.

HEre is described the lot of the children of Joseph: first, in general, and then Ephraim's part in particular. Their east limit was Jordan, and their west Bethoron and Gezer, to the Mediterranean Sea. Whereas it is said, v. 2. And goeth out from Bethel to Luz; it may be demanded how this could be, seeing the same City which was Bethel, was before called Luz, Ch. 18. 13. Answ. Bethel where Jacob lodged, Gen. 28. was near unto the City of Luz, and was built after it, and then both being joined together, had the name of Bethel; the going out then from one to the other, was from one part of the City to the other, distinguished by these two names. Touching the part of Ephraim in particular, the border thereof was Ataroth-Addar, unto Bethoron the upper, eastward, &c. And the separate Cities of the children of Ephraim, were amongst the inheritance of the children of Manasseh, &c. that is, as Lyra hath it, the line of the division reaching sometimes into the lot of Manasseh, and fetching a compass to include here a City, and there a City, lying within Manasseh's lot, if the line of his lot be carried straight from east to west, see Chap. 17. 8, 9, 10. Lastly, it is noted, that they drave not out the Canaanites in Gezer, one of their bordering Cities, but they served them under Tribute, which is generally held to have been a blemish to Ephraim, in that they would be compounded withal for gain, and not destroy all who were appointed to the sword, when as the Lord had given so strait a charge to make no Covenant with them, but utterly to root them out. The same fault is noted to have been in the children of Manasseh, Ch. 17. 13. This is by Origen Allegorically applied thus; the Canaan setteth forth the Flesh, the Israelite the Spirit, which when it cometh to be strong, bringeth the Flesh under, but cannot utterly expel it in this life.

CHAP. XVII.

HEre is set forth the part of the half Tribe of Manasseh, in which, although it were less, more is written: 1. Because the lot of the other half on the other side of Jordan is again re-counted. 2 The families coming of Manasseh, which had possessions on this side Jordan are numbered, first the males who were six; then the females, the daughters of Zelophehad, who had no sons, and they were five. 3. Their request, according to the order made by Moses, is recited from Numb. 27. 4. Their lot is described, v. 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13. together with the Lands of Ephraim, where they lay within it. 5. Both these Tribes do jointly complain that their lot was too little for them, and Joshua alloweth them to take in the woods of the Canaanites and Perizzites, and to cut them down, adding words of encouragement against the fear of the Enemies power. For the first of these, Manasseh is said to be the first born of Joseph, to intimate the reason why he being none of the sons of Jacob, yet had the lot of a Tribe, as also Ephraim his other son, for Jacob had made both these as his own sons, two Tribes, as was touched before, Ch. 14. 4. And although Ephraim was by Jacob preferred before Manasseh, the younger before the elder; yet because Manasseh was the first borne, he had an inheritance in part first on the other side Jordan. Moreover, it is added, For Machir the first borne of Manasseh, but Ch. 13. 31. he is mentioned as the only son of Manasseh, and half his children are put for the half Tribe of Manasseh, of which see upon that place. And Machir is called the father of Gilead, whose children only are recited, v. 2. as the children of Manasseh; whereby it seemeth, that as Manasseh had only Machir to his son, that had issue living till now, so Machir had only Gilead. Touching Jair said to be the son of Manasseh, Numb. 32. 41. it is to be understood, that he came of a daughter of Machir by Ezrom, of the tribe of Judah, 1 Chron. 2 21. and thus only he is called his son, as all that come of a man's children, are called his children.

But it is added, Because Machir was a man of War, therefore he had Gilead [Qu.] and Bashan. In what War could he show his valor, seeing he must needs be dead long before that the children of Israel came to make any Wars? Answ. It is most probable, that he fought manfully against the men of Gath, who are said to have come down to take away their cattle whilst they lived in Eg. pt, 1 Chron. 7 21. and for that he had this commendation. Or by Machir we may understand the Machirites coming of him, who had done worthy service in the Wars on the other side of Jordan: for thus Machir is spoken of, Numb. 32. 40. when the Machirites are meant. Touching Gilead, the son of Machir, although all the other families reckoned up, v. 2. came of him; yet those on the other side of Jordan were peculiarly called Gileadites, because they inhabited Gilead, and were the children of Gilead also; wherein the Divine providence is to be noted, as directing it so, that Gilead should have the land of Gilead.

Touching the second and third, enough hath been said already, upon Numb. 26. 30, 31. and Numb. 27. only, v. 5. because it is said, there fell ten portions to the sons of Manasseh: it may be demanded how this could be, seeing [Qu.] they were but six families? Answ. They had but six greater portions only, for each family one: but of that part which fell to the family of Hepher, whose son Zelophehad, had no sons, but five daughters, five lesser parts being made, they were all together ten. If it be said, thus by subdivisions in other families also these portions were not ten only, but twenty or thirty. It is answered, the Princes that were over the divisions, made not subdivisions for others, but only for these women who were not so able to manage such a business, others, that came of other families, who were men, being left to agree amongst themselves in their subdivisions, because God had set down a special order for those women in the time of Moses. And therefore these portions, although but parts of a portion, are numbered here together with the whole portions, set out by Joshua, Eleazar; &c. and not any other afterwards divided by others.

And the rest of Manasseh's sons had the Land of Gilead: that is, on the other side of Jordan. For the fourth, viz. the description of the lot of this half tribe of Manasseh. First, it is shown, how it went on the right hand, that is, south to Entappuah, that is, the fountain of Tappuah, but the City of Tappuah went to Ephraim, being taken out of the lot of Judah, as was noted upon Ch. 14. 34. But before this, it is said, the coast of Manasseh was from Asher to Michmetha, where by Asher the tribe is not to be understood, but a City so called, as Bonfrerius saith: but because, v. 10. Manasseh and Ephraim are said to meet together in Asher on the north, and in Issachar on the east; it is rather to be held, that by Asher here the tribe is meant, for the measure proceeded to the south, and therefore began at the north, towards the lot of Asher. Yet Asher is put down here by anticipation, because he had no lot, till afterwards in Shiloh, Ch. 19. Next the River dividing Manasseh from the Cities of Ephraim, is spoken of, the River Kana, on the south of which lay the separate Cities of Ephraim before spoken of, Ch. 16. and Manasseh on the north, both being bounded by the Sea and by Asher and Issachar, north and east. Lastly, it is shown that Manasseh had Cities within the lot of both those Tribes, Bethshean, Ibleam, Dor, Endor, Taanach, and Megiddo, that is, being contiguous to both these Tribes, his lot extended in divers places into them, so Lyra. Whereas in concluding, it is added, after this capitulation of six Cities, even three Countries; the Vulgar Latin hath, and the third part of the City Nopheth: so also the Sept. and Hebr. it is 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 being rendered verbatim, the third of a Province; and it seemeth to me, that the meaning is, these six Cities were the third part of a Country, and not three Countries; nor, that Manasseh had besides them the third part of another City or Country, because in the Hebr. it is not, and the third part, but the third, &c These words being added for further explication, how much the foresaid Cities and their Villages amounted to, being considered together. And it agreeth not, when six Cities have been mentioned, to add, even three Countries, for why should the three last be summed up more then the former?

Touching the fifth, the children of Joseph complain that their lot was too little for them, saying to Joshua, That he had given them but one part, and yet they were so increased by God's blessing, that one would not suffice them. The meaning is, that they had too small a part, considering their multitude, for even the half Tribe of Manasseh alone, is said to have ten parts, v. 5. And this part containing many more by subdivisions; it is not meant, was too little for quantity of ground, but because much of it was Woody, and held by the Canaanites. Wherefore Joshua biddeth them, according to the power that they had through their multitude, to take courage to them, and to cut down the Woods, and to expel the Canaanites, Perizzites, &c. and so to enlarge their habitations, not meaning yet, that they should clear the ground, and take in possession anymore then that allotted unto them. Some think that there is an Allegory in the word Woods, the Canaanites, Perizzites, and Giants possessing those parts, being meant hereby, who as woods overgrown, made them horrid and unhabitable for them: and that by cutting down, is meant the cutting of them off by little: But I see no reason to go from the literal sense. He addeth, If mount Ephraim be too little for thee: that is, the Country assigned now to Ephraim, and already possessed, which was full of mountains; whereby it should seem, that the tribe of Ephraim was the chief in this complaint: but both tribes are spoken of, as coming together, and complaining of a wrong, as if they had been unjustly dealt withal; saying, that they had but one part, that is, as Calvin hath it, the lot but of one Tribe, when as they were one and an half. But this complaint was unjust; for although their parts lay together, yet by the descriptions going before it appeareth, that they had two, only they made account, that the Land yet possessed by the enemy was nothing to them; whereas in the dividing of it to them, it was meant, that they should by military prowess subdue the enemies, and take in that also, as others of their brethren did. Wherefore Joshua shapeth them an answer accordingly, to stir them up from this sloth and pusillanimity, taking advantage of their own words, that they were much people.

They reply, that mount Ephraim was not sufficient, and that the Canaanites dwelling in the valleys, had Chariots of iron, both in Bethshean and Jezreel. Bethshean was within the lot of Manasseh, v. 11. but Jezreel a valley inhabited by the Canaanites, in the lot of Issachar, Ch. 19. 18. and because Bethshean lay into Issachar; it may be conceived, that the valley of Jezreel was upon the border, and so near at hand to oppose and fight against them, if they should go up to the woods, for these valleys lay about in their passage, and here were the iron Chariots which they so much feared. These Chariots were thus called, because they had sharp irons fixed to them before, and on the sides, upward and downward like spears, and swords, and hooks; so that the horses running with them, all that stood or lay in the way were cut in pieces and slaughtered hereby: Thus Q. Curtius and Livy and others describe the iron Chariots of Antiochus and Darius, which they used in their Wars; and it is most probable, that these of the Canaanites were like unto them; so that one man driving such a Chariot, could fight herewith, and destroy many. But against these Joshua encourageth them, promising that they should have power to drive them out, and possess their mountains, and the out goings thereof, that is, the plain places in the way, notwithstanding their power and preparations.

CHAP. XVIII.

HEre first is recorded the setting up of the Tabernacle in Shiloh. Whereas hitherto it had remained in Gilgal, and so the Campe lay about it: this remove was 12 miles, and almost within 4 miles of Jerusalem. Shiloh, say Lyra and others, was in the Tribe of Ephraim, of which tribe Joshua was. But how this may be gathered, I cannot tell, seeing it is nowhere set down in what tribe it stood. Only upon Ch. 9. 3. it hath been already shown to have been the same with Gibeon, which was in the lot of Benjamin, v. 25. and a City given to the Levites, Ch. 21. 17. as it is said of Shiloh. And if so, the Gibeonites that were to serve about the wood and water for the Tabernacle, might most conveniently perform this office. Touching the direction that Joshua now had to remove the Tabernacle hither, although it be not expressed, yet doubtless he did it not without direction from the Lord, because this was a thing often spoken of, that it should be set in the place that the Lord should choose. And here it stood till Samuel's time, 1 Sam. 4. which was above 300 years: Lyra saith, till it was removed from thence to Nob. But we read nowhere of any such remove, but only that Nob was a City of Priests, and that David came to Abimelech the High Priest there. The only thing that we read of the remove of the Ark from Shiloh, is, that it was carried from thence against the Philistines, 1 Sam. 4. and there taken by the Philistines and carried away, and afterwards sent back again to Bethshemesh, Ch. 6. and from thence to Kiriath-jearim, Ch. 7. to the house of Abinadab, where it remained 20 years, then David is said to have fetched it from the house of Abinadab in Gibeah, 2 Sam. 6. and Uzzah being smitten for touching it, he durst not carry it any further, but left it at the house of Obed-Edom three months, and then fetched it into Zion. In all which removes, no mention is made of Nob; but Lyra upon 1 Sam. 7. saith, that from Bethshemesh the Ark was carried to Kiriath-jearim, and not immediately thence to the house of Abinadab in Gibeah, but first to Mizpah, then to Gilgal again, after that to Neb, and from thence to the house of Abinadah, as he gathereth out of the Hebraic. question. and all this not without some ground in the sacred History; for Kiriath-jearim was a City of the Gibeonites, and Samuel judged the people in Mizpah, and in Gilgal the Kingdom was renewed, 1 Sam. 11. 15. and in Nob was the High Priest and Ephod, and Shewbread, although no mention be made of these removes. For the time when they removed the Tabernacle from Gilgal to Shiloh, here is nothing expressly said, but it is generally held to have been seven years after their coming into the land of Canaan, because it is said, The Land was subdued before them, which was not in less time; but the Rabbins say, that it was done 14 years after their entrance, but this agreeth not with Caleb's age, and the account made before hereby.

The Tabernacle being set up, Joshua reproving the seven Tribes that had not yet received their parts for their slackness in going about it, and to expel the Canaanites, who yet, though subdued, lived there, where they should in herit, exciteth them to send out men to describe and part it, that he might there before the Lord cast lots for them. Whereby is intimated, that their remissness and backwardness in going not to take their lots, but to drive out the enemies was the cause of this delay, and that the division begun in Gilgal went not forward, but was intermitted, till this coming to Shiloh, which some think was a year, but the Rabbins 7 years, although against all probability. By this sending out of new measures, three of a Tribe, it may seem, that some cause of their delay was, for that they did not think the former measurers to have sufficiently done their office, wherefore others are sent to view all things better, and to make a new description of those Lands where they should have their parts; and the cause of this suspicion might be, for that in the lot of Judah already taken, there was so much land more then sufficed, that the Simeonites had divers Cities out of it, &c. Now then Joshua alloweth them to choose three men out of each Tribe, and to send them to describe it anew, that is, as is most probable, and the words sound, out of the seven Tribes only, being all together in number 21. These are appointed to divide the Land into seven parts, and to return to Joshua, that lots might be cast for them; Judah, and the children of Joseph, that had received their parts, the one southward, and the other northward being confirmed therein. The Vulg. Latin, for these words, v. 6. Ye shall describe the Land into seven parts, hath it, the middle Land betwixt these ye shall divide into seven parts: as if the seven Tribes that were yet to receive their parts, should all lie in the middle betwixt Judah, Ephraim, and Manasleh, whereas it is certain, that a great part of that Land lay more north; therefore that translation is corrupt, as the Jesuit himself acknowledgeth, and that he hath nothing to say in the defense thereof.

Here the reason is further expressed, why the division should be made but into seven parts, viz. because the Levites were to have no part; and as two Tribes and an half already spoken of had received their parts on this side Jordan, so two Tribes and an half had received their on the other side.

Whereas it is said of the Levites, The Priestheod of the Lord is their inheritance: hereby is meant, that the profits belonging to the Priests and Levites were theirs. U. 11. The divisions being made by those that were sent, and set down in a Book, now lots are cast before the Tabernacle, and Benjamin hath the first between Judah and Joseph. How long the measurers were in surveying, before their return, is not recorded, but Josephus saith that they were seven months. The north border of Benjamin was the same with that of Ephraim, from Jordan eastward, to the Sea west. Here, beside Luz or Bethel, v. 13. mention is made of Bethaven, a City near unto it, by which name, for the idolatry set up there afterwards by Jeroboam, Bethel was inveighed against, Hos. 4. 5, 10. Here the south border followeth, which was the north of Judah, of which see Ch. 15. And then the Cities of this lot are numbered, first twelve, then fourteen, so that it was very small, whereupon it is sometime called little Benjamin; although the quantity of ground was little, yet it was most fruitful, and lay most safely; and this Tribe had the honor of the first lot amongst seven, and of the holy City Jerusalem, and Temple, and lay near to his brother Joseph. But neither were these all the Cities of Benjamin, for Chap. 21. 18. mention is made of two more, Anathoth and Almon. The double numeration first of 12 Cities, then of 14, seemeth to be, because the former lay eastward, and the latter west.

CHAP. XIX.

THE second lot here is shown to have been of the children of Simeon, and this was within the lot of Judah, which had too much. Thus the prophesy of Jacob was verified, I will sealter them in Jacob and divide them in Israel Wherefore it was not without a singular providence, that the first dividers were suffered to err so far as to make the part of Judah so much more, then would suffice for them, and the desire of doing according to equity, appeared in the Princes set over the division, in that they so readily yielded to correct this error being manifested, and of the men of Judah, that they withstood it not, having already the possession, but readily yielded a part to their Brethren, necessity requiring it, for so much as the Land remaining would not otherwise have sufficed for the rest of the Tribes. The