Reply to a Pamphlet

T Hough this Answer cost but few hours to compose it, yet was it a work of some days to collect the materials thereof out of the several Reports of many principal Gentlemen and Commanders present in Bristol, when it was besieged; And when this Pamphlet was ready for the Press, I found the Press obstructed, whereby I was enforced to keep it in a month before I could be delivered of this Birth, Some malicious Juno sitting cross legged at the labor.

This is the reason it cometh out so late after the Relation, that it may seem to rub over an old sore, whose smart is almost past. But Truth is a sluggard that uses to lie long in bed, after her base sister Falsehood is up and stirring: Yet when Truth riseth, with her sober constant pace, she will soon overtake Falsehood, and tread on her heels. Reader, it is in thy discretion that Truth lose not her grace for want of novelty. Although she come forth with this further disadvantage, that almost all those Gentlemen and Commanders that should wait upon her justification, are going out of Town with Sir William Waller, yet let Truth be welcome without attendants, without ornaments, it being one of her most natural ornaments to be stark naked.

S Ince the heart of man is deceitful above all things, and none can know the issues thereof, we will not search over-curiously into the desires of the late Governor of that unhappy City of BRISTOL, Colonel NATHANIEL FIENNES, Whether he affected the Government or no? Yet seeing it is a point controverted by himself, in his Relation, pag. 3. we will be bold to say,

FIrst, His undermining Col. Thomas Essex, whom he struck into the box, and laid himself in his room: In this manner Colonel Fiennes brought a letter to Bristol, from my Lord General, authorizing him to seize on, and send up prisoner Colonel Essex, then Governor of that City, and this was so under-hand carried, that the Deputy-Lieutenants and Committee of Parliament, then resident in Bristol, to assist Colonel Essex in the Government, were never consulted with to know what cause of suspicion they found in him: This was an affront put upon the Deputy-Lieutenants in point of integrity, or discretion and industry.

Secondly, His putting Creatures of his own (neither Soldiers, nor men known in those parts) into Bristol Castle, to make the government more entirely his own, contrary to the desires both of the Town and Country, which were to have a Gentleman of honor and integrity, such as both the Town and Country could confide in, placed there.

Thirdly, His many artifices, to lessen the Reputation and abridge the power of the Committees and Gentlemen of the Country (whereof more afterward.)

Fourthly, His underhand endeavors to draw a Territory of twenty miles compass as annexed to that City, to be within his sole command, and to make it independent upon the rest of the adjacent counties, thereby to exclude Sir W. Waller and all others.

These considerations (we say) make us think he was as jealous of his Government there, as any man is of his wife, and that he would brook no rivall therein; nor can his letters sent to his Father oversway our belief; Father, and son being Testes Domestici, in the nearest degree; But to take off this conceit (in his fourth page) he tells us he made certain Propositions to the Gentlemen of the adjacent Counties for the settling and maintaining a Garrison there, to which most of the Gentlemen consented; It is answered, he made a certain Proposition in general to that purpose, to the Gentlemen of Somerset and Gloucester, and the Letter dated the 20 of March, 1642. (published in the Governors Relation, page 13.) was sent to the Lord Say, and the like to his Excellency the Lord General, to see how the said general Proposition would take: But when the said Gentlemen expected to be again advised withal for reducing the said general into particular Propositions, he having got the start of them, secretly sent up particulars of his own framing, (the same (it may be) which he hath published in his Relation, page 17. entitled, A draught of the Ordinance ) whereby he endeavored to weaken the power of the Deputy-Lieutenants and Committees, and to make Bristol, and the Countries adjacent for 20 miles compass his Territory, himself in all matters of moment, being of the Quorum:

For example, in his said draught of the Ordinance, he projected, that

First, the Garrison which should have consisted of 3 Foot Regiments (besides Horse) (whereof one to be raised in the County of Somerset, under the command of Colonel Alexander Popham, another in the County of Gloucester ) should be raised by the Governor only.

Secondly, the money raised in the Eastern-Division of Somerset, in Barkely-Division in Gloucester, and in the Cities of Bristol and Bath, upon the weekly Assessment, Twentieth part and Sequestration; nay and upon Excises and new Imposts, should be assigned only for the use of that Garrison,

with further provision in the Ordinance, that if all this be not enough, it should be made up out of the said Counties respectively: and the Committees appointed to pay the charges of the said Garrison and fortifications being valued and made known to them by the said Governor of Bristol, whose Warrant and Receipt should be a sufficient discharge.

Thirdly, The Treasurers of the said Divisions not to issue out any monies without the concurring warrant of Col: Fiennes Governor.

Fourthly, The Trained-Bands and Volunteers of the said Divisions not to be drawn forth upon service, either into the City of Bristol or Country, but by the like warrant.

See now what power was left to the said Committees or Deputy Lieutenants even in their own Counties, and over their own men and monies, upon which Colonel Fiennes had not encroached in this his draught of an Ordinance; Again page 4. he complains that Sir William Waller drew forth Colonel Essex Regiment, and all the Troopes of Horse: we conceive Sir William Waller drew forth only Col: Essex his Troope of Red Coates, being not above 30 or 40 and his foot Regiment being incompleate, the one half whereof never marched out of Town, and were entertained by the Governor still: page 5.

when Sir Ralph Hoptons Army drew towards Somersetshire: Colonel Alexander Popham moved by letters from my Lord General, would have gone forth with his whole Regiment, to join with Wilts and Dorset, and the Western forces of Somersetshire, but was Countermanded by Colonel Fiennes, who then first produced a letter from my Lord General, whereby Colonel Popham and his Regiment were reduced under his command, which letter until then he had concealed and would not suffer Col: Popham to march with above six Companies:

It is true that Col: Popham was rented through the default of Major Langrish and his horse;

but the foot Arms were not above half lost; In answer to his 1200 men, lent Sir William Waller, It is confessed, we all importuned him to enable Sir William Waller by an addition of 1200 foot, to take the field for preservation of the Country (which is no more then Col: Fiennes in his propositions to my Lord General and Parliament undertook, namely, * to defend the Country for 20 miles adjoining )

And Col: Fiennes himself when he gave consent to this motion, did declare that if the fortune of the Field went against Sir William Waller, yet with his forces remaining in the Town; and the men which would be recollected and rallied out of his defeated Companies, he made no doubt, but to make good the said City: And Col: Fiennes after the defeat of Sir William Waller did declare that he hoped to make good the Town with 2500 men, and that he hoped to make up that number, by arming those men, that fled from the defeat into the Town, and by taking Arms from the Townsmen, and putting them into other hands, page 6.

Sir Arthur Hazelrigg, Colonel Burghill, and divers gentlemen after Sir William Wallers defeat, thought fit to withdraw themselves: these Gentlemen did not leave the Town upon apprehension it was not Tenable,

but out of a desire to raise men else where to supply it,

and out of a consideration it was not fit for them in time of war to stay under his command, who in time of peace had plundered some of them for not paying such taxes as he put upon the City of Bristol, not withstanding they paid in the Country, and resided in Town only to do public service, upon their own purses: and for lodging in the Castle it is confidently affirmed, that no lodgings there were ever offered to any of the Gentlemen, nor any former respects shown to them, could encourage them to hope for any, and so many mean fellows of the Town were suffered to shelter themselves and their goods there, that there was no room left for the Gentlemen, insomuch that when Colonel Stephens with his wife and family retreated into the Castle, they could not endure their bad entertainment, and the Princes Trumpeter (then a prisoner) had better lodging then he and his whole family, whereupon he returned into the Town again. Page 6.

He tells us he had but 700 men left in the Town, and never a penny of money to pay them: Col: Fiennes had left in the Town half his own foot Regiment, half Col: Pophams Regiment, the new begun, though not yet complete Regiment of his brother John Fiennes, being about 300 or 400 men, besides 300 or 400 foot remaining of Sir William Wallers, and 1000 or 1200 foot he newly (by his own confession) raised and Armed in the Town, so that he had near upon 2500 foot, besides his Regiment of horse, and his Company of dragoons, which is the number he undertook to keep the Town with as aforesaid,

and many more men he might have had, if he had not as aforesaid so much lessened the Reputation of the Committees in the Country, that they, who by their Warrant had called in near upon a thousand men in February last, when Prince Rupert was before the Town, could not now call in a hundred, so much was the Country distasted with taking free Quarter, Horses, disorderly plundering even from the best affected, and all these abuses,

with many more, were imputed by the Country people unto the Committee and Deputy-Lieutenants resident in Bristol, because being in place they did not redress them, although it were not in their power so to do, being over-voted at the Council of War, by Captains purposely chosen and new made by the Governor, that he might have the sole power and countenance of that Council to serve his ends, and being likewise overborne by the Governors access of power gotten from time to time by Commissions and Letters under hand from the Lord General, or the Parliament, which he kept sleeping by him, never showing his additional authority but upon special occasion, and then so cursorily and privately, as did easily declare he meant not to have his authority so well understood, as to draw it in danger to be examined and limited;

Hereupon the Gentry forbore to intermeddle with affairs, and the whole Town and Country Were filled with jealousies and indignations; and where he affirms he had not one penny of money to pay his soldiers: This causeth admiration in all men, who have observed what strange and unheard of ways were used, and what number of sponges and horseleeches were continually employed to suck both from the Town and Country, some devices to raise monies we will set down, all is impossible.

1. A tax of 500 l. or 600. pound a week upon the Town, which was afterwards drawn down to a far less sum, we know not upon what consideration, since it is apparent the Town was able to bear a far heavier burden.

2. A tax upon Somerset and Glocestershires towards the fortifying of so much of Bristol as stood in these Counties, yet this Relator concealeth, and in his Letter the 17 of June, seems to deny that he had any special levy for his work, both from the Town and Country.

3. The weekly assessment, and the 20 parts within his verge of 20 miles, which though they were not duly rased, amounted to a considerable sum, if an accompt had been kept thereof.

4. The plundering of S. Thomas Bridges, S. Maurice Berckley, and many other men's estates in the Country, without any warrant from the Council of War, or the Deputy-Lieutenants, contrary to an express Order made by the said Council, all which were carried into the Castle without account;

And when complaints were made for undue plundering, they were never heard by a Council of War, but privately referred to Langrish or his equals, and the complainants just request choked with delays, as in Mistress Millers case and others.

5. The letting and setting, or the stocking with plundered Cattle, the said Delinquents and other men's estates, and sequestering their Rents with account, and without the concurrence or privity of the Deputy-Lieutenants.

6. The consiscated estates of the Conspirators in Bristol, and the secret compositions made with many of them, are thought to be very considerable, ^a the rather, because when it was move d, that all compositions might be made openly at a full Council, and entered into the Council book, it would not be hearkened unto:

Yet Colonel Fiennes in his Letter to his Father, dated June 17. 1643. (see Relation, pag. 25.) saith, he shall never make 3000. l. of the Conspirators estates: It may be he meant upon compositions besides their plunder, which he could set no probable value upon.

7. Divers loanes upon the public faith to a great value, estimated ^b at 7000. l.

8. Divers supplies from Parliament, which were always ^c concealed from the Committee;

he had received 4000. l. before the 12. of May, 1643. by his own confession, (Relation p. 23.) and we hear he hath received at the least 3000. l. or 4000. l. since, quaere whether he hath received any money from Sir Gilbert Gerrard?

9. Licences to trade with the Enemy ( ^d even contrary to his Excellencies Ordinances of War) not granted for nothing.

10. ^e Custom money 1700. l.

11. If we may believe common fame, many Tradesmen (with whom we formerly told you the Castle was cumbered) ^f were drawn to give 10. l. a man, to have themselves and their goods secured there,

^g and yet no sufficient caution is made in the Articles of Surrender,

to restore the said goods to them again, many of them not being to be found, and the poor men are put to compound with the enemy for getting them out, as formerly they did with their friends to get them in; Besides, whereas his horse were to have 2. s. 6. d. a day pay, Colonel Fiennes gave them free quarter in the Country, and but 1. s. the day pay; ^g quaere what became of the rest.

This we set down to show how good an Oecononist our Governor was, and how able to raise money, having so rich a shop as the Town of Bristol to work in; ^h certainly, it was very possible f • r such a thriving Governor to maintain the Garrison out of so rich a Town, without the assistance of the adjacent Counties, (contrary to his tenet, page 4.)

and this we demonstrate by the present practice of the Kings Forces, who make that Town, not only maintain their whole Garrison, but man forth and maintain a good sleete of Ships, find Gunpowder, and pay a great fine besides.

And for the better understanding of this money business, know that Colonel Pophams Regiment of Foot, and Colonel Coles Regiment of horse and Dragoons, resident in Town, were not paid by the Governor, but by the Country; and the Governors whole charge estimated by himself, (in a Letter to his Father dated June 17. 1643. and printed with his Relation, pag. 23.) was between a 1000. l. 1200. l. and 1300. l. a week, reckoning as we conceive his weekly disbursment for fortifying, which was none of his charge.) And for the 15. Regiments of foot and 12. Regiments of horse, wherewith the Relator ( pag. 6.) saith, the enemy besieged the Town; It is confidently affirmed they were not half Regiments, and that many of their Colours were no other then such as the enemy had taken from Sir William Waller, and were now set up like scar-Crowes, or penal statutes against Recusants in terrorem only:

But he relateth ( pag. 7.) that there was one place where the works were not perfect, the ditch not made on the outside, nor the foot-banck on the inside, where was but a weak guard, * This seemeth strange to those that knew how much money was raised to perfect the works, how long time was spent in perfecting, and how suddenly so small a defect would have been remedied, unless it had been purposely left as a postern for the enemy;

and that there should be but a weak guard left in the weakest place, and Major Langrish with his Troopes of horse left there to second the Foot, soundeth not well; ⁱ Had the several complaints formerly made to the Governor against Langrish for his cowardice at Wells, Muncton Forly, Landsdowne, and the Devises,

or the present advice of Col. Stephens, Lieutenant Col. Clifton, and many others been heard, he had not been set there to betray the trust reposed in him now:

wherefore we must set Langrishes faults upon Col. Fiennes score. But it stood not with the Governors conveniency to hear any complaints against so ^k profitable an instrument, he knew much, and could discover much, Delicta fuere nexus amicitiae, ( p. 8.)

the Relator continues his History of the enemies entering the Line of communication which proved the loss of the Town. To avoid interruption we will set down the counter-relation, according to the information received from ^l divers Gentlemen of quality, commanding in that service.

When the enemies first viewed the Town, a great Officer of that Army declared his opinion, that he thought it not fit to be attempted, alleging it was nowhere assaultable, but in the hollow way, between Brandon hill Fort, and Windmill hill Fort, (the only place where the enemy afterwards found entrance upon an assault given) the works being imperfect, and a weak guard kept there, as abovesaid, by the Relators own confession, (page 7.) It was much the place most obnoxious should be least regarded, yet so it happened, and upon the first entrance ^m for an hour together, there were not above 100. of the enemies, within the Line,

the foe was so wary in seconding those that entered, that he gave them for lost ⁿ And those that entered afterwards as seconds were but such scattered soldiers as had been beaten off elsewhere from the Works, between Wind mill hill Fort and Pegor hill Fort:

How easily might any man but Langrish have done good service there? as appears by the good service done by Captain Lieutenant Nevill (whom for honors sake I name, see the Relation, page 8.) who had but 40. horse, and yet if he had been seconded by some Musketiers, he had cut off all that were then entered, and for about ^o 2. hours more, there were not above 300. of the Enemies entered, (so unapt they were to believe so unexpected a good fortune)

^p But the Governor presently upon the first entrance of the assailants, sent his Lieutenant Col: to call his soldiers off from the Line,

who affirmed that if our soldiers did not speedily retreat, they would be all cut-off: ^q Lieutenant Col. Davison with other Officers, earnestly advising that a sally might be made out of the Town upon them,

and that the ^r Soldiers yet remaining at the line, might keep it, and fall upon the rear of them, which he could not obtain until 3. hours after the assailants had entered the line, when it was too late, and the Enemy had possessed himself of Essex fort, the Redlodge Sir Fardinando Gorges house, and the College Tower, places of advantage in the Suburbes,

Major Louis (an old Soldier) was of the same mind with Davison, and being at the Line, would not quit it in an hour and half, although he received many commands to that purpose: At last his soldiers taking notice they were commanded away, and Louis receiving a command in writing under the Governors own hand to retire into the Town ^s under pain of hanging, he obeyed:

After the sally unseasonably made, and beaten back again, spoken of, ( pag. 8.) the assailants possessed the Suburbs as far as Froome gate, ^t yet was there no danger of the enemies wading over at the Key, the depth of the mud and disadvantageous landing places, would have made them liable to great execution, even by stones and clubs, wherein the Townsmen would not have been backwards.

The Defendants both Townsmen and Soldiers were disheartened and displeased at their retreat from the Line, into the Town, and to add more discouragement to thom, the Governor instead of making his last retreat into the Castle, according to his first resolution, neglected to make so much as a show of further defense, but presently resolved upon a Treaty with the enemy; whether he called his own creatures, his officers to join with him in this resolution, is uncertain; But the Committee and Gentlemen of the Country (who had most to lose there) viz. ^u Sir John Horner, Master Stephens, his son the Colonel, and divers other Officers do deny he ever put the question to them, whether they would treat or no?

But after he had sent a Drum to the enemy for a Treaty, and gave Langrish and Captain Thomas Hippesly for Hostages, he then called the Gentlemen to Counsel, to know what Articles he should propound in their behalf. This Treaty slackened all men's courages, and made them lay by all thought of saving themselves, by fight, but by Treaty only. ^x Now, and not till now, (whatsoever the Relator saith, pag. 8.) the Soldiers began to drop from their Coulours and Guards, and many of them ran to the Enemy,

and discovered the amazedness and disorders of the Defendants: Had the Governor retreated to the Castle, and set a good face upon the matter, it would have bettered his conditions, both for the good of his Soldiers and Towns-men, who were so far from a design to fall upon the Garrison, that they had shown great love in victualling the soldiers, and great courage in fighting for them.

We will not argue how tenable the Town and Castle, or the Castle, after the Town lost, was, but certainly the Governor and all his Council (until that very moment) thought it tenable: otherwise to what purpose served, First, his great cost in fortifying, continued to that day? Secondly, his victualling the Castle? Thirdly, his desire to Sir William Waller to withdraw with his Horse, for fear of cunsuming his provisions, proved by the testimony of Col: Cook, whom Col: Fiennes employed to carry a Message to that purpose, and by a writing under Col: Fiennes hand herewith printed;

And how could Sir Will: Waller make such hast to Exeter or to Gloucester, as to raise forces to rescue Col: Fiennes that was so hasty as to deliver up the Town and Castle in three or four days to the enemy? Fourthly, his former resolution at a council of War was, if they were beaten from the Line, to fire the Suburbs and retreat into the Town and at last to fire the Town and retreat into the Castle, to which purpose Orders were given out;

and yet when we consider how he had pestered the Castle with unnecessary people, and thereby disabled himself to draw in his Soldiers to keep it, we cannot but conclude his resolution to loose that and save himself was of an antienter date then his deeds and words formerly made show of,

but we are sorry to hear this Relator (page 9.) make it so clear a point that if the place had been Tenable, he could not have hoped for any relief in 6 or 8 weeks: what a discouragement will this be to that stout and faithful Commander Col: Massy, and other Governors of Towns, who have not such a powerful solicitor with the Parliament as Col: Fiennes Father. We have seen 3 of the Governors reasons why he could not keep the Castle.

The first was, he had too many men to keep the Castle, though too few to make good the Town.

The second was, a doubt least the City should fall upon him in his retreat thither.

Third was, the weakness of the Castle not fully fortified: And now newly discovered by the enemies manner of storming, and the execution his pieces of battery had lately done upon our Parapetts of earth; Together with the provision he had made of close decked boates, and galleries; which provision is gainsaid by all men:

Let us now weigh the rest of his arguments (page 9 and 10) upon that subject; first he wanted powder and match, he confesseth he found 45 barrels, when he first undertook the charge of the Town, that he received 30 barrels from London, and 126 barrels from France, in all 201 barrels; besides what powder was made in the Town, being about 6 or 7 barrels weekly for 30 weeks together,

and what was and might have been gotten out of ships, shops and Merchants sellars, a large quantity surely, had they been well searched; but to find Gunpowder had been to loose a good excuse; Quaere, how many of these were double barrels, and what became of the overplus (granting that Sir William Waller had 60 barrels out of this said sum) Besides when Chaptain Birck heard that the Castle would be rendered, he came to the chief Gunner, desiring the Keys of him, for that he would defend the Castle himself; the Gunner answered him, it was impossible, for that he had but 10 barrels of powder left, and afterwards in further talk, the said Gunner confessed he had about 60 barrels, but alleged that Colonel Fiennes bid him say, that he had but 10 barrels left;

And for Match Colonel Fiennes might have made enough there.

Secondly, he saith he should have lost all his Horse, being 300, and all the foot which would not be contained in the Castle; wherefore it was concluded by the Council of War to treat and accept of conditions which might preserve 300 horse and 1500 foot to the Parliament: what Council of War this was appears not. The Committee and Gentlemen of the Country and most Officers deny, they were called to any such Council of War, or any such conclusion agreed on to their knowledge ( as I heve above said )

And he might have sent his Horse away by night to Gloucester, and drawn all his foot into the Castle, had he not so stuffed it with unserviceable people;

But it should seem by his actions subsequent to the conclusion of the Treaty, he took little care to preserve the said body of men for service of the Parliament: for presently upon the Articles agreed on; First, He suffered his men to fall off from their Colours, Guards and Watches,

whereby the Common soldiers of the Enemy entering the Town, before the time appointed came for the defendants to march out, and mingling with our Soldiers, gave the Enemy advantage in the mixture, to plunder houses, strip and rifle our Soldiers, dismount our horse, to allure, entice and enforce from the Parl: service many of them; and so to break and dissolve almost all that body foot and horse: who thereupon scattered and dispersed themselves about the Country into harvest-work for their present relief; Nor could the Commanders on the Enemies part remedy this evil which the Governors own folly had drawn upon him; and this is a better justification of the two Armies, then that wherewith the Governor by way of compliance tickleth them, (in his 11 page)

Nor did the Governor beat his Drum or call his foot Soldiers again to the Colours when he went out of Town, whereby they might march away with him in one entire body; and be kept together for the service of their Country; Secondly, Presently upon the Articles agreed upon, the Governor set all the prisoners in the Town and Castle, at liberty,

these forthwith grew insolent and fell to plunder both Town and Castle, before the enemy entered to take orderly possession of them; these prisoners were many in number, and divers of them men of good quality taken by Sir William Waller; the Governor often complaining he was made Sir William Wallers Goale-keeper,

and repining at the charge of keeping them, he was often advised to remove them to a place of more safety, where they might be kept as pledges for our friends in captivity: London and the Lord Says Isle of Lundy were propounded. But for the first, the voyage was too chargeable, and for the last (it is since conceived) the Governor was unwilling to send any company to that place, whereby the mysteries of that Island, might be discovered; and observation made what was carried in and out there:

and when Sir William Waller moved Col: Fiennes to send away the said prisoners by Sea before the enemy came before the Town, he answered he would not, for that he would keep them to make his own conditions the better;

his own Councils were always the best, I mean for his own ends; to make good which, the Council of War was well furnished with suffragan Captains, purposely made to vote for him. Much more might be said upon this Subject, especially for abuses done in Churches, &c. whereby the love of the Town and Country was much alienated. But enough hath been said of a bad matter, let us resort to God for mercy, and to man for justice to be done in a fitting way, (that is openly and by man uninteressed,) lest for want of due rewards and due punishments (the two Poles upon which the frame of Government turns) the reforming part of the Common-wealth, become 〈◊〉 corrupt as the part to be reformed, which God of his mercy forbid.

THere hath lately come to my view a Letter written by Col: Nath: Fiennes to my L. General, with no date to it, wherein (among … other matters already confuted in the answer to his relation) he te … you he armed 3000 foot, and 300 horse, and paid constantly 2000 foot and a Regiment of horse for 4 of 5 months together; This we deny, Col. Pophams Regiment of foot being armed and paid by the Country, and where he will find 2000 foot, those excepted, we know not, unless they lay hid in Prince Ruperts imaginary close decked boates: he further saith, he was always ready to furnish Sir William Waller with arms, money, &c. It is denied for both, especially for money, the money Sir Wi lliam Waller had from Bristol being taken up upon the private security of divers Genelemen, Deputy-Lieutenants, and Committees of Parliament and others, Col: Fiennes always repining thereat, and complaining they would draw dry the spring and starve the Garrison in the Town by those courses; this letter seems to be attested under the hands of divers men, some whereof deny they ever subscribed it.

The true Copies of a Certificate under Col. Fiennes own hand, dated July 17▪ 1643. As also of an Order of a Counsel of War held in Bristol the same day, expressing the true causes why Sir W. Waller left the City of Bristol.