The Redeemed Captive Returning to Zion - Deliverance of John Williams 2
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Logan West
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www.puritansearch.org
THE REDEEMED CAPTIVE RETURNING TO ZION. OR A FAITHFUL HISTORY OF REMARKABLE OCCURRENCES IN THE CAPTIVITY AND DELIVERANCE OF MR. JOHN WILLIAMS MINISTER OF THE GOSPEL IN DEERFIELD WHO, IN THE DESOLATION WHICH BEFEL THAT PLANTATION, BY AN INCURSION OF THE FRENCH AND INDIANS, WAS BY THEM CARRIED AWAY, WITH HIS FAMILY AND HIS NEIGHBOURHOOD, INTO CANADA. DRAWN UP BY HIMSELF.
ANNEXED TO WHICH IS
- A SERMON PREACHED BY HIM ON HIS RETURN.
- AN APPENDIX, BY THE REV. MR. WILLIAMS, OF SPRINGFIELD.
- AN APPENDIX, BY THE REV. MR. TAYLOR, OF DEERFIELD.
- SOME OBSERVATIONS, BY THE REV. MR. PRINCE, OF BOSTON.
SUBJOINED TO THIS IS, A SERMON, DELIVERED IN THE FIRST PARISH IN SPRINGFIELD, ON THE 16TH OF OCTOBER, 1775. JUST ONE HUNDRED YEARS FROM THE BURNING OF THE TOWN BY THE INDIANS.
BY ROBERT BRECK, A. M. PASTOR OF THE CHURCH THERE.
The Sixth Edition, with Additions.
PRINTED AND SOLD AT GREENFIELD, MASS. BY THOMAS DICKMAN. MDCCC.
DEDICATION. TO HIS EXCELLENCY JOSEPH DUDLEY, ESQ. Captain General and Governor in Chief, in and over her Majesty's Province of the MASSACHUSETTS BAY, in NEW-ENGLAND, &c.
SIR,
IT was a satyrical answer, and deeply reproachful to mankind, which the philosopher gave to that question, What soonest grows old? Replied, Thanks. The reproach of it would not be so sensible, were there not sensible demonstrations of the truth of it, in those that wear the character of the ingenious. Such as are at first surprised at, and seem to have no common relish of divine goodness; yet too soon lose the impression: They sang God's praise, but soon forgot his works. That it should be thus with respect to our benefactors on earth, is contrary to the 〈◊〉 of human nature: But that our grateful remembrance of the signal favors of heaven, should soon be worn off by time, is to the last degree criminal and unpardonable.
It would be unaccountable stupidity in me, not to maintain the most lively, and awful sense of divine rebukes, which the holy GOD has seen meet in spotless sovereignty to dispense to me, my family and people, in delivering us into the hands of them that hated us; who led us into a strange land: My soul hath these still in remembrance, and is humbled in me: However, GOD has given us plentiful 〈◊〉 to sing of mercy, as well as judgment. The wonders of divine mercy, which we have seen in the land of our captivity, and deliverance therefrom, cannot be forgotten without incurring the guilt of the blackest Ingratitude.
To preserve the memory of these, it has been thought advisable to publish a short account of some of those signal appearances of divine power and goodness for us; hoping it may serve to excite the praise, faith and hope of all that love GOD; and may peculiarly serve to cherish a grateful spirit, and to render the Impressions of GOD's mighty works indeliable on my heart, and on those who with me, have seen the wonders of the Lord, and tasted of his Salvation: That we may not fall under that heavy charge made against Israel of Old, Psal. 78. 11, 42. They forget his works, and the wonders he shown them: They remembered not his hand, nor the day that he delivered them from the enemy.
And I cannot, Sir, but think it most agreeable to my duty to GOD, our supreme redeemer, to mention your excellency's name with honor; since heaven has honored you as the prime instrument in returning our captivity. Sure I am, the laws of justice and gratitude, (which are the laws of God) do challenge from us, the most public acknowledgments of your uncommon sympathy with us your children, in our bonds, expressed in all endearing methods of parental care and tenderness. All your people are cherished under your wings, happy in your government: And are obliged to bless God for you: And among your people, those who are immediately exposed to the outrages of the enemy, have peculiarly felt refreshment from the benign influences of your wise and tender conduct; and are under the most sensible engagements to acknowledge your excellency, under GOD, as the breath of their nostrils.
Your uncommon sagacity and prudence in contriving to loose the bonds of your captivated children; your unwearied vigor and application, in pursuing them, to work our deliverance, can never be enough praised. It is most notorious that nothing was thought too difficult by you to effect this design; in that you readily sent your own son, Mr. William Dudley, to undergo the hazards and hardships of a tedious voyage, that this affair might be transacted with success; which must not be forgotten, as an expression of your great solicitude and zeal to recover us from the tyranny and oppression of our captivity.
I doubt not but that the GOD, whom herein you have served, will remember, and gloriously reward you; and may heaven long preserve you at our helm, a blessing so necessary for the tranquility of this province, in this dark and tempestuous season; may the best of blessings from the father of lights, be showered down upon your person, family and government; which shall be the prayer of
Your Excellency's most humble, obedient, and dutiful servant, JOHN WILLIAMS.
March 3d, 1706-7.
THE REDEEMED CAPTIVE RETURNING TO ZION.
THE history I am going to write, proves, That days of fasting and prayer, without reformation, will not avail, to turn away the anger of GOD from a professing people; and yet witnesseth how very advantageous gracious supplications are, to prepare particular Christians patiently to suffer the will of GOD, in very trying public calamities. For some of us moved with fear, set apart a day of prayer, to ask of GOD either to spare, and save us from the hands of our enemies, or to prepare us to sanctify and honor him, in what way soever he should come forth towards us. The places of scripture from whence we were entertained in the forenoon, were Gen. xxxii. 10, 11: I am not worthy of the least of all the mercies, and of all the truth which thou hast shown unto thy servant:— Deliver me, I pray thee, front the hand of my brother, from the hand of Esau; for I fear him, lest he will come and smite me, and the mother with the children. And in the afternoon, Gen. xxxii. 26, And he said, Let me go, for the day breaketh: And he said, I will not let thee go, except thou bless me. —From which we were called upon to spread the causes of fear, relating to our own selves, or families before GOD; as also how it becomes us with an undeniable importunity to be following GOD, with earnest prayers for his blessing, in every condition. And it is very observable, how GOD ordered our prayers in a peculiar manner, to be going up to him; to prepare us with a right Christian spirit, to undergo, and endure suffering trials.
Not long after, the holy and righteous▪ GOD brought us under great trials, as to our persons and families, which put us under a necessity of spreading before him in a wilderness, the distressing dangers and calamities of our relations, yea, that called on us notwithstanding seeming present frowns, to resolve by his grace, not to be sent away without a blessing. Jacob in wrestling has the hollow of his thigh put out of joint, and it is said to him, Let me go: Yet he is rather animated to a heroical Christian resolution to continue earnest for the blessing, than discouraged from asking.
ON Tuesday the 29 th of February, 1703-4, not long before break of day, the enemy came in like a flood upon us; our watch being unfaithful: An evil, the awful effects of which, in the surprisal of our fort, should bespeak all watchmen to avoid, as they would not bring the charge of blood upon themselves. They came to my house in the beginning of the onset, and by their violent endeavors to break open doors and windows, with axes and hatchets, awaked me out of sleep; on which I leaped out of bed, and running towards the door, perceived the enemy making their entrance into the house; I called to awaken two soldiers in the chamber, and returning toward my bed-side for my arm, the enemy immediately broke into the room, I judge, to the number of twenty, with painted faces, and hideous acclamations. I reached up my hands to the bed tester for my pistol, uttering a short petition to GOD, for everlasting mercies for me and mine, on the account of the merits of our glorified Redeemer; expecting a present passage through the velley of the shadow of death; saving in myself, as Isai. xxxviii. 10, 11. I said, in the cutting off my days, I shall go to the gates of the grave: I am deprived of the residue of my years. I said, I shall not see the Lord, even the Lord, in the land of the living; I shall behold man no more, with the inhabitants of the world. Taking down my pistol, I cocked it, and put it to the breast of the first Indian that came up; but my pistol missing fire, I was seized by three Indians, who disarmed me, and bound me naked, as I was in my shirt, and so I stood for near the space of an hour: Binding me, they told me they would carry me to Quebeck. My Pistol missing fire, was an occasion of my life's being preserved; since which I have also found it profitable to be crossed in my own will. The judgment of GOD did not long slumber against one of the three which took me, who was a captain, for by sun rising he received a mortal shot from my next neighbor's house; who opposed so great a number of French and Indians as three hundred, and yet were no more than seven men in an ungarrisoned house.
I cannot relate the distressing care I had for my dear wife, who had lain in but a few weeks before; and for my poor children, family, and Christian neighbors. The enemy fell to rifling the house, and entered in great numbers into every room of the house. I begged of GOD, to remember mercy in the midst of judgment, That he would so far restrain their wrath, as to prevent their murdering of us: That we might have grace to glorify his name, whether in life or death; and as I was able, committed our state to GOD. The enemies who entered the house, were all of them Indians and Macquas, insulted over me awhile, holding up hatchets over my head, threatening to burn all I had; but yet GOD beyond expectation, made us in a great measure to be pitied; for though' some were so cruel and barbarous as to take and carry to the door, two of my children and murder them, as also a negro woman; yet they gave me liberty to put on my clothes, keeping me bound with a cord on one arm, till I put on my clothes to the other; and then changing my cord, they let me dress myself, and then pinioned me again. Gave liberty to my dear wife to dress herself, and our children. About sun an hour high, we were all carried out of the house, for a march, and saw many of the houses of my neighbors in flames, perceiving the whole fort, one house excepted, to be taken. Who can tell what sorrows pierced our souls, when we saw ourselves carried away from GOD'S sanctuary, to go into a strange land, exposed to so many trials; the journey being at least three hundred miles we were to travel; the snow up to the knees, and we never inured to such hardships and fatigues; the place we were to be carried to, a Popish country. Upon my parting from the town, they fired my house and barn. We were carried over the river, to the foot of the mountain, about a mile from my house, where we found a great number of our Christian neighbors, men, women, and children, to the number of an hundred, nineteen of which were afterward murdered by the way, and two starved to death, near Cowass, in a time of great scarcity or famine, the savages underwent there. When we came to the foot of the mountain, they took away our shoes, and gave us in the room of them, Indian shoes, to prepare us for our travel. Whilst we were there, the English beat out a company that remained in the town, and pursued them to the river, killing and wounding many of them; but the body of the army being alarmed, they repulsed those few English that pursued them.
I am not able to give you an account of the number of the enemy, slain, but I observed after this fight, no great insulting mirth, as I expected; and saw many wounded persons, and for several days together, they buried of their party, and one of chief note among the Macquas. The governor of Canada told me, his army had that success with the loss of but eleven men; three Frenchmen, one of which was the lieutenant of the army, five Macquas and three Indians: But after my arrival at Quebeck, I spake with an Englishman, who was taken in the last war, and married there, and of their religion; who told me, they lost above forty, and that many were wounded: I replied, the governor of Canada said, they lost but eleven men: He answered, 'tis true, that there were but eleven killed outright at the taking of the fort, but that many others were wounded, among whom was the ensign of the French; but said he, they had a sight in the meadow, and that in both engagements, they lost more than forty. Some of the soldiers, both French and Indians, then present, told me so, (said he,) adding, that the French always endeavor to conceal the number of their slain.
After this, we went up the mountain, and saw the smoke of the fires in the town, and beheld the awful desolations of Deerfield: And before we marched any farther, they killed a sucking child of the English. There were slain by the enemy of the inhabitants of Deerfield, to the number of thirty eight, besides nine of the neighboring towns. We travelled not far the first day; God made the heathen so to pity our children, that though they had several wounded persons of their own to carry upon their shoulders, for thirty miles, before they came to the river, yet they carried our children, incapable of travelling, in their arms, and upon their shoulders. When we came to our lodging place, the first night, they dug away the snow, and made some wigwams, cut down some small branches of the spruce tree to lie down on, and gave the prisoners somewhat to eat; but we had but little appetite. I was pinioned, and bound down that night, and so I was every night whilst I was with the army. Some of the enemy who brought drink with them from the town, fell to drinking, and in their drunken fit, they killed my negro man, the only dead person I either saw at the town, or in the way.
In the night an Englishman made his escape; in the morning [ March I,] I was called for, and ordered by the general to tell the English, that if anymore made their escape, they would burn the rest of the prisoners. He that took me, was unwilling to let me speak with any of the prisoners, as we marched; but on the morning of the second day, he being appointed to guard the rear, I was put into the hands of my other master, who permitted me to speak to my wife, when I overtook her, and to walk with her to help her in her journey. On the way, we discoursed of the happiness of those who had a right to an house not made with bands, eternal in the heavens; and God for a father, and friend; as also, that it was our reasonable duty, quietly to submit to the will of GOD, and to say, the will of the Lord be done. My wife told me her strength of body began to fail, and that I must expect to part with her; saying, she hoped God would preserve my life, and the life of some, if not of all our children, with us; and commended to me, under God, the care of them. She never spake any discontented word as to what had befallen us, but with suitable expressions justified God in what had happened. We soon made a halt, in which time my chief surviving master came up, upon which I was put upon marching with the foremost, and so made to take my last farewell of my dear wife, the desire of my eyes, and companion in many mercies and afflictions. Upon our separation from each other, we asked for each other, grace sufficient, for what God should call us to: After our being parted from one another, she spent the few remaining minutes of her stay, in reading the holy scriptures; which she was wont personally every day to delight her soul in reading, praying, meditating on, and over, by herself, in her closet, over and above what she heard out of them in our family worship. I was made to wade over a small river, and so were all the English, the water above knee deep, the stream very swift; and after that to travel up a small mountain; my strength was almost spent, before I came to the top of it: No sooner had I overcome the difficulty of that ascent, but I was permitted to sit down, and be unburthened of my pack; I sat pitying those who were behind, and entreated my master to let me go down and help my wife; but he refused and would not let me stir from him. I asked each of the prisoners (as they passed by me) after her, and heard that passing through the abovesaid river, she fell down, and was plunged over head and ears in the water; after which she travelled not far, for at the foot of that mountain, the cruel and bloodthirsty savage who took her, slew her with his hatchet at one stroke, the tidings of which were very awful: And yet such was the hard-heartedness of the adversary, that my tears were reckoned to me as a reproach. My loss, and the loss of my children was great, our hearts were so filled with sorrow, that nothing but the comfortable hopes of her being taken away in mercy, to herself, from the evils we were to see, feel, and suffer under, (and joined to the assembly of the spirits of just men made perfect, to rest in peace, and joy unspeakable and full of glory; and the good pleasure of God thus to exercise us) could have kept us from sinking under, at that time. That scripture, Job i. 21. Naked came I out of my mother's womb, and naked shall I return thither: The Lord gave, and the Lord hath taken away, blessed be the name of the Lord, was brought to my mind, and from it, that an afflicting God was to be glorified; with some other places of scripture, to persuade to a patient bearing my afflictions.
We were again called upon to march, with a far heavier burden on my spirits, than on my back. I begged of God to overrule in his providence, that the corpse of one so dear to me, and of one whose spirit he had taken to dwell with him in glory, might meet with a Christian burial, and not be left for meat to the fowls of the air, and beasts of the earth: A mercy that God graciously vouchsafed to grant. For God put it into the hearts of my neighbors, to come out as far as she lay, to take up her corpse, carry it to the town, and decently to bury it soon after. In our march they killed a sucking infant of one of my neighbors; and before night a girl of about eleven years of age. I was made to mourn, at the consideration of my flock's being so far a flock of slaughter many being slain in the town, and so many murdered in so few miles from the town; and from fears what we must yet expect, from such who delightfully imbrued their hands in the blood of so many of his people. When we came to our lodging place, an Indian captain from the eastward, spake to my master about killing me, and taking off my scalp. I lifted up my heart to God, to implore his grace and mercy in such a time of need; and afterwards I told my master, if he intended to kill me, I desired he would let me know of it; assuring him that my death, after a promise of quarter, would bring the guilt of blood upon him. He told me he would not kill me: We laid down and slept, for God sustained and kept us.
In the morning [March 2.] we were all called before the chief Sachems of the Macquas and Indians, that a more equal distribution might be made of the prisoners, among them: At my going from the wigwam, my best clothing was taken from me. As I came nigh the place appointed, some of the captives met me, and told me, they thought the enemies were going to burn some of us, for they had peeled off the bark from several trees, and acted very strangely. To whom I replied, They could act nothing against us, but as they were permitted of God, and I was persuaded he would prevent such severities. When we came to the wigwam appointed, several of the captives were taken from their former masters, and put into the hands of others; but I was sent again to my two masters who brought me from my house.
In our fourth day's march, [Friday, March 3,] the enemy killed another of my neighbors, who being near the time of travail, was wearied with her journey. When we came to the great river, the enemy took sleighs to draw their wounded, several of our children, and their packs, and marched a great pace. I travelled many hours in water up to the ankles: Near night I was very lame, having before my travel wrenched my ankle bone and sinews: I thought, and so did others, that I should not be able to hold out to travel far. I lifted up my heart to God, my only refuge, to remove my lameness, and carry me through, with my children and neighbors if he judged it best; however, I desired God would be with me in my great change, if he called me by such a death to glorify him; and that he would take care of my children, and neighbors, and bless them; and within a little space of time I was well of my lameness, to the joy of my friends, who saw so great an alteration in my travelling.
On Saturday, [March 4,] the journey was long and tedious; we travelled with such speed that four women were tired, and then slain by them who led them captive.
On the Sabbath day, [March 5,] we rested, and I was permitted to pray, and preach to the captives. The place of scripture spoken from, was Lam. i. 18. The Lord is righteous, for I have rebelled against his commandment: Hear, I pray you, all people, and behold my sorrow: my virgins and my young men are gone into captivity. The enemy who said to us, Sing us one of Zion's songs, were ready, some of them, to upbraid us, because our singing was not so loud as theirs. When the Macquas and Indians were chief in power, we had this revival in our bondage, to join together in the worship of God, and encourage one another to a patient bearing the indignation of the Lord, till he should plead our cause. When we arrived at New France, we were forbidden praying one with another, or joining together in the service of God.
The next day, [Monday, March 6,] soon after we marched, we had an alarm; on which many of the English were bound: I was then near the front, and my master not with me, so I was not bound. This alarm was occasioned by some Indians shooting at geese that flew over them, which put them into a considerable consternation and fright: But after they came to understand that they were not pursued by the English, they boasted, That they would not come out after them, as they had boasted before we began our journey in the morning. They killed this day two women, who were so saint they could not travel.
The next day, [ Tuesday, March 7,] in the morning, before we travelled, one Mary Brooks, a pious young woman, came to the wigwam where I was, and told me, she desired to bless God, who had inclined the heart of her master, to let her come and take her farewell of me. Said she, by my falls on the ice yesterday, I injured myself, causing a miscarriage this night, so that I am not able to travel far; I know they will kill me today: But (says she) God has (praised be his name) by his spirit with his word, strengthened me to my last encounter with death; and so mentioned to me some places of scripture seasonably sent in for her support. And (says she) I am not afraid of death: I can, through the grace of God, cheerfully submit to his will. Pray for me (said she) at parting, that God would take me to himself. Accordingly she was killed that day. I mention it to the end, I may stir up all in their young days, to improve the death of Christ by faith, to a giving them an holy boldness in the day of death.
The next day, [ Wednesday, March 8,] we were made to scatter one from another into smaller companies; and one of my children was carried away with Indians belonging to the eastern parts. At night my master came to me, with my pistol in his hand, and put it to my breast, and said, now I will kill you, for (he said) you would have killed me with it if you could. But by the grace of God, I was not much daunted, and whatever his intention might be God prevented my death.
The next day, [Thursday, March 9,] I was again permitted to pray with that company of captives with me, and we were allowed to sing a psalm together. After which, I was taken from all the company of the English, excepting two children of my neighbors, one of which a girl of four years of age, was killed by her Macqua master the next morning, [Friday, March 10,] the snow being so deep when we left the river, that he could not carry the child and his pack too.
When the Sabbath came, [ March 12,] one Indian staid with me, and a little boy, nine years old, while the rest went a hunting. And when I was here, I thought with myself, that God had now separated me from the congregation of his people, who were now in his sanctuary, where he commandeth the blessing, even life forever: And made to bewail my unfruitfulness under, and unthankfulness for such a mercy. When my spirit was almost overwhelmed within me, at the consideration of what had passed over me, and what was to be expected; I was almost ready to sink under it: But God spake those words with a greater efficacy than man could speak them, for my strengthening and support. Psal. exviii. 17. I shall not die, but live; and declare the works of the Lord. Psal. xlii. 11. Why art thou cast down, O my soul? and why art thou disquieted within me? hope thou in God; for I shall yet praise him, who is the health of my countenance, and my God. Nehem. i. 8, 9. Remember, I beseech thee, the word that thou commandest thy servant Moses, saying, if ye transgress, I will scatter you abroad among the nations: But if ye turn unto me, and keep my commandments, and do them; though there were of you cast out unto the uttermost part of the heaven, yet will I gather them from thence, and will bring them unto the place that I have chosen, to set my name there. These three places of scripture, one after another, by the grace of God, strengthened my hopes, that God would so far restrain the wrath of the adversary, that the greatest number of us left alive, should be carried through so tedious a journey: That though my children had no father to take care of them, that word quieted me to a patient waiting to see the end the Lord would make. Jer. xlix. 11. Leave thy fatherless children, I will preserve them alive, and let thy widows trust in me. Accordingly God carried them wonderfully through great difficulties and dangers My youngest daughter, aged seven years, was carried all the journey, and looked after with a great deal of tenderness. My youngest son, aged four years, was wonderfully preserved from death; for though they that carried him, or drawed him on sleighs, were tired with their journeys, yet their savage cruel tempers, were so overruled by God, that they did not kill him, but in their pity he was spared, and others would take care of him; so that four times on the journey he was thus preserved; till at last he arrived at Montreal, where a French gentlewoman pitying the child, redeemed it out of the hands of the heathen. My son Samuel, and my eldest daughter were pitied, so as to be drawn on sleighs, when unable to travel. And though they suffered very much through scarcity of food, and tedious journeys, they were carried through to Montreal. And my son Stephen about eleven years of age, wonderfully preserved from death, in the famine whereof three English persons died, and after eight months brought into Shamblee.
My master returned on the evening of the Sabbath, [March 12,] and told me, he had killed five Moose. The next day, [Monday March 13,] we were removed to the place where he killed them. We tarried there three days till we had roasted and dried the meat. My master made me a pair of snowshoes for (said he) you cannot possibly travel without; the snow being knee deep. We parted from thence heavy laden; I travelled with a burden on my back, with snowshoes, twenty five miles the first day of wearing them; and again the next day till afternoon; and then we came to the French river. My master at this place took away my pack, and drew the whole load on the ice; but my bones seemed to be misplaced, and I unable to travel with any speed. My feet were very sore, and each night I wrung blood out of my stockings, when I pulled them off. My shins also were very sore, being cut with crusty snow, in time of my travelling without snowshoes. But finding some dry oak leaves, by the river banks, I put them to my shins, and in once applying them, they were healed. And here my master was very kind to me, would always give me the best he had to eat; and by the goodness of God, I never wanted a meal's meat during my captivity; though some of my children and neighbors, were greatly wounded, (as I may say) with the arrows of famine and pinching want; having for many days nothing but roots to live upon, and not much of them neither. My master gave me a peace of a bible; never disturbed me in reading the scriptures, or in praying to God. Many of my neighbors also, found that mercy in their journey, to have bibles, psalm books, catechisms, and good books, put into their hands, with liberty to use them; and yet after their arrival at Canada, all possible endeavors were used, to deprive them of them. Some of them say, their bibles were demanded by the French priests, and never redelivered to them, to their great grief and sorrow.
My march on the French river was very sore, for rearing a thaw, we travelled a very great pace; my feet were so bruised, and my joints so distorted by my travelling in snowshoes, that I thought it impossible to hold out. One morning a little before break of day, my master came and awaked me out of sleep, saying, arise, pray to God, and eat your breakfast, for we must go a great way today. After prayer, I arose from my knees, but my feet were so tender, swoln, bruised, and full of pain, that I could scarce stand upon them, without holding by the wigwam. And when the Indians said, you must run today, I answered, I could not run; my master pointed out his hatchet, said to me, then I must dash out your brains, and take off your scalp. I said, I suppose then you will do so, for I am not able to travel with speed. He sent me away alone, on the ice. About sun half an hour high, he overtook me, for I had gone very slowly, not thinking it possible to travel five miles. When he came up, he called me to run; I told him I could go no faster; he passed by without saying one word more: So that sometimes I scarce saw anything of him for an hour together. I travelled from about break of day, till dark, never so much as sat down at noon to eat warm victuals; eating frozen meat, which I had in my coat pocket, as I travelled. We went that day two of their days journey, as they came down. I judge we went forty or forty five miles that day. God wonderfully supported me, and so far renewed my strength, that in the afternoon I was stronger to travel than in the forenoon. My strength was restored and renewed to admiration. We should never distrust the care and compassion of God, who can give strength to them who have no might, and power to them who are ready to faint.
When we entered on the lake, the ice was rough, and uneven, which was very grievous to my feet, that could scarce bear to be set down on the smooth ice, on the river; I lifted up my cry to God in ejaculatory requests, that he would take notice of my state, and some way or other relieve me. I had not marched above half a mile, before there fell a moist snow, about an inch and an half deep, that made it very soft for my feet to pass over the lake, to the place where my master's family was. Wonderful favors in the midst of trying afflictions! We went a day's journey from the lake, to a small company of Indians, who were a hunting; they were, after their manner, kind to me, and gave me the best they had, which was Moose flesh, ground nuts, and cramberries, but no bread: For three weeks together I eat no bread. After our stay there, and undergoing difficulties in cutting wood, and suffering by lousiness, having lousy old clothes of soldiers put upon me when they stripped me of mine, to sell to the French soldiers in the army, we again began a march for Shamblee; we stayed at a branch of the lake, and feasted two or three days on geese we killed there. After another day's travel, we came to a river where the ice was thawed, we made a canoe of elm bark, in one day; and arrived on a Saturday near noon at Shamblee, a small village, where is a garrison and fort of French soldiers.
AT SHAMBLEE.
This village is about fifteen miles from Montreal. The French were very kind to me: A gentleman of the place, took me into his house, and to his table; and lodged me at night on a good feather bed. The Inhabitants and officers were very obliging to me, the little time I stayed with them, and promised to write a letter to the governor in chief, to inform him of my passing down the river. Here I saw a girl taken from our town, and a young man, who informed me, that the greatest part of the captives were come in, and that two of my children were at Montreal; that many of the captives had been in, three weeks before my arrival: Mercy in the midst of judgment! As we passed along the river towards Sorel, we went into a house where was an English woman of our town, who had been left among the French in order to her conveyance to the Indian fort. The French were very kind to her and to myself, and gave us the best provision they had; and she embarked with us to go down to St. Francois fort. When we came down to the first inhabited house at Sorel, a French woman came to the river side, and desired us to go into her house, and when we were entered, she compassioned our state, and told us, she had in the last war been a captive among the Indians, and therefore was not a little sensible of our difficulties. She gave the Indians something to eat in the chimney corner, and spread a cloth on the table for us with napkins; which gave such offense to the Indians, that they hasted away, and would not call in at the fort. But wherever we entered into houses, the French were very courteous. When we came to St. Francois river, we found some difficulty by reason of the ice; and entering into a Frenchman's house, he gave us a loaf of bread, and some fish to carry away with us; but we passed down the river, till night, and there seven of us supped on a fish called bullhead or pout, and did not eat it up, the fish was so very large.
The next morning we met with such a great quantity, of ice, that we were forced to leave our canoe, and travel on land. We went to a French officer's house, who took us into a private room, out of the sight of the Indians, and treated us very courteously. That night we arrived at the fort called St. Francois; where we found several poor children who had been taken from the eastward the summer before; a sight very affecting, they being in habit very much like Indians, and in manners very much symbolizing with them. At this fort lived two Jesuits, one of which was made superior of the Jesuits at Quebeck. One of these Jesuits met me at the fort gate, and asked me to go into the church and give God thanks for preserving my life. I told him I would do that in some other place. When the bell rang for evening prayers, he that took me, bid me go, but I refused: The Jesuit came to our wigwam, and prayed a short prayer; and invited me to sup with them; and justified the Indians in what they did against us; rehearsing some things done by Major Walden above thirty years ago; and how justly God retaliated them in the last war, and enveighed against us for beginning this war with the Indians, and said, we had before the last winter, and in the winter been very barbarous and cruel in burning and killing Indians. I told them, that the Indians in a very perfidious manner, had committed murders on many of our inhabitants, after the signing articles of peace: And as to what they spake of cruelties, they were undoubtedly falsehoods; for I well knew the English were not approvers of any inhumanity or barbarity towards enemies. They said, an Englishman had killed one of St. Casteen's relations, which occasioned this war: For, say they, the nations in a general council, had concluded not to engage in the war on any side, till they themselves were first molested, and then all of them as one, would engage against them that began a war with them: And that upon the killing of Casteen's kinsman, a post was dispatched to Canada, to advertise the Macquas and Indians that the English had began a war. On which they gathered up their forces, and that the French joined with them to come down on the eastern parts; and that when they came near New-England, several of the eastern Indians told them of the peace made with the English, and the satisfaction given them from the English for that murder. But the Macquas told them it was now too late; for they were sent for and were now come, and would fall on them, if without their consent they made a peace with the English. Said also, That a letter was shown to them from the governor of Port Royal, which, he said, was taken in an English ship, being a letter from the queen of England, to our governor, writing how she approved his designs, to ensnare, and deceitfully seize on, the Indians; so that being enraged from that letter, and being forced as it were, they began the present war. I told them the letter was a lie, forged by the French.
The next morning the bell rang for mass: My master bid me go to church; I refused: He threatened me, and went away in a rage. At noon the Jesuit sent for me to dine with them, for I eat at their table all the time I was at the fort. And after dinner they told me, the Indians would not allow of any of their captives staying in their wigwams, whilst they were at church; and were resolved by force and violence to bring us all to church, if we would not go without. I told them it was highly unreasonable so to impose upon those who were of a contrary religion; and to force us to be present at such a service, as we abhorred, was nothing becoming christianity. They replied, They were savages, and would not hearken to reason, but would have their wills: Said also, If they were in New England themselves, they would go into their churches to see their ways of worship. I answered, the case was far different, for there was nothing (themselves being judges) as to matter or manner of worship, but what was according to the word of GOD, in our churches; and therefore it could not be an offense to any man's conscience. But among them there were idolatrous superstitions in worship: They said, Come and see, and offer us conviction, of what is superstitious in worship. To which I answered, That I was not to do evil that good might come of it; and that forcing in matters of religion was hateful. They answered, The Indians are resolved to have it so, and they could not pacify them without my coming; and they would engage they should offer no force or violence to cause any compliance with their ceremonies. The next mass, my master bid me go to church: I objected; he rose and forcibly pulled me by my head and shoulders out of the wigwam to the church, which was nigh the door. So I went in and sat down behind the door, and there saw a great confusion, instead of any gospel order. For one of the Jesuits was at the altar, saying mass in a tongue unknown to the savages; and the other, between the altar and the door, saying and singing prayers among the Indians at the same time; and many others were at the same time saying over their pater nosters, and Ave Mary, by tale from their chapelit, or beads, on a string. At our going out, we smiled at their devotion so managed, which was offensive to them: For they said we made a derision of their worship. When I was here, a certain savages died; one of the Jesuits told me, She was a very holy woman, who had not committed one sin in twelve years. After a day or two the Jesuits asked me, What I thought of their way, now I saw it? I told them, I thought Christ said of it, as Mark vii. 7, 8, 9. Howbeit, in vain do they worship me, teaching for doctrines the commandments of men. For laying aside the commandment of God, ye hold the tradition of men, as the washing of pots, and cups; and many other such like things ye do. And he said unto them, full well ye reject the commandment of God, that ye may keep your own tradition. They told me, They were not the commandments of men, but apostolical traditions, of equal authority with the holy scriptures. And that after my death, I would bewail my not praying to the virgin Mary; and that I should find the want of her intercession for me, with her Son; judging me to hell, for asserting the scriptures to be a perfect rule of faith; and said, I abounded in my own sense, entertaining explications contrary to the sense of the Pope, regularly sitting with a general council, explaining scripture, and making articles of faith. I told them, it was my comfort that Christ was to be my judge, and not they at the great day: And as for their censuring and judging me, I was not moved with it.
One day a certain savagess, taken prisoner in Philip's war, who had lived at Mr. Bulkley's at Weathersfield, called Ruth, who could speak English very well, and who had been often at my house; being now proselyted to the Romish faith, came into the wigwam, and with her an English maid, who was taken the last war, who was dressed in Indian apparel, unable to speak one word of English, who said she could neither tell her own name, or the name of the place from whence she was taken. These two talked in the Indian dialect with my master a long time; after which my master bade me cross myself; I told him I would not; he commanded me several times, and I as often refused. Ruth said, Mr. Williams, you know the scripture, and therefore act against your own light; for you know the scripture faith. Servants obey your masters; he is your master, and you his servant. I told her she was ignorant, and knew not the meaning of the scripture; telling her, I was not to disobey the great God, to obey my master, and that I was ready to die to suffer for God, if called thereto: On which she talked with my master, I suppose she interpreted what I said. My master took hold of my hand to force me to cross myself, but I struggled with him, and would not suffer him to guide my hand; upon this he pulled off a crucifix from off his own neck, and bade me kiss it; but I refused once and again; he told me, he would dash out my brains with his hatchet if I refused. I told him, I should sooner choose death than to sin against God; then he ran and took up his hatchet, and acted as though' he would have dashed out my brains; seeing I was not moved, he threw down his hatchet, saying, he would first bite off all my nails, if I still refused; I gave him my hand and told him, I was ready to suffer; he set his teeth in my thumb nail, and gave a gripe, and then said, No good minister, no love God, as bad as the Devil; and so left off. I have reason to bless God, who strengthened me to withstand; by this he was so discouraged, as never more to meddle with me about my religion. I asked leave of the Jesuits to pray with those English of our town that were with me, but they absolutely refused to give us any permission to pray one with another, and did what they could to prevent our having any discourse together.
After a few days the governor de'Vaudrel, governor in chief, sent down two men with letters to the Jesuits, desiring them to order my being sent up to him to Montreal, upon which one of the Jesuits went with my two masters, and took me along with them, as also two more from Deerfield, a man and his daughter about seven years of age. When we came to the lake, the wind was tempestuous and contrary to us, so that they were afraid to go over; they landed and kindled a fire, and said they would wait a while to see whether the wind would fall or change. I went aside from the company among the trees, and spread our case, with the temptations of it, before God, and pleaded that he would order the season so that we might not go back again, but be furthered on our voyage, that I might have opportunity to see my children and neighbors, and converse with them, and know their state. When I returned, the wind was more boisterous, and then a second time, and the wind was more fierce; I reflected upon myself for my unquietness, and the want of a resigned will to the will of God. And a third time went and bewailed before God my anxious cares, and the tumultuous working of my own heart, begged a will fully resigned to the will of God, and thought that by his grace I was brought to say amen to whatever God should determine. Upon my return to the company, the wind was yet high; the Jesuit and my master said, come we will go back again to the fort; for there is no likelihood of proceeding in our voyage, for very frequently such a wind continues three days, sometimes six; after it continued so many hours, I said to them, The will of the Lord be done; and the canoe was put again into the river, and we embarked. No sooner had my master put me into the canoe, and put off from the shore, but the wind fell, and coming into the middle of the river, they said, we may go over the lake well enough; and so we did. I promised, if God gave me opportunity, I would stir up others to glorify God in a continued persevering, committing their straits of heart to him; He is a prayer hearing God, and the stormy winds obey him. After we passed over the lake, the French wherever we came, were very compassionate to us.
[AT MONTREAL.]
When I came to Montreal, which was eight weeks after my captivity; the governor de'Vaudrel redeemed me out of the hands of the Indians, gave me good clothing, took me to his table, gave me the use of a very good chamber; and was in all respects relating to my outward man, courteous and charitable to admiration. At my first entering into his house, he sent for my two children, who were in the city, that I might see them; and promised to do what he could to get all my children and neighbors out of the hands of the Savages. My change of diet, after the difficulties of my Journeys, caused an alteration in my body: I was physicked, and blooded, and very tenderly taken care of in my sickness. The governor redeemed my eldest daughter out of the hands of the Indians; and she was carefully tended in the hospital, until she was well of her lameness; and by the governor provided for respectfully, during her stay in the country. My youngest child was redeemed by a gentlewoman in the city, as the Indians passed by. After the Indians had been at their fort, and discoursed with the priests, they came back and offered to the gentlewoman a man for the child, alleging that the child could not be profitable to her, but the man would, for he was a weaver, and his service would much advance the design she had of making cloth: But GOD overruled so far, that this temptation to the woman prevailed not for an exchange; for had the child gone to the Indian fort, in an ordinary way it had abode there still, as the rest of the children carried there do. The governor gave orders to certain officers to get the rest of my children out of the hands of the Indians, and as many of my neighbors as they could. After six weeks, a merchant of the city obtained my eldest son, that was taken, to live with him: He took a great deal of pains to persuade the savages to part with him. An Indian came to the city (Sagamore George of Pennacook ) from Cowass, and brought word of my son Stephens' being near that place; some money was put into his hand for his redemption, and a promise of full satisfaction if he brought him; but the Indian proved unfaithful, and I never saw my child till a year after.
The governor ordered a Priest to go along with me to see my youngest daughter among the Macquas, and endeavor for her ransom. I went with him; he was very courteous to me, and from his parish which was near the Macqua fort, he wrote a letter to the Jesuit, to desire him to send my child to see me, and to speak with them that took her, to come along with it. But the Jesuit wrote back a letter, that I should not be permitted to speak with, or see my child, and if I came my labor would be lost; and that the Macquas would as soon part with their hearts, as my child. At my return to the city, I with an heavy heart carried the Jesuit's letter to the governor, who when he read it, was very angry, and endeavored to comfort me, assuring me I should see it, and speak with it; and he would to his utmost endeavor for it's ransom: Accordingly he sent to the Jesuits who were in the city, and bid them improve their interest for the obtaining the child. After some days, he went with me in his own person to the fort. When we came thither, he discoursed with the Jesuit: After which my child was brought into the chamber where I was, I was told I might speak with her, but should not be permitted to speak to no other English person there. My child was about seven years old; I discoursed with her near an hour; she could read very well, and had not forgot her catechism; and was very desirous to be redeemed out of the hands of the Macquas, and bemoaned her state among them, telling me how they profaned God's Sabbath, and said, she thought that a few days before they had been mocking the devil, and that one of the Jesuits stood and looked on them. I told her, she must pray to God for his grace every day; she said, she did as was able, and God helped her: But, says she, they force me to say some prayers in latin, but I donit understand one word of them, I hope it wont do me any harm. I told her she must be careful she did not forget her catechism, and the scriptures she had learnt by heart. She told the captives after I was gone, as some of them have since informed me, almost everything I spake to her; and said, she was much afraid she should forget her catechism, having none to instruct her. I saw her once a few days after in the city, but' had not many minutes of time with her, but what time I had improved to give her the best advice I could. The governor labored much for her redemption, at last he had the promise of it, in case he would procure for them, an Indian girl in her stead. Accordingly he sent up the river some hundred of leagues for one, and when offered by the governor it was refused: He offered them an hundred pieces of eight for her redemption, but it was refused. His lady went over to have begged her from them, but all in vain; it is there still; and has forgotten to speak English. Oh! that all who peruse this history, would join in their fervent requests to God, with whom all things are possible, that this poor child, and so many others of our children who have been cast upon God from the womb, and are now outcasts ready to perish, might be gathered from their dispersions, and receive sanctifying grace from God.
When I had discoursed with the child, and was coming out of the fort, one of the Jesuits went out of the chamber with me, and some soldiers to convey me to the canoe. I saw some of my poor neighbors, who stood with longing expectations to see me, and speak with me, and had leave from their savage masters so to do. I was by the Jesuit himself thrust along by force, and permitted only to tell them some of their relations they asked after, were well in the city, and that with a very audable voice; being not permitted to come near to them.
After my return to the city, I was very melancholy, for I could not be permitted so much as to pray with the English, who dwelt in the same house. And the English who came to see me, were most of them put back by the guard at the door, and not suffered to come and speak with me. Sometimes the guard was so strict that I could scarce go aside on necessary occasions without a repulse; and whenever I went out into the city (a favor the governor himself never refused when I asked it of him) there were spies to watch me, and to observe whether I spake to the English. Upon which I told some of the English, they must be careful to call to mind and improve former instructions, and endeavor to stand at a further distance for a while, hoping that after a short time I should have more liberty of conversing with them. But some spies sent out, found on a Sabbath day more than three of us in company together, the number we by their order published were not to exceed, who informed the Priest; the next day one of the Priests told me, I had a greater number of the English with me, and that I had spoken something reflecting on their religion. I spake to the governor that no forcible means might be used with any of the captives respecting their religion; he told me he allowed no such thing. I am persuaded that the governor, if he might act for himself, would not have suffered such things to be done as have been done, and that he never did know of several things acted against the English.
At my first coming to Montreal, the governor told me, I should be sent home as soon as Captain Battiss was returned, and not before; and that I was taken in order to his redemption. The governor sought by all means to divert me from my melancholy sorrows, and always shown a willingness for my seeing my children. One day I told him of my design of walking into the city; he pleasantly answered, Go with all my heart. His eldest son went with me as far as the door, and saw the guard stop me, he went and informed his father, who came to the door and asked, Why they affronted the gentleman going out? they said, It was their order: But with an angry countenance he said, His orders were that I should not be stopped. But within a little time I had orders to go down to Quebeck. Another thing showing that many things are done without the governor's consent, though' his name be used to justify them, viz. I asked the Priest, after I had been at Montreal two days, leave to go and see my youngest child; he said, Whenever you would see it, tell me, and I will bring it to you; for, says he, the governor is not willing you should go thither. And yet not many days after, when we were at dinner, the governor's lady (seeing me sad) spake to an officer at table, who could speak latin, to tell me, That after dinner I should go along with them and see my two children. And accordingly after dinner I was carried to see them; and when I came to the house, I found three or four English captives who lived there, and I had leave to discourse with them. And not long after, the governor's lady asked me to go along with her to the hospital to see one of my neighbors who was sick there.
One day one of the Jesuits came to the governor, and told the company there, That he never saw such persons as were taken from Deerfield; said he, The Macquas will not suffer any of their prisoners to abide in their wigwams whilst they themselves are at mass, but carry them with them to the church, and they cannot be prevailed with to fall down on their knees to pray there, but no sooner are they returned to their wigwams, but they fall down on their knees to prayer. He said, They could do nothing with the grown persons there; and they hindered the children's complying. Whereupon the Jesuits counseled the Macquas to fell all the grown persons from the fort; a stratagem to seduce poor children. Oh Lord! Turn the counsels of these Ahitophels into foolishness, and make the counsels of the heathens of none effect!
Here I observed, they were wonderfully lifted up with pride, after the return of captain Montinug from Northampton, with news of success: They boasted of their success against New-England. And they sent out an army as they said of seven hundred men, if I mistake not, two hundred of which were French, in company of which army went several Jesuits; and said, They would lay desolate all the places on Connecticut river. The superior of the Priests told me, Their general was a very prudent and brave commander, of undaunted courage, and he doubted not but they should have great success. This army went away in such a boasting triumphing manner; that I had great hopes God would discover and disappoint their designs: Our prayers were not wanting for the blasting of such a bloody design. The superior of the Priests said to me, Do not flatter yourselves in hopes of a short captivity; for, said he, There are two young princes contending for the kingdom of Spain; and for a third, that care was to be taken of his establishment on the English throne. And boasted what they would do in Europe; and that we must expect not only in Europe, but in New-England, the establishment of popery. I said, glory not, God can make great changes in a little time, and revive his own interest, and yet save his poor afflicted people. Said he, The time for miracles is past; and in the time of the last war, the king of France was as it were against all the world, and yet did very great things; but now the kingdom of Spain is for him, and the duke of Bavaria, and the duke of Savoy, &c. and spake on a lofty manner of great things to be done by them; and having the world, as I may say, in subjection to them.
I was sent down to Quebeck in company of governor de Ramsay, governor of Montreal, and the superior of the Jesuits, and ordered to live with one of the council; from whom I received many favors, for seven weeks. He told me, It was the Priests doings to send me down before the governor came down; and that if I went much to see the English, or they came much to visit me, I should yet certainly be sent away where I should have no conversation with the English.
[AT QUEBECK.]
After coming down to Quebeck, I was invited to dine with the Jesuits, and to my face they were civil enough. But after a few days, a young gentleman came to my chamber, and told me, that one of the Jesuits (after we had done dinner) made a few districks of verses, and gave them to his scholars to translate into French: He shown them to me. The import of them was,
One Sabbath day morning I observed many signs of approaching rain, a great moisture on the stones of the hearth and chimney jams. I was that day invited to dine with the Jesuits; and when I went up to dinner, it began to rain a small drisling rain: The superior told me, They had been praying for rain that morning, and lo, (says he) it begins to rain. I told him, I could tell him of many instances of God's hearing our prayers for rain. However in the afternoon there was a general procession of all orders, Priests, Jesuits, and Friars, and the citizens in great pomp, carrying (as they said) as an holy relic, one of the bones of St. Paul. The next day I was invited to the priests seminary to dinner; Oh, said they, we went in procession yesterday for rain, and see what a plentiful rain followed. I answered, We had been answered when praying for rain, when no such signs of rain, or the beginnings of rain had preceded, as now with them, before they appointed or began their procession, &c. However they upbraided me, That God did not approve of our religion, in that he disregarded our prayers, and accepted theirs. For, said they, We heard you had days of fasting and prayer before the fleet came to Quebeck; God would not regard your prayers, but heard ours, and almost in a miraculous way preserved us when assaulted, and refused to hear your fast day prayers for your preservation, but heard our's for your desolation, and our success. They boasted also of their king, and his greatness, and spake of him as though' there could be no settlement in the world, but as he pleased; reviling us as in a low and languishing case, having no king, but being under the government of a queen: And spake as though' the duke of Bavaria would in a short time be emperor. From this day forward God gave them to hear sorrowful tidings from Europe: That a war had been commenced against the duke of Savoy, and so their enemies increased: That their bishop was taken, and two millions of wealth with him. News every year more distressing and impoverishing to them; and the duke of Bavaria so far from being emperor, that he was dispossessed of his dukedom; and France so far from being strengthened by Spain, that the kingdom of Spain was like to be an occasion of weakening and impoverishing their own kingdom 〈◊〉 they themselves so reporting. And their great army going against New-England, turned back ashamed; and they discouraged and disheartened, and every year very exercising fears and cares as to the savages who lived up the river. Before the return of that army, they told me, we were led up and down, and sold by the heathens, as sheep for the slaughter, and they could not devise what they should do with us, we should be so many prisoners, when the army returned. The Jesuits told me, it was a great mercy that so many of our children were brought to them, and that now especially since they were not like speedily to be returned, there was hope of their being brought over to the Romish faith. They would take the English children born among them, and against the consent of their parents, baptize them. One Jesuit came to me and asked, whether all the English at Loret (a place not far from Quebeck where the savages lived) were baptized? I told him, they were. He said, If they be not, let me know of it, that I may baptize them, for fear they should die, and be damned, if they die without baptism. Says he, When the savages went against you, I charged them to baptize all children before they killed them; such was my desire of your eternal salvation, though' you were our enemies. There was a gentleman called Monsieur de Beauville, a captain, the brother of the Lord intendant, who was a good friend to me, and very courteous to all the captives; he lent me an English bible, and when he went to France gave it to me.
All means were used to seduce poor souls.
I was invited one day to dine with one of chief note; as I was going, I met with the superior of the Jesuits coming out of the house, and he came in after dinner; and presently it was propounded to me, if I would stay among them, and be of their religion, I should have a great and honorable pension from the king every year. The superior of the Jesuits turned to me, and said,
[AT CHATEAUVICHE, fifteen miles below Quebeck.]
Not many days after, and a few days before governor de'Voudrel's coming down, I was sent away fifteen miles down the river, that I might not have an opportunity of conversation with the English. I was courteously treated by the French, and the Priest of that parish; they told me, he was one of the most learned men in the country; he was a very ingenious man, zealous in their way, but yet very familiar. I had many disputes with the Priests who came thither: And when I used their own authors to confute some of their positions; my books borrowed of them were taken away from me; for they said, I made an ill use of them. They having many of them, boasted of their unity in doctrine and profession, and were loath I should show them from then own best approved authors, as many different opinions as they could charge against us. Here again, a gentleman in the presence of the old Bishop and a Priest, offered me his house, and whole living, with assurance of honor, wealth and employment, if I would embrace their ways. I told them,
I am persuaded that the Priest of that parish where I kept, abhorred their sending down the heathen to commit outrages against the English; saying, It was more like committing murders, than managing a war. In my confinement in this parish, I had my undisturbed opportunities to be humbly imploring grace for ourselves, for soul and body; for his protecting presence with New-England, and his disappointing the bloody designs of his enemies; that GOD would be a little sanctuary to us in a land of captivity; and that our friends in New-England, might have grace to make a more thankful and faithful improvement of the means of grace, than we had done; who by our neglects, find ourselves out of GOD'S sanctuary.
On the twenty first of October, 1704, I received some letters from New-England, with an account that many of our neighbors escaped out of the desolations in the fort; and that my dear wife was decently buried; And that my eldest son who was absent in our desolation, was sent to college, and provided for; which occasioned thanksgiving to GOD in the midst of afflictions, and caused prayers even in Canada, to be going daily up to heaven for a blessing on benefactors, showing such kindness to the desolate and afflicted.
The consideration of such crafty designs to ensnare young ones, and to turn them from the simplicity of the gospel, to Romish superstition, was very exercising. Sometimes they would tell me my children, sometimes my neighbors, were turned to be of their religion. Some made it their work to allure poor souls by flatteries and great promises, some threatened, some offered abusive carriage to such as refused to go to church, and be present at mass. Some they industriously contrived to get married among them. A Priest drew up a Compendium of the Romish Catholic Faith, and pretended to prove it by the scriptures, telling the English, "that all they required was contained in the scriptures which they acknowledged to be the rule of faith and manners▪" but it was by scriptures horribly perverted and abused. I could never come to the sight of it, (though' I often earnestly entreated a copy of it) until I was on ship board for our voyage to New-England; but hearing of it, I endeavored to possess the English with their danger of being cheated with such a pretence. I understood they would tell the English that I was turned, that they might gain them to change their religion. These their endeavors to seduce to Popery, were very exercising to me. And in my solitaryness, I drew up some sorrowful, mournful considerations, though unused to, and unskillful in poetry, yet in a plain style for the use of some of the captives, who would sometimes make their secret visits to me, which, at the desire of some of them are here made public.
THE hearts of some were ready to be discouraged, and sink, saying, They were out of sight, and so out of mind. I endeavored to persuade them we were not forgotten; that undoubtedly many prayers were going up to heaven for us. Not long after came captain Livingston and Mr. Shelden, with letters from his excellency our governor, to the governor of Canada about the exchange of prisoners; which gave a revival to many, and raised expectation of a return. These visits from New-England to Canada so often, greatly strengthened many who were ready to saint; and gave some check to the designs of the Papists to gain proselytes. But God's time of deliverance was not yet come: As to some particular persons, their temptations and trials were increased; and some abused because they refused compliance with their superstitions. A young woman of our town met with a new trial: For one day a Frenchman came into the room where she was, and shown her his beads, and boasted of them, putting them near to her; she knocked them out of his hands on the floor; for which she was beaten and threatened with death, and for some days imprisoned. I pleaded with God his overruling this first essay for the deliverance of some, as a pledge of the rest being delivered in due time. I implored Capt. de Beauville who had always been very friendly, to intercede with the governor for the return of my eldest daughter; and for his purchasing my son Stephen, from the Indians at St. Francois fort; and for liberty to go up and see my children and neighbors at Montreal. Divine providence appeared to the moderating my afflictions, in that five English persons of our town were permitted to return with Capt. Livingston, among whom went my eldest daughter. And my son Stephen was redeemed and sent to live with me: He was almost quite naked, and very poor; he had suffered much among the Indians. One of the Jesuits took upon him, to come to the wigwam, and whip him, on some complaints that the Squaws had made, that he did not work enough for them. As to my petition for going up to Montreal, to see my children and neighbors, it was denied; as my former desire of coming up to the city before Capt. Livingston' s coming, was. GOD granted me favor as to two of my petitions; but yet brought me by his grace to be willing, that he should glorify himself in disposing of me and mine as he pleased, and knew to be most for his glory. And almost always before any remarkable favor, I was brought to lie down at the foot of GOD, and made to be willing that GOD should govern the world, so as might be most for his own honor, and brought to resign all to his holy sovereignty. A frame of spirit when wrought in me by the Grace of GOD, giving the greatest content and satisfaction; and very often a forerunner of the mercy asked of GOD, or a plain demonstration, that the not obtaining my request was best for me. I had no small refreshing, in having one of my children with me for four months. And the English were many of them strengthened with hopes, that the treaties betwixt the governments would issue in opening a door of escape for all.
In August, Mr. Dudley and Capt. Vetch, arrived, and great encouragements were given as to an exchange of all, in the spring of the year: and some few again were sent home; amongst whom I obtained leave to send my son Stephen.
[AT QUEBECK.]
Upon Mr. Dudley' s and Capt. Vetch' s petitioning, I was again permitted to go up to Quebeck; but disputing with a mendicant Friar, who said, " He was an Englishman sent from France, to endeavor the conversion of the English at Quebeck;" who arrived at Canada whilst our gentlemen were there: I was by the Priests means ordered again to return to Chateauviche; and no other reason given, but because I discoursed with that Priest, and their fear I should prevent his success among the captives. But GOD shown his dislike of such a persecuting spirit; for the very next day, which was September 20. O. S. October 1st, N, S. the seminary, a very famous building, was most of it burnt down; occasioned by a joiner's letting a coal of fire drop down among the shavings. The chapel in the Priests garden, and the great cross were burnt down; the library of the Priests burnt up: This seminary and another library had been burnt but about three years before. The day after my being sent away by the Priests means from Quebeck at first, there was a thunder storm, and the lightning struck the seminary in the very place where the fire now began.
[AT GHATEAUVICHE.]
A little before Mr. Dudley' s arrival, came a soldier into my landlord's house, barefoot and bareleg'd, going on a pilgrimage to Saint Anne. For, said he, my captain, who died some years ago, appeared to me, and told me he was in purgatory; and said I must go a pilgrimage to Saint Anne, doing penance, and get a mass said for him, and then he should be delivered. And many believed it, and were much affected with it; and came and told me of it, to gain my credit of their devised purgatory: The soldier told me the Priests had counseled him to undertake this pilgrimage, and I am apt to think, ordered his calling in at my landlord's, that I might see and speak with him. I laughed at the conceit, that a soldier must be pitched upon to be sent on this errand; but they were much displeased, and lamented my obstinacy, in that I would not be reclaimed from a denial of purgatory, by such a miraculous providence.
As I was able, I spread the cause before GOD, beseeching him to disappoint them in their expectations to proselyte any of the captives by this stratagem; and by the goodness of GOD, it was not very serviceable: For the soldier's conversation was such, that several among the French themselves, judged it to be a forgery. And though the captain spoken of, was the governor's lady's brother, I never more heard any concernment or care to get him out of purgatory.
One of the parish where I lived, told me, That on the twenty second of July, 1705, he was at Quebeck, at the mendicant Friars church, on one of their feast days, in honor of a great saint of their order, and that at five o'clock mass in the morning, near two hundred persons being present, a great grey cat broke or pushed aside some glass, entered into the church, and passed along near the altar, and put out five or six candles that were burning; and that no one could tell which way the cat went out: And he thought it was the devil.
[AT QUEBECK.]
When I was in the city in September, I saw two English maids who had lived with the Indians a long time. They told me that an Indian had died at the place where they were, and that when sundry of his relations were together, in order to attend his funeral, the dead arose and informed them, "That at his death he went to hell, and there he saw all the Indians that had been dead since their embracing the Popish religion; and warned them to leave it off, or they would be damned too;" and laid down dead again. They said the Indians were frightened, and very melancholy: but the Jesuits to whom they told this, told them it was only a delusion of the devil, to draw them away from the true religion; adding, That he knew for certain, that all those Indians who had been dead, spoken of by that Indian, were in heaven, only one squaw was gone to hell, who died without baptism. These maids said also, that many of the Indians much lamented their making a war against the English, at the instigation of the French.
[AT CHATEAUVICHE.]
The Priests, after Mr. Dudley' s going from Canada, were ready to think their time was short for gaining English proselytes, and doubled their diligence and wiles, to gain over persons to their persuasion. I improved all opportunities I could, to write to the English, that in that way I might be serviceable to them. But many or most of my letters treating about religion, were intercepted, and burnt. I had a letter sent down to me by order of the governor, that I had liberty of writing to my children and friends, which should be continued; provided I wrote about indifferent things, and said nothing in them about the points in controversy between them and us: And if I was so hardy as to write letters otherwise, they should endeavor to prevent their being delivered. Accordingly I found many of them were burnt. Sometimes notice would be given to the English, that they were burnt; so that their writing was somewhat useful, though never perused by the English, because they judged those letters condemned Popery. Many of our letters written from New-England were never delivered, because of some expressions about religion in them. And as I said before, after Mr. Dudley' s departure from Quebeck, endeavors were very vigorous to seduce. Some were flattered with large promises, others were threatened and beaten, because they would not turn. And when two English, women, who had always opposed their religion, were sick in the hospital, they kept with them night and day, till they died, and their friends were kept from coming to visit them: After their death, they gave out that they died in the Romish Faith, and were received into their communion. Before their death masses were said for them, and they were buried in the church yard, with all their ceremonies. And after this, letters were sent into all parts to inform the English that these two women turned to their religion before their death, and that it concerned them to follow their example; for they could not be more obstinate than those women were in their health, against the Romish Faith, and yet on a death-bed they embraced it. They told the English who lived near, That our religion was a dangerous religion to die in. But I shall hereafter relate the just grounds we have to think these things were falsehoods.
I was informed, there was an English girl bid to take and wear the cross, and cross herself: She refused; they threatened her, and shown her the Cross. At length she had her choice, either to cross herself, and take the cross, or be whipt, she chose to be whipt; and they took up her clothes, and made as though' they would correct her; but seeing her choosing indeed to suffer rather than comply, they desisted and tied the Cross about her neck. Some were taken and shut up among the religious, and all sorts of means used to gain them.
I received a letter from one of my neighbors, wherein he thus bewails:
The same person, with another Englishman, last spring, obtained leave of the governor general, to go to the same fort on the fame errand, and carried letters from the governor to the Jesuits, that he might be permitted to speak with his children. The letter was delivered to the Jesuits; who told him, his son was not at home, but gone a hunting. Whereas he was hid from them, as he heard afterwards, so the poor man lost his labor a second time. These men say, that when they returned to Montreal, one Laland, who was appointed as a spy, always to observe the motions of the English, told them, that one of the Jesuits had come in before them, and had told the governor that the lad was gone a hunting; and that the Englishman who accompanied this poor man, went out into the woods in hopes of finding the lad, and saw him, but the lad run away, and that he followed him and called after him, but he would not stop; but holding out a gun, threatened to shoot him down, if he followed him, and so he was discouraged, and turned back. And says LALAND, you will never leave going to see your children and neighbors, till some of you are killed. But the men told him, it was an absolute lie, let who would report it; for they had neither seen the lad, nor did they go into the woods to search after him. They judge this was told to the governor, to prevent any English for the future going no see their children and neighbors. Some of ours say, they have been little better than absolutely promised, to have their children who are among the Savages, in case they themselves would embrace Popery. And that the Priests had said, They had rather the children should be among the Indians, as they were, than be brought out by the French, and so be in a readiness to return for New-England.
A maid of our town was put into a religious house among the Nuns, for more than two years, and all sorts of means, by flatteries, threatenings and abusive carriage used to bring her to turn. They offered her money, which when refused, especially the latter part of the time, they threatened her very much; sent for her before them, commanded her to cross herself. She refused, they hit her a box on the ear; bid her again, still she refused. They ordered a rod with six branches full of knots to be brought; and when she refused, they struck her on the hands, still renewing their commands; and she stood to her refusals, till her hands were filled with wales, with the blows. But one said, beat her no more, we will give her to the Indians, if she will not turn. They pinched her arms till they were black and blue; and made her go into their church; and because she would not cross herself, struck her several blows with their hands on her face. A Squaw was brought in and said, She was sent in to fetch her to the INDIANS; but she refused; the Squaw went away, and said, She would bring her husband with her tomorrow, and she should be carried away by force. She told me, she remembered what I told her one day, after the Nuns had threatened to give her away to the Indians; that they only said so to affright her, that they never would give her away. The Nuns told her, She should not be permitted anymore to speak to the English; and that they would afflict her without giving her any rest, if she refused: But GOD preserved her from falling. This poor girl had many prayers going up to heaven for her, daily, and by name, because her trials were more known to the English, than the trials of others, who lived, more remote from them.
Here might be an history by itself, of the trials and sufferings of many of our children, and young ones, who have been abused, and after separation from grown persons, made to do as they would have them.
I shall here give an account of what was done to one of my children, a boy between fifteen and sixteen years of age, two hundred miles distant from me, which occasioned a grief and sorrow, that I want words to utter; and yet was kept under such awe, that he never durst write anything to me, for fear of being discovered in writing about religion. They threatened to put him to the Indians again, if he would not turn; telling him, He was never bought out of their hands, but only sojourned with them, but if he would turn, he should never be put into their hands anymore. The Priests would spend whole days in urging him. He was sent to school to learn to read and write French; the school master sometimes flattered him with promises, if he would cross himself, then threatened him if he would not. But when he saw flattering promises of rewards, and threatenings were ineffectual, he struck him with a stick he had in his hand; and when he saw that would not do, he made him get down on his knees about an hour, and then came and bid him make the sign of the cross, and that without any delay; he still refused. Then he gave him a couple of strokes with a whip he had in his hand; which whip had three branches, and about twelve great knots tied to it: And again bid him make the sign of the cross; and if it was any sin, he would bear it himself; and said also, You are afraid you shall be changed if you do it; but (said he) you will be the same, your fingers wont be changed. And after he had made him shed many tears, under his abuses and threatenings, he told him, He would have it done: And so through cowardice and fear of the whip, he made the sign, and did so for several days together, and with much ado, he was first brought to cross himself, and then the master told him, He would have it done without his particular biding him. And when he came to say his lesson, and crossed not himself, the master said, Have you forgot what I bid you do? No Sir, said he: Then the school master said, Down on your knees; and so kept him for an hour and an half, till school was done; and so did for about a week. When he saw this would not do, he took the whip, What wont you do it, (said he) I will make you; and so again frightened him to a compliance. After this, commanded him to go to church: When he refused, he told him, he would make him: And one morning sent four of the biggest boys of the school, to draw him by force to mass. These, with other severities, and witty stratagems were used; and I utterly ignorant of any attempt made upon him, to bring him to change his religion. His fear was such, that he never durst write any of these things, lest his letters should fall into their hands, and he should again be delivered to the Indians. Hearing of an opportunity of writing to him by one of the parish where I was, going up to Montreal, I wrote a letter to him, and had by him a letter from my son, which I shall here insert.
Honored Father,
I HAVE received your letter bearing date January 11th, 1705-6, for which I give you many thanks, with my duty, and my brother's. I am sorry you have not received all the letters I have wrote to you; as I have not received all yours. According to your good counsel, I do almost every day read something of the bible, and so strengthen my faith. As to the captives newly brought, Lancaster is the place of two of them, and Marlborough that of the third; the governor of Montreal has them all three. There is other news that will seem more strange to you: That two English women, who in their life time were dreadfully set against the catholic religion, did on their deathbed embrace it. The one Abigail Turbet, the other of them Esther Jones, both of them known to you. Abigail Turbet sent for Mr. Meriel the Sabbath before she died, and said (many a time upon several following days) That she committed her soul into his hands, and was ready to do whatever he pleased. She desired him to go to the chapel St. Anne, and there to say a holy mass for her, that she might have her sins pardoned, and the will of the LORD accomplished upon her. Her cousin Mrs. Badston, now Stilson, asked her, Whether she would be willing to do as she said? She answered, yes. And upon the Tuesday she was taken into the catholic church in the presence of John Laland, and madam Grizalem, an English woman, and Mrs. Stilson also, with many French people besides. She was anointed with oil on the same day, according to her will then. Upon the Wednesday following an image of Christ crucified, was brought to her, she caused it to be set up over against her at the curtains of her bed, and looked continually upon the same; and also a little crucifix was brought unto her, she took it, and kissed it, and laid it upon her stomach. She did also make the sign of the cross upon herself, when she took any meat or drink. She promised to GOD, that if she should recover, she would go to the mass every day: She having on her hand a crucifix, said, Oh my Lord, that I should have known thee so late! She did also make a prayer to the virgin Mary, the two last days of the week. She could utter no word, but by kissing the crucifix, and endeavoring to cross herself, she gave an evidence of her faith. She died Saturday the 24th of November, at three o'clock in the afternoon. The next day the Priests did commend the woman's soul to the prayers of the congregation in the mass: In the afternoon she was honorably buried in the church yard next to the church, close to the body of the justice Pese' s wife; all the people being present at her funeral. The same day in the evening, Mr. Meriel with an English woman, went to Esther Jones; she did at first disdain, but a little while after she confessed there were seven sacraments, Christ's body present, the sacrament of the mass, the ineqality of power among the pastors of the church; and being returned to wait by her all night long, he read and expounded to her some part of the Catholic Confession of Faith to her satisfaction. About midnight he asked, Whether she might not confess her sins? I doubt not but I may, said she: And two hours after she made unto him fervent confession of all the sins of her whole life. When he said, He was to offer Christ to his Father for her, she liked it very well. The superior of the Nuns being come to see her, she now desired that she might receive Christ's body before she died. She did also show Mrs. Stilson a great mind to receive the sacrament of Extreme Unction; and said, That if ever she should recover and get home, she would reproach the ministers, for their neglecting that sacrament, so plainly commanded by St. James. In the afternoon, after she had begged pardon for her wavering, the Catholic Confession of Faith was read aloud to her in the hearing of Mr. Crafton, Mrs. Stilson, and another English woman, and she owned the same. About seven o'clock the same day, she said to Mr. Dubison, Shall not they give me the holy communion? But her tongue was then so thick that she could hardly swallow anything. She was then anointed with holy oil: But before, she said to Mr. Meriel, Why have you not yet, sir, forgiven my sins? In the night following, that Priest, and Mr. Dubison were continually by her; and sometimes praying to GOD in her name, and praying to the Virgin Mary, and other saints. She said also, I believe all: I am very glad Christ was offered to his Father for me. Six or seven hours before she died, a crucifix was showed to her by Mr. Dubison; she took it and laid it upon her heart, and kissed it; and then the Nuns hanged it, with a pair of beads, upon her neck. A little before she died, Mr. Dubison asked her to pray for him in heaven; she promised him: So she gave up the ghost on the 27th of November, at ten of the clock, whilst the high mass was saying; she was soon commended to the prayers. On the fourth day of the week following she was buried, after the mass had been said for her: She was laid by Abigail Turbet."
January 23d. 1705-6.
I HAVE here transcribed the letter in the very words of it, without the least alteration: The same in substance was sent to several other captives. When I had this letter, I presently knew it to be of Mr. Meriel' s composing; but the messenger who brought the letter, brought word that my son had embraced their religion. Afterwards, when some blamed him for letting me know of it, because (they said) they feared my sorrow would shorten my days; he told me he thought with himself, that if he was in my case, he should be willing to know the worst, and therefore told me as he would have desired to have known if in my place. I thanked him, acknowledging it a favor to let me know of it: But the news was ready to overwhelm me with grief and sorrow. I made my complaint to GOD, and mourned before him; sorrow and anguish took hold upon me. I asked of GOD, to direct me what to do, and how to write, and find out an opportunity of conveying a letter to him; and committed this difficulty to his providence. I now found a greater opposition to a patient, quiet, humble resignation to the will of GOD, than I should otherwise have known, if not so tried. Here I thought of my afflictions and trials; my wife and two children killed, and many of my neighbors; and myself, and so many of my children and friends in a Popish captivity, separated from our children, not capable to come to them to instruct them in the way they ought to go; and cunning, crafty enemies, using all their subtlety to insinuate into young ones, such principles as would be pernicious. I thought with myself how happy many others were, in that they had their children with them, under all advantages to bring them up in the nurture and admonition of the Lord; whilst we were separated one from another, and our children in great peril of embracing damnable doctrines. Oh! that all parents who read this history, would bless GOD for the advantages they have of educating their children, and faithfully improve it! I mourned when I thought with myself, that I had one child with the Macquas, a second turned to Popery, and a little child of six years of age, in danger from a child to be instructed in Popery; and knew full well, that all endeavors would be used to prevent my seeing or speaking with them. But in the midst of all these, GOD gave me a secret hope, that he would magnify his power and free grace, and disappoint all their crafty designs. When I looked on the right hand, and on the left, all refuge failed, and none shown any care for my soul. But GOD brought that word to uphold me, who is able to do exceeding abundantly above what we can ask or think. As also that, Is anything too hard for God? I prayed to GOD to direct me; and wrote very short the first time, and in general terms, fearing lest if I should write about things in controversy, my letter would come to him. I therefore addressed him with the following letter:
Son Samuel,
YOUR's of January 23 d . I received, and with it had the tidings that you had made an abjuration of the Protestant Faith, for the Romish: News that I heard with the most distressing, afflicting, sorrowful spirit, that ever I heard any news. Oh! I pity you, I mourn over you day and night! Oh! I pity your weakness, that through the craftiness of man, you are turned from the simplicity of the gospel! I persuade myself you have done it through ignorance. Oh! why have you neglected to ask a father's advice in an affair of so great importance as the change of religion: GOD knows that the catechism in which I instructed you, is according to the WORD of GOD; and so will be sound in the day of judgment. Oh! consider and bethink yourself what you have done! And whether you ask me or not, my poor child, I cannot but pray for you, that you may be recovered out of the snare you are taken in. Read the Bible, pray in secret; make CHRIST's righteousness your only plea before GOD, for justification: Beware of all immorality, and of profaning GOD's SABBATHS. Let a father's advice be asked for the future, in all things of weight and moment. What is a man profited if he gain the whole world, and lose his own soul? Or what should a man give in exchange for his soul? I desire to be humbled under the mighty hand of GOD thus afflicting me: I would not do as you have done for ten thousand worlds. My heart aches within me, but I will yet wait upon the LORD; to him will I commit your case day and night: He can perform all things for me and mine; and can yet again recover you from your fall. He is a God, forgiving iniquity, transgression and sin: To the Lord our God belong forgivenesses, though we have rebelled. I charge you not to be instrumental to ensnare your poor brother Wareham, or any other, and so add sin to sin. Accept of my love, and donit forsake a father's advice, who above all things desires that your soul may be saved in the day of the Lord."
WHAT I mournfully wrote, I followed with my poor cries to GOD in heaven, to make effectual, to cause in him a consideration of what he had done. GOD saw what a proud heart I had, and what need I had to be so answered out of the whirlwind, that I might be humbled before him. Not having any answer to my letter for some weeks, I wrote the following letter, as I was enabled of GOD, and sent to him by a faithful hand; which by the blessing of GOD, was made effectual for his good, and the good of others, who had fallen to Popery; and for the establishing and strengthening of others to resist the essays of the adversary to truth. GOD brought good out of this evil, and made what was designed to promote their interest, an occasion of shame to them.
Son Samuel,
I HAVE waited till now for an answer from you, hoping to hear from you, why you made an abjuration of the Protestant Faith for the Romish. But since you continue to neglect to write to me about it, as you neglected to take any advice or counsel from a father, when you did it; I cannot forbear writing again, and making some reflections on the letter you wrote me last, about the two women. It seems to me, from those words of Abigail Turbet' s in your letter, or rather of Mr. Meriel' s, which you transcribed for him. [" Abigail Turbet sent for Mr. Meriel, she committed her soul into his hand, and was ready to do whatever he pleased."] I say, it seems rational to believe, that she had not the use of her reason; it is an expression to be abhorred by all who have any true sense of religion. Was Mr. Meriel a GOD, a CHRIST? Could he bear to hear such words and not reject them; replying, 'Donit commit your soul into my hands, but see that you commit your soul into the hands of GOD through Christ Jesus, and do whatever GOD commands you in his holy word: As for me, I am a creature, and cannot save your soul, but will tell you of Acts iv. 12. Neither is there salvation in any other; for there is no other name under heaven given among men, whereby we must be saved. Had he been a faithful minister of JESUS CHRIST, he would have said, It is an honor due to CHRIST alone. The holy apostle says, Now unto him that is able to keep you, and present you faultless before the presence of his glory, with exceeding joy, to the only wise GOD our savior, be glory and majesty, dominion and power, both now and ever, amen, Jude 24, 25, verses. As to what you write about praying to the virgin Mary, and other saints, I make this reply; Had Mr. Meriel done his duty, he would have said to them, as 1 Job, ii. 1, 2, If any man sin, we have an advocate with the Father, JESUS CHRIST the righteous; and he is the propitiation of our sins. The scriptures say, There is one God, and one mediator between God and man, the man CHRIST JESUS. Yea, Christ said, Go and preach, He that believeth and is baptized, shall be saved. The apostle in Gal. i. 8, saith, But though we or an angel from heaven preach any other gospel unto you, than that we have preached to you, let him be accursed. They never preached that we should pray to the virgin Mary, or other saints. As you would be saved, hear what the apostle saith, Heb. iv. 13, &c. Neither is there any creature that is not manifest in his sight; but all things are naked, and open unto the eyes of him with whom we have to do. Seeing then that we have a great High Priest that is entered into heaven, JESUS the son of God, let us hold fast our profession: For we have not an high Priest that cannot be touched with the feelings of our infirmities, but was in all points tempted like as we are, yet without sin; let us therefore come boldly unto the throne of grace, that we may obtain mercy and find grace to help in time of need. Which words do hold forth, how that CHRIST JESUS is in every respect qualified to be a mediator and intercessor; and I am sure they cannot be applied to any mere creature, to make them capable of our religious trust. When Roman Catholics have said all they can, they are not able to prove, that the saints in heaven have a knowledge of prayers which are directed to them. Some say, they know them one way, others say, they have the knowledge of them in another way; and that which they have fixed upon as most probable to them, is, That they know of them from their beholding the face of GOD; Seeing GOD, they know these prayers; But this is a great mistake. Tho' the saints see and know GOD in a glorious manner, yet they have not an infinite knowledge; and it does no ways follow, that because they see GOD, they know all prayers that are directed to them upon the earth. And GOD has nowhere in his word told us, that the saints have such a knowledge. Besides, were it a thing possible for them to have a knowledge of what prayers are directed to them, it does not follow that they are to be prayed to, or have religious honor conferred upon them. The Romanists can neither give one scripture precept or example for praying to them; but GOD has provided a mediator, who knows all our petitions, and is faithful and merciful enough; and we have both scripture, precept and example, to look to him as our mediator and advocate with the Father. Further, it cannot be proved that it is consistent with the saints being creatures, as well as with their happiness, to have a knowledge of prayers from all parts of the world at the same time, from many millions together, about things so vastly differing one from another; and then to present those supplications for all that look to them, is not humility but will-worship. Col. ii. 18, Let no man beguile you of your reward, in a voluntary humility, worshipping of Angels, ver. 23, Which things indeed have a show of wisdom and will-worship and humility. For what humility can it be, to distrust the way that GOD has provided and encouraged us to come to him in, and impose upon GOD a way of our own devising? Was not GOD angry with Jeroboam, for imposing upon him after such a sort? I Kings, xii. 33, So he offered upon the altar which he had made in Bethel, the fifth day of the eighth month, which he devised of his own heart. Therefore CHRIST saith, Mark, vii. 7, Howbeit, in vain do they worship me, teaching for doctrines the commandments of men. Before the coming of Christ and his entering into heaven as an intercessor; (Heb. vii. 25, Wherefore he is able to save them to the uttermost that come to God by him, seeing he ever liveth to make intercession for them;) I say before Christ's entering into heaven as an intercessor, not one word of any prayer to saints: What reason can be given that now there is need of so many saints to make intercession; when Christ as a Priest is entered into heaven to make intercession for us? The answer that the Romanists give is a very fable and falsehood; viz. that there were no saints in heaven, till after the resurrection and ascension of Christ, but were reserved in a place called Limbus Patrum, and so had not the beatifieal vision. See Gen. v. 24, Enoch walked with God and was not, for God took him. If he was not taken into heaven, what can be the sense of those words, For God took him? Again, 2 Kings, ii. I, When the LORD would take up Elijah into heaven by a whirlwind, ver. II, There appeared a chariot of fire, and horses of fire, and parted them both asunder, and Elijah went up by a whirlwind into heaven. Must the truth of the scripture be called in question to uphold their notions? Besides, it is not consistent with reason to suppose, that Enoch and Elias instead of having a peculiar privilege vouchsafed to them, for their eminency in holiness, should be less happy for so long a time than the rest of the saints deceased, who are glorified in heaven; which must be, if they are yet kept, and must be till the day of judgment, out of heaven, and the beatifical vision, in an earthly paradise, according to some of the Romanists; or in some other place they know not where, according to others. Religious worship is not to be given to the creature, Mat. iv. 9, 10, and saith, All these things will I give thee, if thou wilt fall down and worship me: Then saith Jesus to him, Get thee hence Satan, for it is written, Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, and him only shalt thou serve. That phrase, and him only shalt thou serve, excludes all creatures, Rev. xxii. 8, 9, I fell down to worship before, the feet of the Angel, which shown me these things; then saith he to me, see thou do it not, for I am thy fellow servant, and of thy brethren the prophets, and of them which keep the sayings of this book, worship God. Which plainly shows, that GOD only is to be worshipped with a religious worship. None can think that St. John intended to give the highest divine worship to the angel, who saith, do not fall down and worship me; it is GOD'S due, worship God. So Acts x. 25, 26, As Peter was coming in, Cornelius met him and fell down at his feet and worshipped him, but Peter took him up, saying, stand up, I myself also am a man. See also Lev. xix. 10. The words of the second commandment (which the Romanists either leave out, or add to the first commandment, saying, Thou shalt have no other gods before me, adding, &c. ) I say, the words of the second commandment are, Thou shalt not make to thyself any graven image, or any likeness of anything that is in heaven above, or that is in the earth beneath, or that is in the waters under the earth; thou shalt not bow down thyself to them, nor serve them, for I the Lord thy God am a jealous God, &c. These words being inserted in the letter, that came from your brother Eleazar in New-England the last summer, was the cause of the letter's being sent down from Montreal, and not given to you, when so near you, as I suppose, there being no other clause of the letter that could be objected against; and the reason why found at Quebeck, when I sent it to you a second time, enclosed in a letter written by myself. The brazen serpent made by divine appointment as a type of CHRIST, when abused to superstition, was by reforming Hezekiah broken in pieces. As to what the Romanists plead about the lawfulness of image and saint worship, from those likenesses of things made in Solomon' s temple, it is nothing to the purpose. We do not say it is unlawful to make or have a picture, but those carved images were not in the temple to be adored, bowed down to, or worshipped. There is no manner of consequence, that because there were images made in Solomon' s temple that were not adored and worshipped, that therefore it is now lawful to make and fall down before images, and pray to them, and so worship them. Religious worshipping of saints, cannot be defended from, but is forbidden in the scriptures: and for fear of losing their disciples, the Romanists keep away from them the Bible, and oblige them to believe as they say they must believe. As though' there was no use to be made of our reason above our souls; and yet the Bereans were counted noble, for searching the scriptures, to see whether the things preached by St. Paul were so or not. They dare not allow you liberty to speak with your father, or others, for fear their errors should be discovered to you.
"Again you write, "that Esther Jones confessed that there "was an inequality of power among the pastors of the church." An argument to convince the world, that because the Priests in fallacious ways, caused a woman distempered with a very high fever, if not distracted, to say, she confessed there was an inequality of power among the pastors of the church, therefore all the world are obliged to believe that there is a Pope: An argument to be sent from Dan to Beersheba everywhere, where any English captives are, to gain their belief of a Pope. Can any rational man think, that Christ, in the 16th chapter of Matthew, gave saint Peter such a power as the Papists speak of; or that the disciples so understood Christ? when immediately there arose a dispute among them, Who should be the greatest in the kingdom of heaven? Math. xviii. 1, At the same time came the disciples of Jesus, saying, Who is the greatest in the kingdom of heaven? The Rock spoken of in the 16th of Matthew, not the person of Peter, but the confession made by him; and the same power is given to all the disciples, if you compare one scripture with another; not one word in any place of scripture of such a vicarship power as of a Pope, nor any solid foundation of proof, that Peter had a greater authority than the left of the apostles. 1 Cor. iv. 6, That you might learn in us, not to think of men above that which is written. Yea, the apostle condemns them, 1 Cor. i. 12, for their contentions, One saying I am of Paul, I of Apollos, and I of Caephas; no more of Peter' s being a foundation than any of the rest. "For we are built upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets, JESUS CHRIST himself being the chief corner stone." Not one word in any of Peter' s epistles showing that he had greater power than the other apostles. Nay, if the scriptures give any preference, it is to saint Paul rather than saint Peter. 1 Cor. iii. 10, "According to the grace of God which is given to me, as a wise master builder, I have laid the foundation, 1 Cor. v. 3, 4, For I verily as absent in body, but present in spirit, have judged already as though' I were present, concerning him that hath so done this deed: In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, when ye are gathered together, and my spirit, with the power of our Lord Jesus Christ," &c. "1 Cor. vii. 1, Now concerning the things whereof ye wrote to me;" application made not to saint Peter, but Paul, for the decision of a controversy or scruple. "1 Cor. xi. 1, Now I praise you brethren, that you remember me in all things, and keep the ordinances as I delivered them to you." Either those spoken, Acts xv. or in his ministry and epistles, "2 Cor. ii. 10, For your sake forgive I it, in the person of Christ. 2. Cor. xi. 28, That which cometh upon me daily, the care of all the churches. 2 Cor. xii. 11, 12, For in nothing am I behind the very chiefest of the apostles, though I be nothing: Truly the signs of an apostle were wrought among you in all patience, in signs and wonders, and mighty deeds;" and in other places. Again, if you consult Acts xv. where you have an account of the first synod or council, you will find that the counsel or sentence of the apostle James is followed, ver. 19, Wherefore my sentence is, &c. not a word that saint Peter was chief. Again, you find Peter himself sent forth by the other apostles: "Acts viii. 14, The apostles sent unto them Peter and John." When the church of the Jews found fault with Peter for going in to the Gentiles when he went to Cornelius, he does not say, Why do you question me, or call me to an account, I am Christ's vicar on earth. When Paul reproved Peter, Gal. ii. he does not defend himself by mentioning an infallibility in himself as Christ's vicar, or reprove Paul for his boldness.
"The Roman Catholic CHURCH cannot be a true church of Christ, in that it makes laws directly contrary to the laws and commands of Christ. As for example, in withholding the wine or the cup from the laity, in the Lord's supper; when as Christ commands the same to drink who were to eat. Their evasion that the blood is in the body, and so they partake of both in eating, is a great fallacy, built on a false foundation of transubstantiation. For when men eat, they cannot be said to drink, which Christ commands; for Christ commands that we take the cup and drink, which is not done in eating; besides the Priests themselves will not be so put off. The words, This is my body, doth only intend, this doth signify or represent my body; which will appear if you compare scripture with scripture: for after the consecration the Holy Ghost calls it bread, and, The fruit of the vine. Exod. xii. 11, It is the Lord's Passover; that is, it represents it. In all the evangelists, you read of killing and eating the passover, a few lines or verses before these words, This is my body; which plainly show, that our Savior in the same way of figurative expression speaks of the Gospel Sacrament. If these words were taken as the Romanists expound them, he must eat his own body himself, whole and entire in his own hands; and after that each of the disciples eat him entire, and yet he sit at the table whole, untouched at the same time; contradictions impossible to be defended by any rational arguments. Yea, his whole body must be now in heaven, and in a thousand other places, and in the mouth of every communicant at the same time, and that both as a broken and unbroken sacrifice, and be subject to putrefaction. CHRIST is said to be a Door, a true Vine, a Way, a Rock. What work shall we make, if we expound these in a literal manner, as the Romanists do, when they say, This is my body, is meant the real body of Christ in the Eucharist? It is said, "1 Cor. x. 4, And did all drink of the same spiritual drink, for they drank of that spiritual Rock that followed them, and that rock was Christ." Was Christ literally a rock, think you? Yea, it is absurd to believe, that a Priest uttering a few words over wafer not above an inch square, can make it a GOD, or the body of CHRIST entire, as it was offered on the cross. A blasphemy to pretend to a power of making GOD at their pleasure, and then eat him, and give him to others to be eaten, or shut him up in their altars; that they can utter the same words, and make a GOD or not make a GOD, according to their intention; and that the people are obliged to believe that it is GOD, and so adore it, when they never hear any word of consecration, nor know the Priest's intention.
As to what you write about the Holy Mass, I reply, It is wholly an human invention; not a word of such a sacrifice in the whole bible; its being a sacrifice propitiatory daily to be offered, is contrary to the holy scriptures. Heb. vii. 27, Who needeth not daily, as those high priests, to offer up sacrifice first for his own sins, and then for the people's: For this he did once when he offered up himself. And yet the Romanists say, there is need that he be offered up as a sacrifice to GOD every day. "Heb. ix. 12, By his own blood he entered in once into the holy place, having obtained eternal redemption for us: 25, 26, 27, 28, Nor yet that he should offer himself often, as the High Priest entereth into the holy place, every year with the blood of others: For then must he often have suffered since the foundation of the world: But now once in the end of the world, hath he appeared to put away sin by the sacrifice of himself: As it is appointed unto men once to die, but after this the judgment: So Christ was once offered to bear the sins of many. Heb. x. 10, By which will we are sanctified, through the offering of the body of Jesus Christ once for all: Ver. 12, But this man, after he had offered one sacrifice for sins, forever sat down on the right hand of God: Ver. 14, For by one offering he hath perfected forever them that are sanctified." By which scripture you may see that the mass is not of divine appointment, but an human invention. Their evasion of a bloody and an unbloody sacrifice, is a sham: The holy scriptures speak not one word of Christ's being offered as a sacrifice propitiatory, after such a sort as they call an unbloody sacrifice. All the ceremonies of the mass are human inventions, that GOD never commanded.
As to what is in the letter about praying for the women after their death, is very ridiculous. For, As the tree falls, so it lies; as death leaves, judgment will find: No change after death from an afflicted to an happy place and state. Purgatory is a fancy for the enriching the clergy, and impoverishing the laity. The notion of it is a fatal snare to many souls, who sin with hopes of easily getting priestly absolutions at death, and buying off their torments with their money. The soul at death goes immediately to judgment, and so to heaven or hell. No authentic place of scripture mentions so much as one word of any such place or state. Mr. Meriel told me, "If I found one error in our religion, it was enough to cause me to disown our whole religion:" By his argument you may see what reason you have to avoid that religion that is so full of errors.
Bethink yourself, and consult the scriptures, if you can get them: (I mean the bible.) Can you think their religion is right, when they are afraid to let you have an English bible; or to speak with your father, or other of your Christian neighbors, for fear they would give you such convictions of truth, that they cannot remove? Can that religion be true that cannot bear an examination from the scriptures, that are a perfect rule in matters of faith; or that must be upheld by ignorance, especially ignorance of the holy scriptures?
These things have I written as in my heart I believe. I long for your recovery, and will not cease to pray for it. I am now a man of a sorrowful spirit, and look upon your fall as the most aggravating circumstance of my afflictions; and am persuaded that no pains will be wanting to prevent me from seeing or speaking with you; but I know that GOD'S grace is all sufficient: He is able to do exceeding abundantly above what I can ask or think. Do not give way to discouragement as to your return to New-England: Read over what I have written, and keep it with you, if you can; you have no friend on earth that wisheth your eternal salvation more heartily than your father. I long to see and speak with you, but I never forget you: My love to you, and to your brother, and sister, and to all our fellow prisoners. Let me hear from you as often as you can. I hope GOD will appear for us before it be long.
There are a great many other things in the letter that deserve to be refuted, but I should be too tedious in remarking them all at once. Yet would not pass over the passage in the letter, that Esther Jones confessed, that there were seven sacraments. To which I answer, That some of the most learned of the Romish religion, confessed without the distracting pains of a violent fever, and left it on record in print, that it cannot be convincingly made out from the scripture, that there are seven sacraments; and that their most incontestible proof is from tradition, and by their traditions they might have found seventeen as well as seven; considering that four Popes, successively, spent their lives in purging and correcting old authors. But no men can out of the holy scriptures, prove anymore than two sacraments of divine institution, under the New Testament, namely, Baptism and the Lord's Supper. If you make the scriptures a perfect rule of faith, as you ought to do, you cannot believe as the Romish church believes. Oh! see that you sanctify the Lord himself in your heart, and make him your fear and your dread. Fear not them that can kill the body, and after that have no more that they can do; but rather fear him that has power to destroy soul and body in bell fire. The Lord have mercy upon you, and show you mercy for the worthiness and righteousness sake of Jesus Christ, our great and glorious redeemer and advocate, who makes intercession for transgressors. My prayers are daily to GOD for you and your brother, and sister, yea and for all my children, and fellow prisoners.
I am your afflicted and sorrowful father, JOHN WILLIAMS.
Chaleanviche, March 22, 1706."
GOD who is gloriously free and rich in his grace to vile sinners, was pleased to bless poor and weak means for the recovery of my child so taken, and gave me to see that he did not say to the house of Jacob, Seek you me in vain. Oh! that every reader would in every difficulty make him their refuge; he is an hopeful stay. To alleviate my sorrow, I received the following letter in answer to mine:
Montreal, May 12, 1706.
Honoured Father,
I RECEIVED your letter which you sent by—, which good letter I thank you for; and for the good counsel which you gave me: I desire to be thankful for it, and hope it will be for the good of my soul. I may say as in the PSALMS, "The sorrows of death compassed me, and the pains of hell gat hold on me: I found trouble and sorrow, then called I upon the name of the Lord: O LORD, I beseech thee, deliver my soul! Gracious is the LORD and righteous, yea our GOD is merciful." As for what you ask me about my making an abjuration of the Protestant Faith for the Romish, I durst not write so plain to you as I would, but hope to see and discourse with you. I am sorry for the sin I have committed in changing of religion, for which I am greatly to blame. You may know that Mr. Meriel the school master, and others, were continually at me about it; at last I gave over to it, for which I am very sorry. As for that letter you had from me, it was a letter I transcribed for Mr. Meriel▪ And for what he saith about Abigail Turbet, and Esther Jones, nobody heard them but he, as I understand. I desire your prayers to GOD for me, to deliver me from my sins. Oh remember me in your prayers! I am your dutiful son, ready to take your counsel,
SAMUEL WILLIAMS.
THIS Priest, Mr. Meriel, has brought many letters to him, and bid him write them over and send them, and so he has done for many others. By this, as also by Mrs. Stilson' s saying,
For the last summer, one Biggilow from Marlborough, a captive at Montreal, was very sick in the hospital, and in the judgment of all, with a sickness to death. Then the Priests and others gave out, that he was turned to be of their religion, and taken into their communion: But contrary to their expectation, he was brought back from the gates of death, and would comply with none of their rites; saying,
[AT QUEBECK.]
In the beginning of March, 1706, Mr. Shelden came again to Canada, with letters form his excellency our Governor, at which time I was a few days at Quebeck. And when I was there, one night about ten o'clock, there was an earthquake, that made a report like a cannon, and made the houses to tremble: It was heard and felt many leagues, all along the island of St. Lawrence, and other places. When Mr. Shelden came the second time, the adversaries did what they could to retard the time of our return, to gain time to seduce our young ones to Popery. Such were sent away who were ungainable, and most of the younger sort still kept. Some still flattered with promises of reward, and essays were made to get others married among them. One was debauched, and then in twenty four hours of time, published, taken into their communion and married; but the poor soul has had time since to lament her sin and folly, with a bitter cry; and asks your prayers, that God of his sovereign grace would yet bring her out of the horrible pit, she has thrown herself into. Her name was Rachel Storer, of Wells.
In April, one Zebediah Williams, of Deerfield, died: He was a very hopeful and pious young man, who carried himself so in his captivity, as to edify several of the English; and recover one fallen to Popery, taken the last war; though' some were enraged against him on these accounts; yet even the French where he sojourned, and with whom he conversed, would say he was a good man: One that was very prayerful to God, and studious and painful in reading the holy scriptures: A man of a good understanding, a desirable conversation. In the beginning of his last sickness he made me a visit, (before he went to the hospital at Quebeck, ) as he had several times before, to my great satisfaction, and our mutual consolation and comfort in our captivity: He lived not above two miles from me over the river, at the island of St. Lawrence about six weeks or two months. After his death the French told me Zebediah was gone to hell, and damned: For, said they, he has appeared since his death, to one Joseph Egerly, an Englishman who was taken the last war, in flaming fire, telling him,
In the latter end of summer, they told me,
We were always out of hopes of being returned before winter, the season proving so cold the latter end of September, and were praying to GOD to prepare our hearts with an holy submission to his holy will, to glorify his holy name in a way of passive obedience, in the winter. For my own part, I was informed by several who came from the city, that the Lord Intendant said, if More returned, and brought word that Battis was in prison, he would put me in prison, and lay me in irons. They would not permit me to go into the city, saying, I always did harm when I came to the city, and if at any time I was at the city, they would persuade the governor to send me back again.
In the beginning of last June, the Superior of the Priests came to the parish where I was, and told me,
In the beginning of last June, went out an army of five hundred Macquas and Indians, with an intention to have fallen on some English towns down Connecticut river, but lighting on a Scatacook Indian, who afterwards ran away in the night, they were discouraged; saying, He would alarm the whole country. About fifty, as some say, or eighty, as others, returned: Thus GOD restrained their wrath.
When they were promising themselves another winter, to draw away the English to Popery, news came that an English brigantine was coming; and that the honorable Capt. Samuel Appleton, Esq. was coming ambassador, to fetch off the captives, and Capt. John Bonner with him▪ I cannot tell you how the clergy and others, labored to stop many of the prisoners: To some liberty, to some money, and yearly pensions were offered, if they would stay. Some they urged to tarry at least till the spring of the year; telling them, it was so late in the year, they would be lost by shipwreck, if they went now; some younger ones they told, if they went home they would be damned and burnt in hell forever, to affright them; day and night they were urging them to stay. And I was threatened to be sent aboard, without a permission to come ashore again, if I should again discourse with any of the English, who were turned to their religion: At Montreal especially, all crafty endeavors were used to stay the English. They told my child, if he would stay, he should have an honorable pension from the king every year, and that his master, who was and old man, and the richest in Canada, would give him a great deal; telling him if he returned, he would be poor, for (said they) your father is poor, has lost all his estate, it was all burnt; but he would not be prevailed with to stay. And others were also in like manner urged to stay; but God graciously brake the snare, and brought them out. They endeavored in the Fall of the year, to prevail with my son to go to France, when they saw he would not come to their communion anymore. One woman belonging to the eastern parts, who had by their persuasions, married an English captive taken the last war, came away with her husband, which made them say, they were sorry they ever persuaded her to turn to their religion, and then to marry; for instead of advancing their cause by it, they had weakened it; for now they had not only lost her, but another they thought they had made sure of. Another woman belonging to the eastward, who had been flattered to their religion, to whom a Bible was denied till she promised to embrace their religion, and then had the promise of it for a little time; opening her Bible whilst in the church and present at mass, she read the fourth chapter of Deuteronomy, and received such conviction whilst reading, that before her first communion she fell off from them, and could never be prevailed with anymore to be of their religion.
We have reason to bless GOD, who has wrought deliverance for so many; and yet pray to GOD for a door of escape, to be opened for the great number yet behind, not much short of an hundred; many of which are children, and of these not a few among the savages, and having forgot the English tongue, will be lost, and turn savages also in a little time, unless something extraordinary prevent.
The vessel that came for us, in its voyage to Canada, struck on a bar of sands, and there lay in very great hazard for four tides; and yet they saw reason to bless GOD for striking there; for had they got over that bar, they would at midnight in a storm of snow, have run upon a terrible ledge of rocks.
We came away from Quebeck, October 25; and by contrary winds, and a great storm, we were retarded, and then driven back nigh the city, and had a great deliverance from shipwreck, the vessel striking twice on a rock in that storm. But through GOD's goodness, we all arrived in safety at Boston, November 21; the number of captives, fifty seven, two of which were my children. I have yet a daughter of ten years of age, and many neighbors, whose case bespeaks your compassion, and prayers to GOD, to gather them, being out casts ready to perish.
At our arrival at Boston, we found the kindnesses of the Lord in a wonderful manner, in GOD'S opening the hearts of many, to bless GOD with us and for us; wonderfully to give for our supplies in our needy state. We are under obligation to praise GOD, for disposing of the hearts of so many to so great charity; and under great bonds to pray for a blessing on the heads, hearts and families of them, who so liberally and plentifully gave for our relief. It is certain, that the charity of the whole country of Canada, though moved with the doctrine of merit, does not come up to the charity of Boston alone, where notions of merits are rejected; but acts of charity performed out of a right Christian spirit, from a spirit of thankfulness to GOD, out of obedience to GOD'S command, and unfeigned love and charity to them that are of the same family and household of faith. The Lord grant, that all who devise such liberal things, may find the accomplishment of the promises made by GOD, in their own persons and theirs after them, from generation to generation.
I SHALL annex a short account, of the troubles beginning to arise in Canada. On May 16, arrived a canoe at Quebeck, that brought letters from Mississippi, written the May preceding; giving an account that the plague was there, and that one hundred and fifty French in a very little time had died of it; and that the savages, called the Lezilouways were very turbulent, and had with their arrows wounded a Jesuit in five places, and killed a Frenchman that waited on him. In July, news came, that the nations up the river were engaged in a war, one against the other; and that the French living so among them, and trading with them, were in great danger; that the Mitchel Macquinas had made war with the Mizianmies, and had killed a Mendicant Friar, and three other Frenchmen, and eleven savages, at a place called the Straits, where they are settling a garrison and place for traffic; the Michel Macquinas had taken sixteen Frenchmen prisoners, and burnt their trading houses. These tidings made the French very full of perplexing troubles; but the Jesuits are endeavoring to pacify them; but the troubles when we came away, were rather increasing than lessening; for the last letters from the French prisoners at Michel Macquina, report, That the savages had sent out two companies, one of an hundred and fifty, the other of an hundred and sixty, against the savages at the Straits; and they feared, they would engage as well against the French as the Indians.
A SERMON, PREACHED AT BOSTON LECTURE, Dec. 5, 1706; BY JOHN WILLIAMS, Pastor of the CHURCH of CHRIST in Deerfield, soon after his return from captivity.
PSAL. cvii. 13, 14, 15, 32,
PSAL. xxxiv. 3,
LUKE VIII. 39.
THE infinitely wise Disposer of all things, who aims at his own glory, in the governing of rational creatures, doth sometimes bring persons into the depths of distress; and then magnify his power and grace in raising, them up out of their afflictions: And in many, respects by such things, he has a design of advancing his own glory in the world. We find in the context, a person in a very doleful, distressed condition: He seems to be forsaken of GOD, and made a possession and dwelling place of evil spirits, deprived of all human comforts, made to possess sorrow and pain to such a degree, as to be a common subject, or a theme of discourse for all men to relate doleful things about. And afterward, GOD in very remarkable and wonderful works of power and mercy, not only gives release from his sorrowful possession, but he is sitting at the feet of Jesus, clothed, and in his right mind. Now this was done for the manifest glory of GOD. For when this man (for whom such great things had been done) petitions Christ that he may abide with him, to hear from him, and pay his respects to him; he receives commandment, to glorify the power and mercy of GOD, in declaring to others what great things GOD had done for him.
1. A subject of great mercy; or a person spoken of for whom GOD had done great things, bestowed eminent mercies.
2. A particular and special command from Christ, to glorify GOD in relating to others, what mercies he had been the subject of.
3. His obedience to the great command of Christ. He went and published the great things done for him by Christ; so that from the command of Christ, and his obedience to it, for which he is commended, you may observe this doctrinal conclusion.
DOCT. It well becomes those who have had eminent mercies, to show to others what great things GOD has done for them.
The holy scriptures in many places confirm this truth. See Exod. xii. 25, 26, 27, And it shall come to pass, when ye be come to the land, which the Lord will give you, according as he hath promised, that ye shall keep this service. And it shall come to pass, when your children shall say unto you, What mean you by this service, that ye shall say, It is the sacrifice of the Lord's passover, who passed over the houses of the children of Israel in Egypt, when he smote the Egyptians, and delivered our houses. Exod. xiii. 8, 10, And thou shalt show thy son in that day, saying, This is done because of that which the Lord did unto me, when I came forth out of Egypt. Thou shalt therefore keep this ordinance in his season from year to year. Psal. lxxviii. 3, 4, Which we have heard and known, and our fathers have told us; we will not hide them from their children, showing to the generation to come the praises of the Lord, and his strength, and his wonderful works that he hath done. In the prosecution and handling of this truth, consider,
I. They who have had mercies, have had them from GOD. God is the bestower and giver of all our good things: All our mercies come to us by a divine providence, and ordering; not by casualty or accident: Neither are they of our own procuring and purchasing, or others, so as to exclude the providential disposing of God. 'It is God who returns the captivity of Zion. Psal.cxxvi, beg. When the Lord turned again the captivity of Zion, we were like them that dream: Then was our mouth filled with laughter, and our tongue with singing. Then said they among the heathen, The Lord hath done great things for them. The Lord hath done great things for us; whereof we are glad: Turn again our captivity, O Lord. The very Heathen acknowledge the good things bestowed upon, and done for the church, to be from God; and God's own people acknowledge him for the mercies granted, and humbly supplicate mercies from him for the future. 'It is God who gathers the outcasts of Israel: 'It is he who takes away the captives of the mighty, the prey of the terrible: Who contends with them that contend with us, and saves our children, 'It is God who disperseth and gathers again: Therefore the Psalmist, Psal. ciii. begin. calls upon his soul to bless the Lord, and not to forget all his benefits; and saith, 'tis God who forgiveth all thy iniquities, who healeth all thy diseases: Who redeemed thy life from destruction, who crowneth thee with loving kindness and tender mercies, &c. Sometimes, God in a more immediate and extraordinary way and manner confers blessings and mercies, sometimes in a more ordinary and mediate way; but his providence is to be acknowledged in all: Not one single mercy comes to us, without a commission from that God by whom our very hairs are numbered.
II. It well becomes those who have had eminent mercies, to show to others what great things God hath done for them. Therefore you find the holy Psalmist calling upon others, to give a listening ear, whilst he makes a narration of the salvations he had from God, Psal. lxvi. 16, Come and bear all you that fear God, and I will declare what he hath done for my soul.
1 st. Reason. Because God aimed at the advancement of his own glory, in the giving and dealing out of these mercies. God makes and disposeth all things for his own glory. All works of Providence, are some way or other to advance the glory of God in the world. The glory of his power, wisdom, mercy justice and holiness, are some way or other advanced in a manifestive way and manner. Now it well becomes us, to fall in with the design of God, and in an active manner to give him glory. That God designs to have glory given to him is evident from Psal. 1. 15, And call upon me in the day of trouble, I will deliver thee, and thou shalt glorify me. Exod. vii. 5, And the Egyptians shall know that I am the Lord, when I stretch forth mine hand upon Egypt, and bring out the children of Israel from among them. God has a design to magnify his power, mercy and covenant faithfulness, in the eyes of the world.
2 d. Reas. Because God has given us direct precepts, and positive commands, in this way to glorify him. God is our Lord and lawgiver, and he requires that among other ways of showing forth his praises, we do it by rehearsing his praiseworthy acts to the children of men. So that in obedience to God, and answering that high and noble end we were made for, it is requisite that in this way we glorify God. It is enough, that the great God who hath taken us into covenant relation to himself, has enjoined us to show forth his praises in rehearsing to others the salvations and favors we have been the subjects of. The before mentioned scriptures, with many others that might be enumerated, sufficiently demonstrate, that God calls for our thankful acknowledgments in this way; and upon the account of this being so agreeable to the revealed and preceptive will of God, the Psalmist expresses himself as in Psal. cxlv. 4, 5, 6, One generation shall praise thy works to another, and shall declare thy mighty acts. I will speak of the glorious honor of thy majesty and of thy wondrous works. And men shall speak of the might of thy terrible acts; and I will declare thy greatness. They shall abundantly utter the memory of thy great goodness; and shall sing of thy righteousness: Verse 10, 11, 12, All thy works shall praise thee, O Lord; and thy saints shall bless thee. They shall speak of the glory of thy kingdom, and talk of thy power. To make known to the sons of men his mighty acts, and the glorious majesty of his kingdom.
3 d. Reas. Because hereby they will stir up others to bless God with them, and for them. A truly gracious soul finds by experience, that he can do but a little in glorifying God, finds how far he falls short of the rule of duty, in so reasonable a service as glorifying God: And being enlarged in desires that the glory due to God might be given him, doth call upon others to join with him in his heavenly service of praising God; and therefore tells them what great things God has done. Psal. xxxiv. 2, 3, 4, 6, My soul shall make her boast in the Lord; the humble shall hear thereof, and be glad. O magnify the Lord with me, and let us exalt his name together. I sought the Lord and he heard me; and delivered me from all my fears. This poor man cried, and the Lord heard him, and saved him out of all his troubles. When Moses told his father in law Jethro, the great things God had done for Israel, he glorifies God on their behalf. Ex. xviii. 8, &c. And Moses told his father in law all that the Lord had done unto Pharaoh, and to the Egyptians for Israel's sake, and all the travel that had come upon them by the way, and how the Lord delivered them. And Jethro rejoiced for all the goodness which the Lord had done to Israel, whom he had delivered out of the hands of the Egyptians. And Jethro said, Blessed be the Lord, who hath delivered you out of the hand of the Egyptians, and out of the hand of Pharaoh, who hath delivered the people from under the hand of the Egyptians. Now I know that the Lord is greater than all God's, for in the thing wherein they dealt proudly, he was above them. By this means thanks will be given to God by many: As many have been praying to God for them, so many will be praising and blessing God with them and for them.
4 th Reas. Because hereby they will oftentimes be advised and counseled, how to improve such mercies to the glory of God. We are conscious to ourselves of so much blindness, ignorance, and darkness, that we cannot but own it a great thing to be in a way for the best counsel, what to do with our mercies, and what and how to return to God for them. Now the publishing the great things done by God for us, put others in a capacity to be advising and telling us, what temptations we may expect to meet with, and what will be needful on our part to avoid temptations, and how to overcome; they will be counseling us how to be in a way of rendering to the Lord according to the benefits done unto us; what duties God looks for the performance of, and directions how to do duty. In a word, we may be counseled how to order our whole conversation, so as God may have glory, and our good purposes of honoring and glorifying God with our mercies established. Prov. xx. 18, Every purpose is established by counsel. When Moses had told Jethro what great things God had done for Israel, he said, Exod, xviii. 19, Hearken now unto my voice, I will give thee counsel, and God shall be with thee, &c.
5 th Reas. Because hereby they will be instrumental to put others upon trusting God, making him their hope and refuge in an evil day. Others will be excited to seek refuge under the shadow of his wings, Psal. xliv. begin. We have heard with our ears, O God, our fathers have told us what work thou didst in their days, in the times of old. How thou didst drive out the heathen, &c. And then it is said, Thou art my king, O God: Command deliverances for Jacob. Through thee will we push down our enemies: Through thy name will we tread them under that rise up against us. For I will not trust in my bow, neither shall my sword save me. In God we boast all the day long. Others that have heard, will say, such and such an one was thus exercised, and God appeared for them, and put songs of praise to the Lord into their mouths; we will commit our case to God too; we will both hope and quietly wait for God's salvation too. Your telling others, how you have found God a prayer-hearing God, will encourage them prayer-wise to be committing their distressed and difficult cases to him. What an honor to be instrumental to any soul's comfort, and God's honor; agreeable to this is that Psal. lxxviii. 5, 6, 7, Which he commanded our fathers: That they should make them known to their children. That the generation to come might know them, even the children which should be born: Who should arise and declare them to their children: That they might set their hope in God, and not forget the works of God: But keep his commandments.
6 th Reas. Because the works of God towards them, have been very wonderful. The Psalmist often speaks of the works of God as marvelous; they are wonderful if we consider, how God timed the mercy; when their feet well nigh slipped, when they could see no way of escape; as with the children of Israel at the red sea. How very marvelous was the work of God, in putting by the wicked purpose of Haman against Mordicai and the Jews? If we consider how God kept from falling, by making them pass a right Judgment on their ways and his ways, as Psal. lxxiii. Yea, appearing to save them, when with Jonah they were saying, they were cast out of God's sight. All refuge seemed to fail, none showing any care for their soul; even then God made good his word on which he had caused them to hope, as Psal. cxlii. per totum. The works of GOD are marvelous, if we consider the way and manner of ushering in the mercy, the instruments that were made use of, and how he disappointed the counsels of the crafty.
7 th Reas. Because it is a good evidence, that they regarded and took notice of the works of GOD in mercy, and would not forget his wonderful works towards them. For hereby, they put others under advantages to put them in mind, what favors they have received from GOD.
USE I. Of INSTRUCTION.
And First, It informs us, that it is very acceptable to God, for Christians to entertain the report for the experiences of others, to excite their own hearts to glorify GOD. For if God make it a duty in the receiver to report, it lays the hearer under an obligation to set such remarks upon the passages of divine providence to others, as may be useful to engage their hearts to glorify GOD, for the favors and blessings he has bestowed upon others. And therefore in obedience to GOD'S command, that you may be under advantages to glorify God; I will now make a report of some of the great things God has done for those you have been putting up so many prayers to God for. God has eminently been fulfilling that word, Psal. cvi, 46, He made them also to be pitied, of all those that carried them captives.
God hath made those whose characters have been, that they were such whose tender mercies were cruelties; such from whom, one act of pity or compassion could scarce be expected, even such who have delighted in cruelty; to pity and compassionate such who were led into captivity by them. Made them bear on their arms, and carry on their shoulders our little ones, unable to travel. Feed their prisoners with the best of their provisions: Yea, sometimes pinch themselves, as to their daily food, rather than their captives. To pity them under sickness, and afford all proper means for the restoration of their health, or recovery from lameness. Made heathen's bowels yearn towards poor infants exposed to death, so as to work out their deliverance from fatal strokes, by burdening themselves. Oh! let us adore the riches of the grace of God, who in wrath remembers mercy, and doth not stir up all his wrath; and from hence be encouraged, when under convictions of God's being angry with us, yet to look to him for mercy.
God has upheld many poor souls under all manner of disadvantages, as to getting knowledge, and kept them from falling, though crafty adversaries were under all advantages, and painful endeavors used to seduce them. Being without bibles, ministers or Christian friends to confer with, daily harrassed with temptations and tempters: Some threatened, some flattered, some shut up and confined in Monasteries, where no means were unessayed to gain them to change their religion.
God has strengthened them to go thro' tedious journeys, and renewed strength, when they were even fainting in their spirits; thinking it not possible to travel five miles, and yet enabled to travel at least forty in a day. Remarkably ordering seasons, so as to be for their comfort in their travels; causing a moist snow to fall on the lake, only to such a height as to make it easy to their swoln and wounded feet: Changing the winds for their advantages, in petty voyages in their ticklish canoes.
They have found God a little sanctuary to them, in the land of strangers: even there they have found the consolations of God through Christ not to be small, so that some of the most joyful and refreshing favors from heaven, have been given into their souls, when under all sorts of outward afflictions.
They have found God, a God hearing prayers, when they have gone to him with their most difficult cases; preserving them from falling; recovering them form falls; to making void the counsels of adversaries, disappointing them in the things they dealt most proudly in. God has brought his to a resignation to his will, and then appeared dealing out mercies, as the very case did require.
God has sanctified to some, their former Sabbath solemn attendances on duties of piety, private as well as public; and a religious education to be an unanswerable objection against such who were zealous for the traditions of men, to a visible profaning God's sabbaths. They durst not embrace that religion, the principles of which, as well as practices, were so contrary to the precepts of God's holy wrod. Oh! how should ministers and parents be encouraged from hence to use their utmost care, that God's sabbaths may be duly sanctified by all under their charge; and that they would be exemplary before others, in a due observance of holy time.
God has made the falls of some to Popery, a means for the recovery of others; and making those things, by which the adversary thought to increase their numbers and proselytes, to be occasional of recovering such who from their youth had been educated in the Popish way; having been taken captives when young. Do not be discouraged and say, your friends and relations have (being captivated when young) for a long time lived in Popery, and therefore no hopes of recovery; for God can make dry bones, very dry, to live, and can in ways unthought of by you, both recover them after they have fallen, and return them again. The adversaries have sometimes pretended miracles for the confirmation of their religion, that they might seduce to Popery; in fallacious ways caused reports that some captives died Papists; that one appeared in flames of fire to bear a testimony against the Protestant Religion; but God has in his wise providence, made known their falsehoods and lies.
They have sought to persuade some, by sums of money, to change their religion, offering honor and advancement to them at the same time; but God enabled them to resist and hate such allurements.
The reading the fourth chapter of Deuteronomy, a means of recovering one from Popery.
God has made some with an heroical, yea with a right Christian courage, to welcome death. Oh let everyone get such a preparedness for DEATH, that a sudden DEATH may not be a terror!
God has made some by the want of sanctuary mercies, to set an higher value upon the ordinances of JESUS CHRIST. Oh learn to prize and improve them, lest God teach you by the briars and thorns of the wilderness, the worth of them, and make you weep when you set down at the rivers of Babylon.
God has strengthened some to stand, when they have not only been threatened with all cruelties if they refused, but when the hatchet has been lift up, with a threatening of speedy death in case of refusal. Oh let everyone trust in God, who is a seasonable help and a present refuge!
INSTRUCTION II. How they are to blame, that do not regard and take notice of the works of God, nor treasure up the remembrance of them in their minds. How soon are mercies like to be forgotten! The Psalmist says, Forget not all his benefits. It was the great sin of the Israelites of old, that they soon forgot God's wondrous works. The Holy God gave order that his people should erect stones of remembrance, that his wonderful works of mercy to his people might not be forgotten; yea, commanded parents to tell their children, from generation to generation, what great things he had done for them. How are they then to blame that say, They bless God for their mercies, and do not rehearse the praise worthy works of divine Providence to others?
USE II.
To direct such who have received great and eminent mercies from God, in this way of making known to others the wonders of mercy to them, to be praising God. It is one way very proper and agreeable to the revealed will of God: You must watch against all vain ostentation.
USE III. Of EXHORTATION.
To all who have in a more peculiar way and manner, been casting off the effects and fruits of divine bounty and goodness, to be declaring what great things God has done for them.
Therefore 1. Beware of all manner of pride. Sometimes men cannot declare the great works of God done for them, without making known their own weakness, and therefore are silent, and hold their peace; they had rather God should lose his glory, than they any of their credit or esteem. But the holy Psalmist says, His feet had well nigh slipped; yea, that in his haste be had said, all men are liars; and that one day he should surely perish; take shame to himself, that he might magnify the preventing and delivering grace and goodness of God. Sometimes men's pride makes them so admire their own parts and contrivances, as to overlook the works of divine Providence; they sacrifice to their own net, and burn incense to their own drag; and say they have so much learning and knowledge, that they could easily answer arguments to seduce them to Popery, and so do not see and acknowledge the goodness of God, in preserving and keeping them.
2. Beware of a stupid, senseless, slothful spirit. The works of God are sought out of them that have pleasure in them. Some will not be at the pains to recollect the passages of divine Providence—will not commit them to writing, or to their memories, and therefore soon forget them: They never wisely observe the heightening circumstances of their mercies.
Consider, 3. How heavenly an employ and service it is to be glorifying and praising God. It will be one part of the work of heaven to be telling of the wonderful works of God towards us. Begin such an heavenly employ on earth. Hereby you will also interest yourselves in the prayers of others: To have many prayers going daily to God for you, how great a favor is it! Others hearing what mercies you have had, will bear you upon their hearts when at the throne of grace, that you may suitably improve such mercies.
The glorifying God, is the greatest and chiefest concern of gracious souls; and the glorifying God here, is the way to be glorified by, and with God forever. The not glorifying God is very displeasing to him, and a way to deprive ourselves of the sweet and comfort of our mercies. God accounts forgetting of mercies, a forgetting himself.
APPENDIX. Drawn up and sent to the Rev. Mr. PRINCE, by the Rev. Mr. STEPHEN WILLIAMS, of Springfield, who on February 29th, 1703-4, was with his Rev. father, Mr. JOHN WILLIAMS, of Deerfield, carried captive into Canada, but returned, and was educated at Harvard College.
Names of those persons who were taken captive at Deerfield, Feb. 29th, 1703-4.
MARY Alexander, Mary Alexander, jun. Joseph Alexander, ran away the first night, Sarah Allen, Mary Allis, Thomas Baker, Simon Beaumont, Hannah Beaumont, *Hepzibah Belding, John Bridgman, ran away in the meadow, Nathaniel Brooks, *Mary Brooks, † Mary Brooks, jun. †William Brooks, Abigail Brown, Benjamin Burt, John Burt, Sarah Burt, *Hannah Carter, *Hannah Carter, jun. †Mercy Carter, †Samuel Carter, †John Carter, Ebenezer Carter, *Marah Carter, John Catlin, Ruth Catlin, *Elizabeth Corse, †Elizabeth Corse, jun. †Daniel Crowfoot, † Abigail Denio, Sarah Dickinson, Joseph Eastman, Mary Field, John Field, †Mary Field, jun. *Mary Frary, Thomas French, *Mary French, Thomas French, jun. Mary French, jun. †Freedom French, †Martha French, † Abigail French, †Mary Harris, †Samuel Hastings, *Elizabeth Hawks, Mehuman Hinsdale, Mary Hinsdale, Jacob Hix, died at Cowass, Deacon David Hoit, died at Cowass, Abigail Hoit, Jonathan Hoit, Sarah Hoit, †Ebenezer Hoit, *Abigail Hoit, jun. Elizabeth Hull, †Thomas Hurst, †Ebenezer Hurst, *Benoni Hurst, Sarah Hurst, Sarah Hurst, jun. Elizabeth Hurst, †Hannah Hurst, Martin Kellogg, Martin Kellogg, jun. Joseph Kellogg, †Joanna Kellogg, Rebecca Kellogg, John Marsh, Sarah Mattoon, *Philip Mattoon, *Frank, a negro. *Mehitable Nims, Ebenezer Nims, †Abigail Nims, Joseph Petty, Sarah Petty, Lydia Pomroy, Joshua Pomery, *Esther Pomroy, Samuel Price, †Jemima Richards, †Josiah Riseing, Hannah Shelden, Ebenezer Shelden, Remembrance Shelden, Mary Shelden, John Stebbins, Dorothy Stebbins, John Stebbins, jun. Samuel Stebbins, †Ebenezer Stebbins, †Joseph Stebbins, †Thankful Stebbins †Elizabeth Stevens, Ebenezer Warner, *Waitstill Warner, †Waitstill Warner, jun. Sarah Warner, Rev. John Williams, *Mrs. Eunice Williams, Samuel Williams, Stephen Williams, †Eunice Williams, jun. Esther Williams, Warham Williams, John Weston, Judah Wright.
Three Frenchmen who had lived in the town for some time, and came from Canada, were also taken.
NOTE. Where there is this sign *against the person's name, it is to signify they were killed after they went out of town: And this mark † is to signify that they are still absent from their native country.
Names of those who were slain at that time in or near the town.
SLAIN IN THE TOWN.
DAVID Alexander, Thomas Carter, John Catlin, Jonathan Catlin, Sarah Field, Samson Frary, John French, Alice Hawks, John Hawks, jun. and his wife, Thankful Hawks, John Hawks, Martha Hawks, Samuel Hinsdale, Joseph Ingersol, Jonathan Kellogg, Philip Mattoon's wife and child, Parthena, a negro, Henry Nims, Mary Nims,* Mercy Nims,* Mehitabel Nims,* Sarah Price, Mercy Root, Thomas Shelden, Mrs. Shelden, Mercy Shelden, Samuel Smead's wife and two children, Elizabeth Smead, Martin Smith, Serg. Benoni Stebbins, Andrew Stevens, Mary Wells, John Williams, jun. Jerusha Williams.
An account of the mischief done by the enemy in Deerfield, from the beginning of its settlement to the death of the Rev. Mr. JOHN WILLIAMS, in June, 1729.
1. THE enemy beset the place, and killed one James Egleston, Sept. 1, 1675.
2. The Indians fell upon the people as they were going to public worship, on Sept. 12, 1675, and wounded one Samuel Harrington in the neck, but the wound did not prove mortal. One man was drove into the swamp, taken and killed.
3. Capt. Lethrop and company were slain at Muddy Brook (alias) Bloody Brook, on Sept. 18, 1675.
4. The Fall fight (as it is called,) was on May 18, 1676, when a great slaughter was made of the enemy, but Capt. Turner and 37 men were lost. There were many remarkables, relating to this affair, (as related by Jonathan Wells, Esq. who was present) which are not taken notice of by Mr. Hubbard, or Dr. Mather.
5. Sept. 19, 1677. John Root, was killed, and Serg. Plympton, Quintin Stockwell, and Benoni Stebbins, were taken captive, but Stebbins made his escape from them, and got home. This was after they began to settle the place a second time; for upon Capt. Lethrop's loss, the town was deserted for some time; but this year, 1677, they began to build again. Serg. Plympton was accounted a gracious man; he was burnt by the Indians, and the Indians obliged one Dickinson, taken at Hatfield, to lead him to the stake: The manner of burning was this; they covered him with dry bark, set it on fire, then they quenched the fire, and anon firing it again. He went cheerfully to the stake, &c. The town was deserted for some time: In 〈◊〉 they returned again to settle the town.
6. June, 1693. The widow Hepzibah Wells and her three daughters were knocked on the head and scalped, two of them died, but the other lived; at the same time Thomas Broughton was killed, and his wife, great with child, and three of their children.
7. On October 13, 1693, Martin Smith was taken, and carried to Canada, from whence he returned after some years.
8. Sept. 15, 1694. Monsieur Castreen, with a number of Indians, beset the fort, but were beat off: Daniel Severance (a lad) was killed in the meadow; and John Beaumont, and Richard Lyman, soldiers in the fort, were wounded, but recovered. Mrs. Hannah Beaumont and some children who were her scholars, were remarkably preserved: As they ran from the house to the fort, the enemy fired many shot at them, and the bullets whistled about their ears; but none of them were hurt, altho' some of the enemy were very near them.
9. August 18, 1695. Mr. Joseph Barnard was fired upon by the enemy, and his horse was shot down: He himself was wounded in the body, one wrist shivered to pieces, his other hand wounded; but yet through the bravery of Godfry Nims, and others with him, he was brought into the town, and lived till September 6, and then died, greatly lamented, &c.
10. Sept. 16, 1696. John Gillet and John Smead, were hunting up green river; the Indians came upon them, and took Gillet, but Smead made his escape; the enemy left two or three men with Gillet, and the rest came along to the town, and assaulted Daniel Belding' s house, took Mr. Belding, his son Nathaniel, and daughter Esther, captive: Killed his wife and three children, and wounded Samuel and Abigail, but they recovered, although Samuel had a hatchet stuck in his head, and some of his brains came out at the wound.
11. July, 1698. Nathaniel Pomroy was killed, being with a party of men that went up the river after some Indians that had done mischief at Hatfield: At the same time Samuel Dickinson, and one— Charly, were retaken from the enemy. This is related by Dr. Cotton Mather, in his history of the ten years war, &c.
12. October 8, 1703. Zebediah Williams and John Nims, were taken captive, and carried to Canada; Williams died there; Nims, with some others, made their escape, and got home to Deerfield, in 1705.
13. The town was taken Feb. 29, 1703-4.
14. May 11, 1704. John Allen and his wife were killed at a place called the Barrs.
15 Sergeant John Hawks, riding on the road, was fired at by the enemy, and wounded in the hand, but got off to Hatfield, and his wound was healed, &c. This was in the Summer of 1704.
16. July 19, 1704. Thomas Russell was killed by the enemy, north of the town.
17. August, 1708. A scout went up to the White River, and as they returned, were fired upon by the enemy, and one man, whose name was Barber, was killed; and he killed the Indian that killed him. Martin Kellogg, jun. was taken captive, and the rest escaped.
18. October 26, 1708. Ebenezer Field was killed near Muddy Brook.
19. Mehuman Hinsdale was taken captive as he was driving his team from Northampton. This was April 11, 1709: The second time of his captivity: He was carried to Canada, and from thence to France, and got to England, and from thence home, &c.
20. May, 1709. Lieut. John Wells, and John Burt, were lost in a skirmish with the enemy on the French river, after they had been, with others, as far as Lake Champlain, and killed some of the enemy.
21. Joseph Clesson and John Arms were taken June 22, 1709, and the next day Jonathan Williams was killed, and Matthew Clesson mortally wounded; and Lieut. Thomas Taylor and Isaac Mattoon were wounded but, recovered.
22. July 30, 1712. Sergeant Samuel Taylor, and others, were sent out as a scout to the North River, they were attacked by the enemy, and Samuel Andross was killed; Jonathan Barrett was wounded in the side, and then taken; one William Sanford was also taken, the rest got home, &c. The prisoners were carried to Canada, where they met Lieut. Samuel Williams, (who was then at Canada with a flag of truce) who ransomed them from the Indians, and brought them home▪ They were absent but about two months.
23. June 27, 1724. Ebenezer Shelden, Thomas Colton, and Jeremiah English, (a friend Indian,) were killed on the road beyond the Green River houses; and it was supposed the enemy received some damage from some of our forces, who came upon them speedily, &c.
24. July 10, 1724. Lieut. Timothy Childs and Samuel Allen, were shot upon and wounded, as they were returning from their labor in the field, but they escaped, and were healed of their wounds.
25. August 25, 1725. Deacon Field, Deacon Childs, and others, were going up to Green River farms, and were ambushed by the Indians, but they discovered the Indians; and John Wells discharged his gun at an Indian, who fell: The Indians fired at them, and wounded deacon Samuel Field, the ball passing through the right hypocondria, cutting off three plaits of the Mysenteria, which hung out of the wound, in length almost two inches, which was cut off even with the body, the bullet passing between the lowest and the next rib, cutting, at its going forth, the lowest rib: His hand being close to the body when the ball came forth, it entered at the root of the heel of the thumb, cutting the bone of the fore finger, and, resting between the fore and second finger, was cut out, and all the wounds were cured in less than five weeks, by Doctor Thomas Hastings.
APPENDIX. By the Rev. JOHN TAYLOR, the present Minister of the Gospel, in Deerfield; containing some account of the mischief done by the enemy, in Deerfield, and its vicinity, from the death of the Rev. Mr. WILLIAMS, to the conclusion of the last French War.
THE readers of this Appendix, will probably feel desirous of knowing the reasons, why, in many things, I have been so general; only having given a brief statement of facts; and in others, have been more particular. I trust, it will be a sufficient apology to observe, That I have done it for the want of better documents. Most of the facts mentioned, I have taken from the minutes of some gentlemen, who kept them, only for their own satisfaction, and were not particular; and now, the distance of time, precludes the possibility of obtaining such an account of circumstances, as may be depended on.
One reason, of my adding this appendix, is, I suppose that it will not be disagreeable to any who were desirous that the Narrative should be reprinted, especially the descendants of those who were either killed, wounded, or captivated; and for this reason, I have been careful also to mention the names of such.
Another reason is,—I think that every vestige of history, which respects the early settlement of a country, should be preserved, for the satisfaction of future generations.
THE last account of mischief, mentioned in the former Appendix, done by the enemy in this part of the country, was in August, 1725. This year, terminated the war. A treaty of peace was held at Boston, by commissioners from the General Court, and the Chiefs of the Indian tribes; at which, articles were signed, and a long peace ensued.
There appeared, for many years, an unusually pacific spirit among the Indians; probably in consequence of some acts of the General Court, favorable to them in their trade. It was thought, that they never again would have been disposed to hostilities, had they not been under the immediate influence of the French interest.
War was declared between France and England, March, 1744. The first year of the war, no Indians made their appearance in this part of the country: They had found by experience, that to maintain an open trade with the English, was greatly for their interest; and consequently at first, entered into the war with reluctance.
The first mischief that I can obtain an account of, done by the enemy, in this part of the country, in the course of this war, was in July, 1745; when a few Indians came to a place called the Great Meadow, about 16 miles above fort Dummer, on Connecticut River; two of whom, captivated William Phips, as he was hoeing his corn. After having taken, and led him about half a mile, they made a stand; and as the Indians afterwards informed, one of them having laid down his gun, and gone a few rods, for the purpose of fetching something he had left, on his return, Phips took up the Indian's gun, fired upon, and killed him; then fell upon the other with his hoe, struck him down, and bruised him, 'till he supposed he was dead; he then attempted to make his escape, but unfortunately, three more of the enemy came upon him, and killed him.
The same month, deacon Josiah Fisher, was killed, and scalped at a place called the upper Ashwelot.
Oct. 11 th. The fort at the Great Meadow, was attacked by a large party of French and Indians; the attack was bold, and furious, but without success. No lives were lost. Nehemiah How was taken captive, and carried to Quebeck, where he soon died. The enemy on their return, met one David Rugg, with another person, passing down Connecticut river in a canoe; Rugg they killed, and scalped, the other person, with some difficulty, made his escape.
I can find no farther account of mischief done by the enemy, in this part of the country, in the year 1745, but in 46 they began in season, and the sufferings of the people were very considerable.
In April, the enemy made their appearance at No. 4, (now Charleston, ) which was then the most northern settlement, on Connecticut river; Capt. John Spafford, Isaac Parker, and Stephen Farnsworth, being at a little distance from the fort, were captivated and carried to Canada.
The same month, a party of Indians ambushed the road, between Northfield and Lunenburgh, and killed Joshua Holton.
On the 23d of the same month, a large party of the enemy, came to the upper Ashwelot, with a design to have taken the fort by surprise, but being discovered by a person who was providentially, at that time, at a little distance from the garrison, they were disconcerted; an action however ensued, which continued for some time; the enemy finally withdrew. In this action, John Bullard was killed, Nathan Blake was captivated, and the wife of Daniel M'Kin, being out of the fort, was overtaken and stabbed. Before the enemy retired, they burnt several buildings, which was supposed to have been done, not so much for the sake of mischief, as to conceal their dead; there being many human bones afterwards found among the ashes.
In the beginning of May, the enemy again appeared at No. 4; a few people were near a barn, about sixty rods from the fort, when they were fired upon by a considerable body of the natives who had concealed themselves in the barn, Seth Putnam, a soldier belonging to the fort, was killed; whilst the enemy were endeavoring to scalp him, Major Willard, commander of the garrison, with two soldiers, ran near to them undiscovered, and fired upon them, upon which they retreated in great haste. The Indians afterwards reported to the prisoners in Canada, that at this time, two of their number were mortally wounded, and died soon after.
May 6th, a large party of Indians made an attempt upon the fort at Falltown; (now Bernardston, ) a person about forty rods from the fort discovering them, gave information to another farther distant than himself; by this, the enemy found they were discovered, and ran immediately to the fort; an attack commenced, which continued for some time, and though' there were but three soldiers in the fort, they defended it till the enemy withdrew. John Burk was slightly wounded, one house was burnt, and about ten cattle were killed. Two Indians were mortally wounded, who died soon after their return.
On the same day, Serg. John Hawks, and John Miles, were fired upon by two Indians, as they were riding out from fort Massachusetts, and were both wounded: Miles made his escape to the fort; Hawks fought for some time, and as afterwards appeared, might have taken them both prisoners, had he understood their language; they asked him for quarter before he turned to make his escape.
10 th. Five of that party of Indians, who the day before had been at Falltown fort, ambushed the road at Colrain. Matthew Clark, with his wife and daughter, together with two soldiers were fired upon, a few rods from the fort; Clark was killed, and his wife and daughter were wounded; one of the soldiers returning the fire, killed one of the enemy, which gave them a check, and he brought the wounded into the fort.
A few days after, about twenty men were out, fifty or sixty rods from the fort, at No. 4, viewing the place where Parker was killed on the 2d of the month, and before they discovered an enemy, they were fired upon by a large body of Indians, who immediately endeavored to cut off their communication with the fort; Capt. Stevens, commander of the garrison, came out with a body of men for their relief, a severe action ensued, which continued for some time; at last the enemy fled; and as was supposed with considerable loss. Capt. Stevens lost three, viz. Aaron Lyon, Peter Perrin, and Joseph Marcy; he had four wounded, and one taken captive.
June 11 th. A party of the enemy again appeared at fort Massachusetts; a number of men being at some distance from the fort, were attacked, and a skirmish ensued: The enemy fled, after sustaining the fire but a few moments. Elisha Nims, and Gershom Hawks were wounded; and Benjamin Tenter was captivated. One of the enemy was killed.
19 th. A large body of the enemy again appeared at No. 4; Capt. Stevens, and Capt. Brown, marching with about fifty men from the fort into the meadow, were ambushed; the enemy were discovered before they fired: Stevens began the attack, and a severe action was fought; after some time the enemy were repulsed, and retreated in great haste. Capt. Stevens lost none on the spot. Jedidiah Winchel was mortally wounded, and died soon after. David Parker, Jonathan Stanhope, and Noah Heaton were also wounded, but recovered.
20th. A party of about twenty Indians came to Bridgman's fort, about two miles below fort Dummer, and fell upon a number of men who were at work in the meadow. In this skirmish William Robins and James Parker were killed; John Beaumont and Daniel How were taken captive; Michael Gilson, and Patrick Ray were wounded, but recovered.
July 3 d. The enemy waylaid a mill in Hinsdale; Col. Willard having come to the mill with a guard of about 20 men, for the purpose of grinding, and having placed his guards, they were soon fired upon; the Colonel calling to his men with great earnestness to fall upon them, gave them such a fright, that they fled, leaving behind them their packs, and provisions, to the value of 40l. (old tennor.)
28 th. David Morrison, of Colrain, was taken captive, near one of the garrisons.
August 3 d. A body of the enemy appeared at No. 4; suspicions of their approach were excited by the yelling of dogs. A scout was sent out from the fort, and had proceeded but a few rods before they were fired on. Ebenezer Philip's was killed; the remainder made their escape to the fort; the enemy surrounded the garrison, and endeavored, for three days, to take it; but finding their efforts ineffectual, they withdrew, after having burnt several buildings, and killed all the cattle, horses, &c. they could find.
11 th. Benjamin Wright, of Northfield, riding in the woods, was fired on, and mortally wounded; he died in a few hours.
17 th. Ezekiel Wallingford was killed, and scalped, at a place called Poquaig. The same day, a person by the name of Bliss, was killed, and scalped, on the road between Deerfield, and Colrain, or Bernardston.
20 th. An army of about nine hundred French and Indians, under the command of Gen. de Vaudreuil, made an attack upon fort Massachusetts. The fort was commanded by Col. Hawks, who, was not in a situation to defend it against such a force, having but thirty three persons, both of men, women, and children, in the fort; and being miserably provided with ammunition; with great fortitude, however, he defended it for twenty eight hours; and had not his ammunition failed, it is probable he never would have given up the fort. He was, finally, necessitated to capitulate; and he offered such articles as were accepted by de Vaudreuil. One special article in this capitulation, was, that none of the prisoners should be delivered into the hands of the Indians; the next day, however, Vaudreuil divided the prisoners, and delivered them one half, in open violation, and contempt of the article. The Indians immediately killed one, who, by reason of sickness, was unable to travel. The prisoners were, in general, treated with civility, most of whom were afterwards redeemed. Col. Hawks lost but one man in the siege. Gen. de Vaudreuil, according to the best accounts the prisoners could obtain, lost forty five, who were either killed outright, or died of their wounds.
Immediately after the capture of the fort, a party of about fifty Indians came on, for the purpose of making depredations upon Deerfield. They came first upon a hill, at the south west corner of the south meadow, where they discovered ten, or twelve, men and children at work, in a situation, in which they might all, with ease, be made prisoners. Had they succeeded in their design, which was, to obtain prisoners, rather than scalps, it is probable that events would not have been so disastrous as they proved. They were disconcerted by the following circumstance: Mr. Eleazar Hawks was out that morning a fowling, and was providentially at the foot of the hill, at the time the enemy came down; they, seeing him, supposed they were discovered, and immediately fired upon him, killed, and scalped him. This gave an alarm to the people in the meadow, some of whom were distant but a few rods. The enemy were now sensible, that what they did must be done with dispatch. Accordingly they rushed into the meadow, fired on Simeon Amsden, a lad, and killed him, beheaded, and scalped him. Mr. Samuel Allen, John Sadler, and Adonijah Gillet, ran a few rods, and made a stand, under a bank of the river, where they were attacked with fury, and fought for a little time with great bravery; they were, however, soon overpowered with numbers. Allen and Gillet fell. Sadler, finding himself alone, ran across the river, and made his escape, amidst a shower of balls. Whilst this was passing, Oliver Amsden was pursued a few rods, overtaken, and stabbed, after having his hands and fingers cut in pieces by endeavoring to defend himself against the enemies knives. At the same time, three children by the name of Allen, all of whom are still living, were pursued; Eunice, one of the three, was struck down with a tomahawk, which was sunk into her head, but by reason of the haste in which the enemy retreated, she was left unscalped, and afterwards recovered. Caleb, the present Mr. Caleb Allen, of Deerfield, made his escape; and Samuel was taken captive, the only prisoner who was taken at this time. The firing immediately alarmed the town. Capt. Hopkins, commander of the standing guard, together with most of the inhabitants, as volunteers, came on with the utmost expedition, but the enemy had withdrawn in great haste, expecting, no doubt, a violent attack; they were pursued several miles by a body of men, under the command of Capt. Clesson, but could not be overtaken.
It does not appear, as matter of certainty, that more than one of the enemy was killed at this time, and him, by Samuel Allen; sometime after, however, the remains of a person were found, near the place of action, supposed to be those of an Indian.
This was the last mischief, done by the enemy, in the western frontiers, this season.
April 7 th, 1747. A large body of French, and Indians, appeared at No. 4, and laid siege to the garrison, which continued for three days, when the enemy withdrew, having done but little damage; only slightly wounding Joseph Eli, and John Brown.
15 th. Nathaniel Dickinson, and Asahel Burt, of Northfield, being out a little distance from the town, were killed, and scalped. The enemy, on their return from Northfield, burnt most of the buildings in Winchester, and in the upper, and lower Ashwelots, which plantations, a few days before, had been deserted by the inhabitants, not having sufficient protection afforded them by government.
May 25 th. As fort Massachusetts was rebuilding, there being several hundred people present, an army of the enemy came, with a design to hinder the undertaking. About an hundred men, a few days before, had been sent to Albany, for stores of provisions, and ammunition; being on their return, and near the fort, a scout was sent forward, who, coming within sight of the fort, discovered the enemy, and began an attack; this gave an alarm to the people at the fort, who, as yet, had not discovered the enemy; a few issued out, and fought, till the enemy withdrew. There was, at the time, much complaint, both of the people at the fort, and of the commander of that party who was with the waggons, for not affording assistance, which was imputed to cowardice. In this action, three persons were wounded; and a friend Indian, who belonged to Stockbridge, was killed.
July 15 th. Eliakim Sheldon, of Bernardston, was fired upon, and wounded; he died the following night.
The same month, John Mills, of Colrain, passing from what was called the south fort, to his own house, was fired upon and killed.
August 26 th. A small party of the enemy came to a village belonging to Northampton, (now Southampton, ) and killed, and scalped, Elijah Clark, as he was threshing in his barn.
October 1 st. Peter Burvee was taken captive near Massachusetts fort.
19 th. John Smead, as he was travelling from Northfield to Sunderland, was killed, and scalped, near the mouth of Miller's river. He had but a few days before returned from captivity, being one who was taken at Massachusetts fort, with his wife, and children.
About this time, Jonathan Sawtel was taken captive, from Hinsdale.
24 th. As twelve men were passing down the river, from No. 4, they were ambushed, and a skirmish ensued; Nathaniel Gould, and Thomas Goodall, were killed, and scalped; Oliver Avery was wounded, and John Henderson taken captive, the remainder made their escape.
March 15 th, 1748. About eight men were out a few rods from the fort, at No. 4, and were attacked by about twenty Indians, who endeavored to cut off their retreat to the fort; a skirmish ensued, in which Charles Stevens was killed; a man by the name of Androus was wounded, and Eleazar Priest was taken captive.
April 12 th. Jason Babcock was taken prisoner, being at work in his field, at Poquaig.
May 9 th. Noah Pixley was killed, and scalped, at Southampton.
About the same time, Capt. Melvin, with eighteen men, being at the Lake, near Crownpoint, fired at two canoes of Indians: On his return, being on West river, about 35 miles from fort Dummer, was ambushed, and being fired on by surprise, his men were scattered: Two or three returned the fire, and killed two of the enemy: The same persons, after having gone some distance, and having fallen in company with three or four of their own men, concluded to return back, and give the enemy a shot; on their return they were fired on, and one was killed; they returned the fire, and killed one of the enemy. The whole company, excepting six, made their escape through the wood, and came in at different times. In this skirmish Joseph Petty, John Heywood, John Dod, Daniel Mann, and Isaac Taylor, were killed; Samuel Severance could not be found, and was supposed to be taken captive. The loss of these men, was much lamented; and they are spoken of with respect, as prudent, virtuous men, and resolute soldiers.
June 16 th. As thirteen men were marching from Col. Hinsdale's, to fort Dummer, they were ambushed by a large body of the enemy, and were fired upon. Joseph Richardson, Nathan French, and John Frost, were killed the first shot, and seven were immediately taken captive, viz. Henry Stevens, Bejamin Osgood, William Blanchard, Matthew Wiman, Joel Johnson, Moses Perkins, and William Bickford. Bickford was either killed by the enemy, the first night, or had been wounded, and died of his wounds.
26 th. Capt. Hobbes, passing through the woods from No. 4, to fort Shirly, with forty men, and being about twelve miles Northwest of fort Dummer, was attacked by a large body of the enemy, who had pursued him; it being in the middle of the day, he had made a stand, that his men might receive some refreshment; whilst they were dining, the scout, which was sent upon the back track, were fired on. Upon this, Capt. Hobbes put his men into as much readiness for an action, as two or three minutes would admit of. The enemy came on with great fury, expecting, no doubt, an immediate surrendry; but Capt. Hobbes gave them a warm reception, and fought, for four hours, with such boldness and fortitude, as that had he, and his men, been Romans, they would have received a laurel, and their names would have been handed down with honor, to posterity; the enemy finally fled in haste, and with great loss. Capt. Hobbes, in this action, lost but three men, and had but three wounded; those killed were Ebenezer Mitchel, Eli Scott, and Samuel Gunn.
July 14 th. As a scout of seventeen men were passing from Col. Hinsdale's to fort Dummer, they were ambushed, and fired upon, by about 120 of the enemy; two only were killed the first shot; two more were wounded, and but four made their escape; the remainder were taken captive; the wounded the enemy killed, after having carried them about a mile.
23 d. The enemy waylaid the main street, at Northfield, and killed Aaron Belding.
August 2 d. About 200 of the enemy, made their appearance at fort Massachusetts; the fort was then under the command of Capt. Ephraim Williams: A scout was first fired upon, which drew out Capt. Williams, with about thirty men; who fought for some time; but, finding the enemy numerous, he finally retreated to the fort: The enemy soon withdrew, and with what loss was unknown. In this action, one Abbot was killed, Lieut. Hawley, and Ezekiel Wells were wounded, but recovered.
This is the last account I can find, of mischief done by the enemy in the Western frontiers, in what is called the first French war. Peace, however, was not finally settled with the Indians, until Oct. 1749, when a treaty was held at Falmouth, by Commissioners from the General Court, and the Chiefs of the Indian tribes, by whom a former treaty, with some additions, was renewed.
Peace, between France, and England, took place in the year 1748, and war was again declared in 1756; but, in the Summer of 55, a body of Indians appeared at Stockbridge, killed several persons, and did considerable mischief, in killing cattle, &c.
In June, the same summer, a number of persons being at work in the meadow, at the upper part of Charlemont, were fired on by a party of the enemy; not so much mischief was done, as might have been expected; a number made their escape: Capt. Rice, and Phinehas Arms, were killed, their bodies were afterwards found in a mangled condition. Titus King, and a lad, were taken captive.
The same month, Capt. Bridgman's Fort, at Hinsdale, was taken by a stratagem, and a number of persons were captivated. It was supposed that the enemy had been lurking about for some time, and the situation of the sort was such as that whatever passed, either in, or near it, might be easily seen from the hills a little back: It was the custom of the fort, for the women within to fasten the gate when the men went into the fields to labor, and to open it upon their return, at the signal of knocking: The Indians observing this, took an opportunity when the men were at the greatest distance from the fort, came, and knocked at the gate; and the women, being under no special apprehensions of an enemy, immediately threw open the gate, when, to their astonishment, they found the enemy entering; no resistance was made in the fort, and fourteen persons were taken captive. The enemy made no longer tarry at the fort, than to secure the prisoners, but rushed into the meadow, and fell upon the men, who, as yet, had not discovered what had passed at the fort; they made as much resistance as their situation would admit of. In this skirmish, Caleb Howe was killed, the remainder made their escape.
About this time, the fort at Keene, under the command of Capt. Sims, was attacked by a large party of Indians, and with great fury; the attack was sustained with fortitude. The enemy finding their attempts to take the fort ineffectual, gave over the attack, but wreaked their vengeance on the inhabitants, by destroying all the property they could find, in killing cattle, burning buildings, &c. In this siege, no lives were lost, and but one person was taken captive, he being out of the sort at the time.
July 3 d. The enemy appeared at Keene, and captivated a person by the name of Frizzle.
The same month, fort Hinsdale was attacked by a considerable body of the enemy. In this attack two persons were killed, and one was taken captive; one of the persons killed was John Alexander.
About the same time, two men were killed, at Bellows's sort. Also, a man, by the name of Pike, was killed at some place up the river, but where I cannot tell.
June 7 th, 1756. Josiah Foster, with his family, were taken captive, at Winchester. The same day, a body of the enemy appeared at fort Massachusetts. Benjamin King, and a man by the name of Meacham, were killed.
The same month, Lieut. Joseph Willard, was killed at No. 4.
On the 25 th, as a number of men were coming from the army at the Lake, they were attacked by a large body of the enemy, eight men killed, and five taken captive.
July 11 th. The enemy came to West Hoosick, and killed Capt. Chapin, and two persons by the name of Chidester.
August 12 th, 1756. A party of five, or six Indians, made their appearance in Deerfield, (now Greenfield, ) at a place called the Country Farms: several men, viz. Benjamin Hastings, John Graves, Daniel Graves, Nathaniel Brooks, and Shubal Atherton, being at work, were surprised, by discovering the enemy between them and their guns, and being in no situation to make resistance, found no way to save themselves, but by flight. They had fled but a few rods, before they were fired on; none were either killed, or wounded the first shot; the enemy still pursued, and continued their firing. Shubal Atherton was soon killed; Benjamin Hastings, and John Graves, made their escape; Daniel Graves, and Nathaniel Brooks, were taken captive. Graves was killed, after the enemy had conveyed him but a little distance; he was in years, and it was supposed, he was unable to travel with such speed as the enemy wished. Brooks never returned from his captivity.
1757. The enemy appeared at No. 4, and captivated five persons; the particulars of this matter I cannot ascertain.
March 20 th, 1758. John Morrison, and John Henry, of Colrain, being near what is called North River, (a branch of Deerfield River, ) were fired on, and were both wounded; Capt. Morrison's barn was burnt, and his cattle were killed the same day.
March 21 st, 1759. The enemy again appeared at Colrain, and captivated Joseph M'Cown, with his wife. Mrs. M'Cown, was killed by the enemy, after one day's travel, she being unable to proceed.
This is the last account, which I can obtain, of mischief done by the enemy, in the western frontiers, in the last French war.
APPREHENDING that it will not be disagreeable to the public, I here subjoin a circumstantial account, of what is called the Fall Fight, which happened in May, 1676.
The following, I have taken in part, from Hubbard's history of the Indian wars; but principally, from an attested copy of a manuscript, written by some gentlemen who were in the action.
SEVERAL large bodies of Indians had assembled at different places about Deerfield. Two tribes had seated themselves at the falls, one on the East, and the other on the West side of the river. A little below the falls, upon an island, was another tribe. Another had placed themselves on the West side of the river, at a little distance above the falls: And a fifth had taken their residence at Cheapside.
These Indians, being previously informed, by some of their captives, that the forces were principally withdrawn from the neighbouring towns, had imprudently fallen into a state of security. The inhabitants being informed of this, by some prisoners, who had been so fortunate as to make their escape, determined to improve the opportunity, and if possible, extirpate them from this part of the country. All the soldiers, who could be raised, for this almost desperate expedition, both from the militia, and the standing forces, amounted to only one hundred and sixty. The standing forces were commanded by Capt. Turner, of Boston. The volunteers by their own officers. Those from Spring field, by Capt. Holyoke; from Northampton, by ensign Lyman; from Hadley, and Hatfield, by sergeants Kellogg, and Dickinson. The Rev. Hope Atherton, minister of the Gospel, at Hatfield, a gentleman of public spirit, accompanied the army. The pilots were Messrs. Benjamin Wait, and Experience Hinsdale.
These troops marched from Hatfield, May 17 th, 1676, a little before night. Passing Deerfield River, at Cheapside, they were heard by the Indian sentinel, who immediately alarmed the tribe, informing them, that horses had passed the river. Search was made, at the usual fording place, which our troops had happily missed, having by mistake, crossed a little above, and the enemy finding no tracks, concluded, that their sentry had been deceived, and that what he heard, must have been the noise of Moose, passing the river near the fording place. Meeting with no opposition from this tribe, our troops marched on, till they came to the falls. It was now about the break of day. According to their wishes, our army found the enemy in an unguarded situation, without even a sentinel. The reason why, at this time, they were thus surprisingly unguarded, was, the evening before they had been rioting upon milk, and roast beef, having been pillaging cows from the neighbouring towns. When the day opened, so that our army could distinguish friends from foes, they marched up and began the attack, by firing into the wigwams. The Indians awaking in surprise, and in their consternation supposing that they were attacked by their native enemies, cried, Mohawks! Mohawks! They soon, however, discovered their mistake; but being in no situation to make an immediate defense, great numbers were slain upon the spot,—some, in their surprise, ran directly into the river, and were drowned; others betook themselves to their bark canoes, and having in their confusion forgot their paddles, were hurried down the falls, and dashed against the rocks; and many who had endeavored to secrete themselves under the river bank, were discovered, and slain.
In this action the enemy, by their own confession, lost 300, women, and children included.
This victory, though' great, and obtained with the loss of only one man, in the first onset, was however, disastrous in the issue. The few who had not been slain, of this tribe, after recovering from their fright, and being joined by the neighbouring tribes, discovering the smallness of the number, by whom they had been thus furiously attacked, and by whom they had sustained such a loss, pursued, and harrassed the army on their retreat, with such fury, that thirty seven were killed, and several were wounded.
This loss was imputed, in part, to the bodily infirmities of Capt. Turner; and in part to the want of ammunition, which was the cause of an illtimed and unguarded retreat.
A few, to the number of about twenty, did not quit the ground, with the main body of the army, but tarried behind, for the purpose of firing at some of the enemy who were crossing the river. These men soon found themselves under the necessity of disputing the ground, with a considerable body of the enemy, before they could recover their horses; but after a severe skirmish, obtained their object, and soon came up with the army, which was surrounded, and fought on their retreat for ten miles. Seven, or eight men, in the beginning of the retreat, were, by some accident, unfortunately separated from the army, and being unacquainted with the ground, knew not what course to pursue. The Indians, afterwards, gave the following account of them: That on Monday after the fight, eight Englishmen came to them, who were lost, and offered to surrender, on condition their lives might be spared; but, instead of giving them quarter, they took and burnt them in the following manner: They first covered them with dry thatch, then set fire to it, and compelled them to run: When one covering was burnt off, they put on another, and so continued, till death delivered them from their hands.
This expedition was productive of very happy consequences, for the enemy were so disconcerted in all their plans, and so greatly disheartened, that they never after, during that war, gave any considerable disturbance to the frontiers. From this expedition may be dated their decline in these parts.
In the above action was one Jonathan Wells, of Hatfield, then a youth, in his 17th year, he was afterwards a gentleman improved in public life, and sustained a worthy character. The following is the substance of an attested copy of an account, taken from his own mouth.
Mr. Wells was one of the 20 men abovementioned, who were under a necessity of disputing the ground, for the purpose of recovering their horses. Soon after he had mounted, being in the rear, three of the enemy fired upon him; one of their balls brushed his hair, another wounded his horse, and a third struck his thigh, in a place where it had before been broken with a cart wheel; the ball did not wholly break his thigh anew, but fractured the end of one of the bones, which was a little projected over the other, it having been badly set. Upon receiving the wound, it was with difficulty that Mr. Wells kept in his saddle. The Indians perceiving they had wounded him, pressed hard upon him. Mr. Wells recovering a little from the first shock, and perceiving the enemy almost upon him, presented his gun, which gave them a check, and whilst they were charging, he made his escape, and reached the company. He represented to Capt. Turner, the danger to which the people in the rear were exposed, and urged him to return to their relief, or halt till they might come up; but he answered, "It is better to lose some, than all." The army was now divided into several companies, one pilot crying, "If you will save your lives, follow me;" and another, "If you regard your safety, follow me." Mr. Wells was now following a company, whose course was towards a swamp; but perceiving that a body of the enemy were there, he left that company, who were all lost, and joined a small party, who were taking a different route; but his horse soon failing by reason of his wound, and himself being much weakened by loss of blood, he was left by this party, having only one Jones, a wounded, man to accompany him: They had no path to guide them, and were both unacquainted with the woods. They had not travelled far, before Mr. Wells was separated from Jones, and finding himself faint, ate a nutmeg which he had in his pocket, upon which he revived. After having wandered in the woods for some time, he came upon Green River, and he followed the course of it up, till he came to a place called the Country Farms; having passed the river he attempted to ascend a mountain on the West side, but fainted, and fell from his horse. How long he lay in this condition he knew not, but when he recovered, he found his horse standing by him, and his bridle hanging on his hand. He arose, tied his horse, and again laid himself down; but upon reflection, finding himself already so weak as to be unable to mount, concluded that he should have no farther use for his horse, and being unwilling he should die at the tree, dismissed him; but unhappily forgot to take any provision from his portmanteau, altho' it contained a plenty. Towards night, being troubled with musquetoes, he struck up a fire; but this almost proved his destruction; it arose, and spread with such fury, among the leaves and trash, that it was with difficulty, in his faint condition, he escaped perishing in the flames. After he was out of danger, from the fire, he again laid himself down to rest; but now new fears arose; he imagined that the fire would direct the enemy where to find him, and serve to betray him into their hands:—Unwilling the enemy should be benefited by his ammunition, he cast it to as great a distance as he could, reserving only a round or two for their use, should he fall into their hands. After some time, finding his fire had spread considerably, he took courage, put some tow into his wounds, bound them up with his handkerchief, and composed himself to sleep. In his sleep he dreamed, that his grandfather came to him, and told him he was lost, and must turn, and go down that river, till he should come to the end of a mountain, where he would find a plain, upon which he must travel, in order to find his way home. When he awoke he found himself refreshed,—his bleeding stopped, and his strength recruited, and with the help of his gun as a staff, he was able to walk, though' but slowly. The rising of the sun, convinced him, he was lost, and that the course he intended to pursue was wrong. He had now wandered several miles farther from home, than when he set out from the place of action. And though,' at first, he paid no attention to his dream, now he determined to follow the directions of it. Accordingly, he travelled down the river, found the end of the mountain, and soon came to the plain; all of which, agreed to the representation in his dream. Soon after he entered upon the plain, he found a foot path, which led him to the road, in which, the main body of the army returned. When he came to Deerfield River, he met with much difficulty in crossing; the stream carrying his lame leg across the other, so that several of his first attempts were without effect.—Finally, however, with the help of his gun, with much difficulty he reached the opposite shore. When he had ascended the bank, being greatly fatigued, he laid himself down under a walnut bush, and fell asleep. When he awoke, the first object that presented, was an Indian in a canoe, coming directly towards him. Mr. Wells now found himself in a very unhappy condition, being so disabled by his wounds that he could not make his escape, and his gun being so filled with gravel and sand, in crossing the river, that he could not fight. As soon however, as he perceived the Indian had discovered him, he presented his gun, which so affrighted him, that he leaped out of the canoe, leaving his own gun, and made his escape. Mr. Wells concluding that he would inform the whole tribe, who were only a few rods distant, went into a neighbouring swamp, and finding two logs lying near each other, and covered over with rubbish, he crept between them. He soon heard the noise of Indians; but was not curious to look out after them. When the noise had ceased, he ventured to proceed forward. In Deerfield meadow he found some horses bones, from which he scraped some matter, which served for food;—he also found two or three rotten beans, where the Indians had threshed, and also two Bluebird's eggs, which was all the sustenance he had till he reached home. He came to Deerfield town plat, on Saturday night about dark, but as there were no inhabitants present, the town having a little before been burnt, he continued his course in the evening.
He was often under great discouragements, and frequently laid himself down to die, expecting to rise no more. He reached no farther than Muddy Brook as the sun rose on Sabbath morning. Here, seeing a human head, which had been dug up by wild beasts, Mr. Wells, notwithstanding the distresses of his condition, stoped to find the grave, which having found he laid the head to the body, and covered it with billets of wood, to defend it from the ravenous beasts of the wilderness. After he had left the brook and entered upon the plain, he grew faint and very thirsty, but could obtain no water for a considerable time; he was, however, often refreshed, by holding his face in the smoke of burning knots of pine, which he frequently met with, as the woods were on fire. Mr. Wells arrived at Hatfield on the Sabbath, between meetings, and was received with inexpressible joy, as one having arisen from the dead. He endured incredible pain, and distress, with his wound, being confined several times to his bed, for six months together; and it was upwards of four years before he was sound.
In this action was also the Rev. Mr. Atherton, minister of the gospel, in Hatfield. The following is the substance of a paragraph, which he delivered to his people the Sabbath after his return:
"In the hurry and confusion of the retreat I was separated from the army; the night following, I wandered up and down among the dwelling places of the enemy, but none of them discovered me. The next day, I tendered myself to them a prisoner, for no way of escape appeared, and I had been a long time without food; but notwithstanding I offered myself to them, yet, they accepted not the offer; when I spake they answered not; and when I moved toward them they fled. —Finding they would not accept of me as a prisoner, I determined to take the course of the river and if possible find the way home, and after several days of hunger, fatigue and danger, I reached Hatfield. "
DEERFIELD, October 10th, 1793.
Mr. DICKMAN, Sir,
AGREEABLY to your request, I send you the following extracts from a discourse, delivered at Deerfield, on the first day of the present century: As you wish to annex these to my former appendix to Mr. Williams's narrative, it may be necessary to observe, that some part of the historical sketch I have given of Deerfield, is drawn from the narrative itself.—Yet as there are circumstances, which Mr. Williams omitted; I send you what I have written upon these events, without any material alterations.
JOHN TAYLOR.
DEERFIELD, Jan. 1st, 1802.
Historical Sketch of Deerfield.
THE Indian name of Deerfield was Pecomptuck. Its situation was favorable to the Indian mode of living; abounding with provisions which might be easily obtained; and which were peculiarly agreeable to a people in a state of nature. It was the hunting ground for several tribes. One tribe was seated on a hill half a mile N. E. of the meeting house. Another, about two miles north of them, upon the north bank of Pecomptuck, or Deerfield river. And two or three tribes lived in the N. E. part of the town, at, or near the falls in Connecticut river.
According to tradition, these tribes had frequent wars with each other, otherwise they were happy.
These natives were exceedingly attached to their hunting and fishing grounds. When driven from the enjoyment of their privileges and natural rights, they manifested a peculiar enmity to their aggressors—I say aggressors, for if any, but a small part of the town was ever purchased of them.
Gladly would I throw a veil of darkness over some of the transactions of our forefathers, but fidelity forbids it.
They appear to have been almost as blind to the rights of the natives, as they were to those of the Africans. And it cannot be supposed, that they, who justified the enslaving of one heathen nation, would be backward in wresting by force lands from another. The idea was too much cherished, that they themselves were the people of God—the chosen Israelites, and that the natives, being heathen, were in the situation of the Canaanites, whom the Children of Israel had a right, by the command of God, to extirpate. They also retained the barbarous idea, that the right of possession, was obtained by conquest. And the poor natives, not having the advantages of defense, arising from civilization, were obliged to give way to superior force. In some instances, however, lands were regularly purchased of them.
It has been common to extol the first settlers of America for their piety; and to consider them as martyrs of the corrupt government of Great Britain; from the tyranny of which they fled to save their lives; and to enjoy the rights of conscience. That they were in general pious there is no doubt: But, they were guilty of some gross irregularities, and unchristian conduct, altogether unaccountable.
Their treatment of the natives was such as frequently involved them in the greatest distresses. It was natural for the Aborigines to retaliate the wrongs they received. And, probably, some part of the sufferings of our forefathers, was just.
When grants of land were made by the Crown or the General Court, in compensation for services performed, the grantees felt that they had a right to the lands and took no pains to extinguish Indian titles. And, indeed, in those times, nothing was said about Indian titles; for it was conceived, that they had no title to the lands they possessed.
This was doubtless the case with the greatest part of Deerfield.
In the year 1669, a grant of 8000 acres of land, was made by the General Court, under the administration of Gov. Bellingham to the town of Dedham. This grant covered the lands from the mouth of Pecomptuck river to about two miles south of the mountain, called Sugar Loaf, and extended as far west as to include that number of acres.
The year following a dispute arose between the inhabitants of Hatfield, and the proprietors of Pecomptuck respecting their division line. To settle this dispute, a committee of the General Court was appointed. The line was altered in favor of Hatfield, and the proprietors received an equivalent in lands north of Pecomptuck river—extending three quarters of a mile north from the mouth of Green river, and about one mile east and west.
In consequence of a petition of the proprietors, in the year 1673, they received a promise of the General Court, of an act of incorporation, on certain conditions, and the former grant was now enlarged to a square of 7 miles.
From this time the town was called by the name of Deerfield.
In the year 1712, the Rev. Mr. Williams entered a petition that the bounds of the town might be further enlarged, and extend as far west as to run parallel with the west line of Hatfield. The prayer of this petition was granted, and the town was extended 9 miles from the river. Previous to this the proprietors might have received a grant of the north part of the town, but no record of it is to be found. It is probable that these lands were annexed to those of the proprietors, at the time the act of incorporation passed—which was in the year 1682.
But four towns in the County had been previously incorporated. These were, Springfield, incorporated, 1645. Hadley, in 1661. Westfield, in 1669, and Hatfield, in 1670.
The first regular meeting of the proprietors of Pecomptuck was at Dedham, March 1st, 1670,—at which, measures were taken for laying out the town plat, and the 8000 acres into regular lots. This important business was transacted, however, answerably to the simplicity of the times. The town was laid out in such a loose, and irregular manner as produced, immediately, and in after times many disputes and quarrels.
Deerfield, or Pecomptuck, began to be settled in the spring of the year 1671. As the natives at this time appeared to be friendly, a few families erected houses upon the main street, which was then a forest.
These settlers lived in peace with their Indian neighbors until 1675, when those wars, and distressing scenes commenced, which continued, most of the time, for 90 years.
At this time, the famous war, called King Philip's, broke out. It was general, and extended to all the tribes in this part of America.
It seems that the Indians began to feel the evil effects of their English neighbors; and were determined if possible to destroy them.
In Sept. this year, Deerfield was attacked, and one of the inhabitants was killed. The same month, when going to the place of public worship, on the Sabbath they were again attacked; but none were killed. They perceived, however, the danger to be daily increasing, but had no apprehension of the vast body of Indians who were then hovering around them.
At this time, there was a considerable quantity of provisions in the town, and it was conceived to be necessary to remove them to Hatfield; although a guard had been sent into the town, to protect the settlers, under the command of Capt. Mosley. Capt. Lathrop was sent from Hatfield, with about 80 men, to guard these provisions on the way. At Muddy, alias, Bloody Brook, he was attacked by 7 or 8 hundred of the natives. Capt. Lathrop, with 73 of his men fell in this unhappy engagement. The company at Deerfield marched with the greatest expedition for their relief, but were too late to save Capt. Lathrop. They fought, however, the whole body of the Indians for several hours, and were finally joined by Major Treat, with one hundred and sixty friend Indians of the Mohegan tribe. This force, after a severe and bloody action, dispersed the enemy.
Dispirited by this stroke many of the Indians left this part of the country, and settled in the Naragansetts; some, however, remained, and the settlers deserted their habitations.
In the same month, in which these matters happened at Deerfield, Hadley was attacked, when the people were at meeting. This was the time when, according to tradition, Goff the regicide, one of king Charles' Judges, suddenly made his appearance, headed the troops, and dispersed the enemy.
After Deerfield was deserted, it was plundered and burnt by the natives. In the spring of 1676 the fall fight happened, (see former appendix.)
An attempt was made to resettle the town in 1677. Very soon, however, a number of the people were slain. In consequence of this the town was a second time deserted, and all ideas of resettling it, were given up for the present.
In the spring of 1682, the settlers returned; and for several years enjoyed their habitations without molestation.
In this interval of peace, and but four years after the return of the inhabitants Mr. John Williams was ordained to the pastoral charge of the Church.
It appears from the records, that the promise of an act of incorporation, and the first grant in addition to the 8000 acres, were made on condition the inhabitants would settle a minister within the term of three years. This, however, they could not comply with, as they were driven from their habitations; but it was attended to, as soon as circumstances would permit.
In the year 1687, that part of the town, which is now Greenfield, was laid out, especially, the home lots on Green river.
In 1693, the troubles of the inhabitants again commenced, and their sufferings were great and uninterrupted till 1712. Every year, some of them were either Killed, or captivated.
Hutchinson, in his history of Massachusetts observes, that in '97, "an attempt was made upon Deerfield by the natives, but failed of success, through the vigilance of the inhabitants, with Mr. Williams their minister at their head."
After the commencement of Queen Ann's war, the French in Canada, joined with the natives, and encouraged them in all their wars and depredations against the English.
The troubles and dangers of the people were now greatly increased.—And Deerfield was called to endure the greatest calamities.
A party of about 300 French and Indians, made their appearance in Feb. 1703, 4, entered the town in the night, and while an unfaithful sentinel was asleep, found their way upon the snow, over the pickets into the fort, in the center of the town; and in a few hours slew about 40 of the inhabitants; and took about 100 prisoners; comprising one half of the inhabitants; and finally, as the day opened, they left the town on fire. A new meeting house, with all the buildings in the town, two or three excepted, were burnt.
Several of the people made their escape from the fort, after the enemy had entered it. Among whom was a Capt. Stoddard, who that night was a lodger with Mr. Williams. He leaped from his chamber window into the snow, with his cloak only—ran to the west—crossed the river, and having secreted himself, tore his cloak in pieces, wrapped parts of it about his feet, and in the morning arrived at Hatfield, much frozen.
The unhappy prisoners were pushed forward into the meadow, to begin their dreary journey to Canada, in the cold and snow, without proper clothing, and without provisions.
Here was trouble! trouble, of which we can form but a faint idea! To particularize instances of great distress, occasioned by these scenes, would be needless. It is sufficient to observe in general, that the people were awaked out of sleep by the war-whoops of the savages—the shrieks of the distressed, and the groans of the dying. Parents now saw their innocent babes dashed in pieces before their eyes—husbands, wives, and children were torn from each others arms, to be instantly sent into eternity, or to be carried by savages into the wilderness;—such as were sick, and unable to walk, were slain for the sake of their scalps. All was confusion and terror! The shrieks of women—the cries of children—the groans of the dying—and the war-whoops of the savages were confusedly mingled! The prisoners were stowed into the meeting house, while the pillage and slaughter were going on. But few could know what the situations of their nearest connections were,—whether expiring under the strokes of the tomahawk, or among the prisoners.
While these scenes were passing in the center of the town, a small fort, about 50 rods to the south was violently attacked; but the people defended themselves during the night, and preserved it; otherwise, almost all the inhabitants would have been killed, or made prisoners.
Troops arriving from Hatfield soon after the departure of the enemy, a battle was fought in the north meadow. They might have been pursued, and greatly harrassed. But it was conceived, that this would expose the prisoners to immediate death—and for the same reason, the battle in the meadow, was not fought with much animation.
Many of the prisoners were too weak and feeble to endure such hardships as they were now called to suffer:—And, when any one failed, and was unable to travel, he was slain and scalped. This was the case with Mr. Williams's Lady, soon after she left the town.
These prisoners were 25 days on their march in this inclement season, to Shamblee. They received, however, some assistance, and many kind offices, even from the savages; but their sufferings were extreme.
What an awful scene was presented to the inhabitants who had escaped, on the morning after the departure of the enemy.
They perceived the town smoking in its ruins!—they found that their minister—their neighbors—their husbands—their wives—and their children were driven away into the wilderness, by savages—perhaps, never to be seen by them again. They must have perceived one lying here, and another there, in the streets, rolled in blood, and mangled with the tomahawk, and scalping knives,—and some still breathing—groaning—and dying!
Their business now was to gather together the Indian sacrifice, even, an Hecatomb of mangled corpses—and to sear among the blood, and wounds, for some distinguishing marks of their connections and friends!—But I will pass from this scene of horror.—
Most of the prisoners, who arrived at Canada, were, at different periods, redeemed.—In the year 1706, after a scene of unparalleled sufferings the Rev. Mr. Williams, and 57 of the prisoners were redeemed. The return of the prisoners, from such a captivity excited joys, better conceived than expressed.
Mr. Williams did not return immediately upon his arrival at Boston. And it appears, that he was in a state of doubt, whether to settle again in Deerfield. About 10 days after his arrival, the town chose a committee to wait upon him at Boston to urge his return—to take advice of the Elders of the churches upon the matter, and to petition the General Court to make him a grant, in compensation for his losses, and as an encouragement to resettle.—After much deliberation Mr. Williams, concluded to return, altho' the war still raged, and the inhabitants were in constant fear.
The following summer, several persons were killed, and no one was safe night or day, at a distance from the fort. These distresses continued until the close of Queen Ann's war. Almost every year, some were either killed, wounded, or taken prisoners, and carried to Canada.
From the year 1712, to 1720, the people lived in peace; from '20, to '25, their troubles were considerable:—In '25, peace was made with the natives, and no further depredations of consequence were committed upon the frontiers till the year 1744.
In this interval of peace, in June 1729, the Rev. Mr. Williams departed this life, in the 48th year of his ministry, and in the 66th of his age.
Mr. Williams was a man of distinguished piety, and of great fortitude. The sacrifice which he made in settling in a frontier town, when he knew he should be constantly exposed to the calamities arising from Indian depredations, sets his character in his youth, in an amiable point of light. But a few years of his life did he enjoy the sweets of peace.—And his share of sorrows, was such, as seldom falls to the lot of an individual. He had the peculiarly hard fortune to see his flourishing family torn in pieces, and one of his children dashed upon the stones before his eyes—his dear companion draged from a bed of sickness, and driven out by unfeeling savages, into the snow and storms, to linger a few days, and then in cold blood to be slain, and scalped. He saw his surviving children scattered among the French and Indians in Canada; and every artifice used to bring them over to the Romish faith, which would have effectually prevented their return. And he ever after saw one of his dear daughters, a companion of a savage, and almost transformed into one herself. Such troubles this good man suffered:—but he bore them with resignation.—And we trust, thro' much tribulation he has entered into heaven, and is reaping the reward of a faithful servant.
This year the meeting house, in which we now are, was raised.
In 1732, Mr. Jonathan Ashley had a call to settle in the work of the ministry: He accepted the call, and was ordained Nov. 8th, the same year.
From this time until '44, our fathers enjoyed the blessings of peace. At this time, the natives again renewed their depredations; and the town was at great expense in building forts and mounts for defense. It seems that the General Court did not afford to the inhabitants that assistance, which their exposed situation required; and which they had a right to expect; and that, notwithstanding for three years successively they petitioned for help, stating their difficulties, and great expenses.
The year 1745, was most distressing, and rendered memorable, by an attack upon the people in the South meadow; in which a number of persons were slain. One was left for dead, but recovered, and is still living; and another was carried into captivity.
In the year 1749, danger ceased, and a committee was chosen to dispose of the materials of which the forts were composed.
During the preceding war, the distresses of the people were great. They were frequently harrassed by the enemy. Were under the necessity of lodging in picketed houses, and of laboring in the field in companies, under the protection of a guard; and nights, guards were continually kept, and patroles walked the streets.
In the year 1755, the people were again called to build forts for defense. And in '56, it was voted that four garrisons should be built. But from this time, the armies which were sent to the northward, were so successful that danger decreased; and in '58 the timbers of these forts were sold, altho' peace between France and England, did not take place until 1763.
About the year 1759, Conway and Shelburne began to be settled, and soon after the out lands in Greenfield, which were, originally, a part of Deerfield.
The Rev. Mr. Ashley departed this life, after a long and distressing illness, in the year 1780, in the 68th year of his age, and in the 48th of his ministry. The same length of time with his predecessor.
Mr. Ashley was possessed of a strong and discerning mind, and a lively imagination. He was independent in his feelings and conduct. He enlarged his mind by reading and study. And was a pungent, and energetic preacher. He delivered the doctrines of grace with a pathos, which was the effect, not barely of an historical belief in their divine authority; but, of a deep sense and lively view of their excellency and power.
In Feb. 1787, your present pastor was ordained to the work of the gospel Ministry.
In 1797, the General Court passed an Act of incorporation for an Academy in Deerfield. The following year a convenient building was erected for the purpose; and the Academy was opened on the first of Jan. 1799. Since which, four hundred and seventy six youths have received instruction in it.
As to the population of Deerfield, I would observe, that in April 1703-4, the number of souls was about 280. In the year 1763, there were, in the bounds of the original town 1105 souls: viz. in Deerfield 737, and in Greenfield 368. By the last census, it appears, that there are now, in Deerfield, 1531.—In Conway 2013.—In Greenfield 1256.—In Shelburne 1089, and in Gill exclusive of those taken off from Northfield 644. The whole number of souls therefore, within the original bounds of Deerfield is 6533.
According to this statement, the inhabitants doubled their numbers, in the first period, in about 30 years. And from 1763—to the present time, they have doubled in nearly 15 years.
This statement shows, in a striking manner, the rapid increase of population, since the close of the last French war; and how friendly peace, and the agricultural means of support, are to the increase of the human race. It will be said, perhaps, that many persons have come into the town since that period; this is true; but, emigrations also have been great—some years of 80, or an hundred souls.
In the first period, from 1703—to 1763 there was not a rapid increase; many lost their lives by the natives; and a state of fear operates in some unaccountable way against a rapid population. Hutchinson observes that for fifty years, preceding the year 1713, the number of inhabitants in the state had not doubled.
One hundred years have produced a great alteration in the state of religion, and society. Civil liberty, a general diffusion of knowledge, and free discussion, have removed many superstitious ideas, and practices;—but the present generation have gone too far, and to destroy superstition, and fanaticism, have called in question the great truths of revelation, and opened all the avenues of vice. In avoiding the errors of our fathers we have avoided also their virtues.
Many things have transpired which have had a tendency to corrupt the morals of society. A great part of the time in which we were under the government of Great Britain, our governors being appointed by the crown, and being foreigners, there was a jealousy subsisting between the different branches of government, which sometimes put a total stop to its regular administrations. These bickerings tended to demoralize the people. And repeatedly the people have suffered the evils of a fluctuating paper currency; which is a poison to the morals of mankind, and one of the greatest evils that can happen in society. The war with England, and the subsequent prosperity, together with the French revolution, have all had a very deleterious effect upon morals.—In addition to these things, Deists have openly attacked Christianity, and their arguments being plausible, have blinded the minds and injured the morals of thousands. False ideas of civil and religious liberty have likewise prevailed, and have had a tendency to weaken the moral sense.
But on the other hand we have some virtues which our fathers had not. We allow to all their just rights; and have laid aside that persecuting spirit which deprives others of liberty of conscience. In this Commonwealth we have abolished the infamous traffic in human flesh.
When we compare our present situation with that of our ancestors, we must be sensible, that our privileges far exceed theirs. The predatory war of the natives kept them in constant anxiety. This, however, had a tendency to unite them. And it is probable that they enjoyed the society of each other, much better than we do at present. Common danger produced mutual confidence, and sympathy. Instead of that coldness, indifference, and envy towards each other, which are too prevalent at the present day, they were cordial friends. But if we are not happy under the enjoyment of peace and prosperity, the fault is our own, and it is an evidence that the enjoyment of privileges is not always productive of felicity.
The following observations were added by Mr. T. Prince, to the third edition, for the information of our younger people.
THE reverend author of the preceding history and sermon, was a son of Mr. Samuel Williams of Roxbury where he was born Dec. 10, 1664; took his first degree at Harvard College in 1683, was ordained the first pastor of the church in Deerfield, in May 1686.
And his first wife Eunice, murdered by the barbarous Indians, as before related, was the only daughter of the Rev. Mr. Eleazar Mather, first pastor of the church in Northampton, by his only wife Mrs. Eunice, the daughter of the reverend and famous Mr. John Warham, formerly a minister in Exeter, in England, who came to New-England in 1630, was the first teacher with the Rev. Mr. Maverick, pastor of the first church in Dorchester, near Boston, and in 1635, removed with the greater part of his church, to Windsor, on Connecticut River, where he continued their pastor till he died: After the Rev. Mr. Eleazar Mather's death, his widow married the Rev. Mr. Solomon Stoddard, who succeeded him in the pastoral office, at Northampton.
When Deerfield was destroyed in February 1703-4, it was in the first year of my living at Harvard College; and I well remember how generally and greatly affected were the good people of this province, with that terrible disaster.
His eldest son Eleazar, being then in another town, escaped that calamity: The next commencement, by the encouragement and help of divers charitable people, especially in Boston, he entered Harvard College, and living in the chamber over me, I fell into an intimate acquaintance with him; and found him a person of eminent piety, humility, sincerity, and sweetness of temper, like his father: He took his first degree in 1708, and became the faithful pastor of the church in Mansfield, in Connecticut, until he died.
His reverend father returning from captivity, and arriving at Boston, November 21, 1706, to the great joy of the people; and being informed that he was to preach the public lecture there on December 6th; I, with many others, went down, and in an auditory exceedingly crowded and affected, I heard the sermon herewith reprinted. And in those times, there was such a tender union, affection, and Christian simplicity, among the good people here; that as the apostle livelily describes it;
By the like kind encouragement the Rev. Mr. Williams had his son Stephen Williams educated at Harvard College, who took his first degree in 1713; was ordained pastor of a church in Springfield; and is so extensively known and valued, that his name only need to be mentioned; as that of his son Warham, who took his first degree in 1719, and became the worthy pastor of the church in Waltham, formerly a part of Watertown; not long since deceased.
The Rev. Mr. Williams, of Deerfield, used every May, yearly to come down to the general convention of ministers of the province, at Boston; where he was always very affectionately entertained.
At the convention in May, 1728, (being chosen the year before) he preached a very moving sermon to the ministers: When I remember, he expressed his joy in the great advantage we at that time had above the preceding ministers, in the general awakenings through the land, by the great earthquake in October. And on June 12, 1729, he died greatly beloved and lamented.
And by the accounts above, we may learn, from the instance of this one town only in our western frontiers of the province of the Massachusetts Bay, in New-England —what horrible murders and desolations this province has suffered from the French and Indians in all our wars with them ever since the year 1675, when the Indians first broke out upon us—and what numbers of the present people in Canada are the children of this province, or descendants from them—which, in case the sovereign GOD should ever lead a victorious army of ours into Canada, will clearly justify us to all the world, if we should bring every child and descendant of New-England, yea of all the British colonies, away.—Especially considering we should bring them into a much pleasanter and more plenteous land and agreeable climate; out of a wretched land of darkness and slavery, both religious and civil, into a land of glorious light and liberty. And may the ALMIGHTY hasten it in his time!
T. PRINCE.
BOSTON, December 20th, 1757.
PAST DISPENSATIONS OF PROVIDENCE CALLED TO MIND. IN A SERMON, DELIVERED IN THE FIRST PARISH IN SPRINGFIELD, ON THE 16TH OF OCTOBER 1775. JUST ONE HUNDRED YEARS FROM THE BURNING OF THE TOWN BY THE INDIANS.
BY ROBERT BRECK, A. M. PASTOR OF THE CHURCH THERE.
A CENTURY SERMON.
JOSHUA IV, 4—7.
IT is a great truth, and highly important, that the same GOD who created the universe governs it. We have the fullest evidence that divine providence superintends all human affairs: and that, as GOD is the author of all the good which is enjoyed or seen in this world, so there is no evil in the world and the LORD hath not done it. He forms the light and creates darkness, he makes peace and creates evil; the LORD does all these things. Nothing comes to pass in the world, but by the ordering or permission of divine providence. It would be well if we could always maintain a sense of this great truth. But it is lamentably true, that we are very apt to look only at means and instruments, both in mercies and judgments, and take no notice of the hand that steers and conducts all things. I remember to have read a history of a voyage round the world, in which they who made it went through many and great perils and dangers, and were many times most marvelously delivered, and yet, which was a most unpardonable omission, not the least notice taken of GOD or providence. It is certainly our duty and wisdom to be careful observers of the works of divine providence. The psalmist, after mentioning some of the works of providence, says, Whoso is wise and will observe these things, even they shall understand the loving kindness of the LORD. Psal. 107. 43.
IT is profitable, not only to observe the occurrences of our own day, but to read history, and examine the records of past ages; to take notice of the dealings of divine providence toward former generations. And while we are reading, we should not forget what the Apostle says when he had been speaking of GOD'S dealings towards the ancient Jews. All these things happened unto them for ensamples: and they are written for our admonition, upon whom the ends of the world are come. 1 Cor. 10. 10.
GOD'S dealings with the Jews are one continued series of wonders: and great care was taken in the sacred history, to transmit the knowledge of them to posterity. They are not only registered in the sacred records, but God directed that there should be some visible signs, and lasting monuments erected, to perpetuate the memory of some of his mighty acts. Thus he instituted the passover, to be a memorial of the deliverance of his people out of their Egyptian bondage: and the LORD'S supper, to be an everlasting memorial of the death of CHRIST, whereby we are delivered from bondage infinitely worse than that of Egypt. And when he divided Jordan for his people to go over and take possession of the promised land, he directed that a monument of stone should be erected, to be a memorial of this miraculous event, and to transmit the knowledge of it down to latest posterity, as we learn from our text.
PRESENT things so engage our attention that we are apt to forget the past; we therefore need some signs, some visible signs, to be remembrancers to us. And it is well that they should be durable signs; otherwise the knowledge of them will die, if not with the present, yet before many generations are past. The children of Israel therefore were directed to erect a monument of stone, materials which decay not with time, so that if their children in after ages should ask their fathers, what mean you by these stones, they might answer them, that the waters of Jordan were cut off before the ark of the covenant of the LORD, when it passed over Jordan: and these stones were designed to be a memorial of this event. The dividing of Jordan was a very notable miracle, and worthy to be kept in remembrance.
But not only the miraculous works of GOD, but many other works of divine providence, both merciful and corrective, are worthy to be had in everlasting remembrance. There are no people but what, at one time or another, are the subjects of remarkable providence; some of remarkable judgments, others of signal mercies and deliverances: these ought to be carefully noticed in the time of them, and faithful annals kept of them, that so children may know what GOD did, for or against their fathers in their day. And it would be well that not only the facts themselves should be registered, but the moral causes both of mercies and judgments traced out, as far as we are capable of understanding them.
And here lies the peculiar excellency of the sacred history. Many profane historians give us a true and faithful account of the events which happened in the times of which they wrote; and perhaps they point out truly the way and manner in, and means by which these events were brought on: but the sacred history, in addition to these, opens and explains to us the moral reasons, why the great governor of the world conferred this public blessing, or granted this signal deliverance, or visited his people with this sore judgment. It is evident to everyone who reads his bible, that GOD'S public dealing with the Jews was suited to their moral state. If virtue generally prevailed among them, they flourished and were happy; if vice and wickedness gained ground among them, they were visited with judgments of one kind or another: and if one judgment was not sufficient to reform them, GOD sent more and heavier, and as he threatened, Levite. 26. punished them seven times more for their sins. When they reformed he lightened his hand; and when they proved finally incorrigible, he gave them up to utter ruin. And GOD has, I doubt not, dealt much in the same way with other nations of the world, though their historians have been too negligent of making observations. They have given a faithful narration of the notable events which have happened, of the signal mercies and deliverances received, and of the calamities suffered, and of the immediate instruments by which they were brought about: but, which I think to have been a very great neglect, the moral causes have not been attended to or noticed by them.
IF the moral state of past ages had been carefully noticed, and the consequent dealings of GOD with them faithfully transmitted down to posterity, it would have been highly useful to us, and have had, by the blessing of GOD, happy influence upon our own moral conduct. When we observed that in a course of virtue, our fathers flourished and were happy, it must afford a powerful motive to their children to imitate them in their virtues and tread in their steps. When we saw their failings and their sufferings on that account, it would naturally tend to put us upon our guard, and make us watchful not to split upon the same rock. When we saw how quick the bright morning of prosperity was sometimes succeeded by a dark night of adversity, and that hours of rejoicing were followed with days, yea months of mourning and weeping, one would suppose that we could not, in a time of prosperity, flatter ourselves that our mountain stands strong, and that we shall never be moved; that tomorrow shall be as this day and much more abundant: but that we should live constantly dependent upon GOD; and that although we should rejoice in a day of prosperity, yet we should rejoice as though' we rejoiced not. When we took notice of any signal appearances of heaven for our fathers, in consequence of their application to GOD and return to him, it would afford a mighty encouragement to us, to secure an interest in his special love and favor; to cry to him in our straits; and to make our peace with him by a sincere repentance, & thorough reformation. When we read the accounts of the straits, difficulties and dangers which our fathers underwent, and took notice how they were preserved and carried through them, and delivered from them, it would afford the best security against sinking and despondency in the day of trouble; it would tend to inspire us with courage and fortitude in a time of difficulty and danger. And when we took notice how, when they were ready to faint, GOD supported them, and when they were in perplexities and knew not what to do, and had their eyes unto him, he appeared, and perhaps in ways unexpected, unthought of, brought deliverance to them, and surprised them with it, so that they were like men that dreamed; if anything will, I should think this would beget a firm unshaken trust in GOD, under the greatest trials and dangers; and excite us to make GOD our refuge at all times, and repair to him, who is a present help in time of trouble: saying as in Hab. 3, 17, 18, 19. Although the fig-tree shall not blossom, neither shall fruit be in the vine, though the labor of the olive shall fail; and the field shall yield no meat, and the flock shall be cut off from the field, and there shall be no herd in the stalls; yet I will rejoice in the LORD, I will joy in the GOD of my salvation. The LORD GOD is my strength, and he will make my feet like hinds feet, and he will make me to walk upon mine high places.
THE study of history is very pleasant. There are very few, who have not some curiosity to look back into past time, and make themselves acquainted with what was done before they were born. And people in general are peculiarly entertained with the history of their own country; they are fond of knowing their own origin, and pleased to be informed of every little incident which befell their own progenitors. We view ourselves as particularly concerned in the events which befell our parents; and though others may take no share in them, yet children feel themselves deeply interested in them.
I HAVE often heard it lamented, that no more care was taken in the first settlement of this country, to preserve the memory of the early transactions of our forefathers, of the many hardships and difficulties they endured in this wilderness, of the perils and dangers they endured, of the signal deliverances granted to them, and of the distinguishing blessings conferred upon them, both of a spiritual and temporal nature. It cannot be expected that the history of a new and infant settlement would be filled with the accounts of such armies, battles and revolutions as are to be found in the annals of ancient states and great kingdoms. But however unentertaining a minute, particular history of New-England might be to strangers and foreigners, yet it would be read with pleasure by us, and it might be read with profit and advantage to us. And perhaps no country of the same age has afforded more remarkables than New-England has to speak of.
IT is now not quite one hundred and fifty six years since our fathers first began to form a settlement at Plymouth. The first settlers were puritans, dissatisfied with the ecclesiastical government of the church of England, and scrupulous of conforming to the ceremonies which were enjoined in their worship. For their non-conformity they were persecuted in their Ecclesiastical Courts. To escape persecution, they first fled to Holland, and continued some years at Leyden. Disliking their situation there, they concluded to remove to America. In the summer of 1620 they set out on their voyage; and on the ninth of November discovered the land of Cape Cod. They had designed to form a settlement further to the southward; but being brought hither, and the winter near at hand, they concluded to set down here. After beating about upon the coast for divers weeks, and finding no place which suited them to make a settlement in, they at length pitched upon Plymouth; and in the latter end of December they went to work to prepare shelter for themselves, their families and goods.
IT is observed, as a smile of heaven upon them, that contrary to their own intentions they were brought hither: had they gone further southward, as they intended, to Hudson's River, the country was full of savages: but here, GOD had before prepared room for them, by a sweeping pestilence which had depopulated the country.
THERE were no more than one hundred and one souls, who arrived in the harbor of Cape Cod. Winter was now set in, and they were utterly unprovided with every accommodation: and no other English settlement on the continent, than a small poor colony at Virginia; they six or seven hundred miles distant, and not able to afford them any help or relief. Under these circumstances, they must have a most dismal prospect: Wherever they turned their eyes nothing but distress surrounded. However, liberty of conscience was, with them, the grand object: they could not enjoy it in England; and if they might only enjoy it here, it would make amends for all; they therefore engaged with cheerfulness, in the new settlement, and underwent incredible hardships, with fortitude; soon were reduced to great straits, and within five months, one half their number were dead.
BESIDES the natural increase, there were from time to time, some additions made to them, by the arrival of some of their friends from England. But although the increase was but small, yet it is observable, that whereas divers other attempts had been before made, from purely secular views, to make settlements within what was then called North Virginia, they had failed; this small colony, who were influenced by religious motives, stood their ground, and were slowly increasing; though greatly distressed; at sometimes threatened to be cut off by the Natives, at other times greatly straitened for want of bread; if I mistake not, never receiving any supplies from Europe from the very beginning.
THUS things went till the year 1628; when the consul for New-England, having obtained a patent of the lands in the Massachusetts-Bay, sent Mr. Endicot, with his wife and a small company, to begin a settlement at Salem. The next year, they sent three ships full of passengers, amounting to between two and three hundred; and among them four ministers: these safely arrived, and took up their habitation chiefly at Salem; though some of them soon removed to Charlestown, and with them one of the ministers.
IN the spring of the Year 1639, there sailed from England 10 or 11 ships, some of them very large, filled with passengers of every useful occupation, with many live cattle. In this fleet, which safely arrived early in the summer, were many people of substance; among whom were Governor Winthrop, Deputy Governor Dudley, and many of the patentees of the colony: and I find that William Pynchon, Esq. who was Treasurer of the Colony, and father of this town of Springfield, was one among them. Mr. Hubbard, in his history, says, that about this time there was such increase made, by the occasion of many hundreds who every year flocked after them, that in five or six years there were twenty considerable towns built and peopled; and many of the towns first planted became so filled with inhabitants, that like bees they were ready to swarm into new plantations.
ONE of the swarms of which Mr. Hubbard speaks, pitched in this town. It is strange that any, in the then present state of the country, should be willing to be separated so far from their brethren: but so early as May 1635, some of the inhabitants of Roxbury, Dorchester, New-Town and Watertown prayed the General Court, (then sitting at New-Town, now called Cambridge) that they might have liberty to remove to Connecticut River. This was granted to them, provided they would continue under their jurisdiction. The grant is dated May 6th, 1635. In consequence of this grant, the petitioners made their way, with their wives and children, into this wilderness, and laid the foundation of the towns of Weathersfield, Hartford, Windsor and Springfield.
THEY that planted themselves down in this town came from Roxbury. It seems there were only eight men who came at first, one of which was the before-mentioned William Pynchon, Esq. a pattentee of the colony. They were here early in the year 1636. They entered into covenant with each other, which covenant is now upon your public records; it is dated May 14th and signed by William Pynchon and seven others, who probably did not long continue here, as there is not, nor has been for many years, any of either of the names remaining among us. The first article in the covenant was, that they would, as soon as might be, provide a minister to carry on the work of GOD among them. Though they were thus few in number, in the midst of the savages, not an English inhabitant within twenty miles, and they now beginning a settlement, yet they resolved not to live without the Gospel; an evidence of a true Christian zeal, which does honor to them, and is worthy the attention and imitation of others.
THEY began well, and GOD blessed their beginnings. Some of their friends soon followed them from Roxbury; and many of the progenitors of the present inhabitants were early here: insomuch that, although at their first sitting down, they did not think of having more than forty, or at farthest fifty families, yet I find by our public records, that in February 1664, there were no less than seventy three male inhabitants in the town. And according to their covenant, they did early supply themselves with a worthy minister, the Rev. Mr. George Moxon, who had, before he came to America, received, ordination in the church of England.
AT what time a church was first gathered in the town, I cannot ascertain; but it appears, by your records, that Mr. Moxon was in the town in the year 1637, and continued here with his family fifteen years, till in the year 1652; when Mr. Pynchon, the father of the town, having received some ill treatment from the province on account of his religious principles, he, with Capt. Smith his son in law, went to England, and with them went the minister of the town, the Rev. Mr. Moxon, never to return. This was a day of darkness with this town; I remember to have formerly heard some of the aged people, who had it from their forefathers say, that it went near to break up the settlement. But Mr. Pynchon left behind him a son, who was afterward a great blessing and very useful, not only here, but in the province. He lived to an advanced age, was had in the highest veneration by your fathers, and remembered by some who are now living.
AFTER Mr. Moxon's departure, this town was destitute of a settled minister nine years. Mr. Hooker (probably he who afterwards settled at Farmington) for some time preached to the people. One Mr. Thompson also preached among them, some part of the time; so that they were not for this space destitute of the gospel. At length Mr. Peletiah Glover a native of Dorchester, came among them. I find by a note of Col. John Pynchon, that the first sermon he preached in the town was on July 3 d , 1659, from Jer. 4, 14. He continued officiating here till 1661, when he was ordained to the ministry of the town. Mr. Hubbard gives this character of Mr. Glover, that he was a great student, and much given to books. He lived in great harmony with your fathers, and highly esteemed, till March 29, 1692, when he gave up his charge, and the ghost, and went to rest.
IN his time that great calamity befell the town, which is the special occasion of our assembling this day. From the beginning of the country, our fathers had much trouble from the natives. They were often threatening them, frequently commencing hostilities against them, and many were killed in one place and another; and indeed it is marvelous that they were not all destroyed. If it had not been the LORD who was on our side, now may New-England say, If it had not been the LORD who was on our side, when the Indians rose up against us; then they had swallowed us up, when their wrath was kindled against us.
HOWEVER, it is to be observed, that the people on Connecticut River lived in great harmony and peace with their Indian neighbors, till about the year 1675: When Philip's Indians, (this Philip was a great warrior, and a bitter enemy to the English; his place of residence was at Mount Hope, now Bristol) and those called Nipnets, being driven from the lower parts of the province, came westward; and after destroying Brookfield, mixed themselves with the Indians of this river, and soon disaffected them to the English. The people of this town, and the towns above were alarmed, and began to fortify and prepare for their own defense. There were now settlements formed at Westfield, Hadley, Northampton, Hatfield, Deerfield and Northfield: though all weak and especially the two latter.
THE Hadley Indians first of all, deserted their fort and habitations, and joined the enemy. The English who were under Captains Lathrop and Bears, were so incensed that they pursued them, and had a fight with them, at a place which was then, and is now called Sugar Loaf, opposite to the town of Sunderland; wherein nine or ten of the English were slain, and about twenty six Indians. About seven days after on the first of Sept. 1675 they beset the town of Deerfield, killed one man, and laid most of the houses in ashes. Two or three days after, they made an attack upon Northfield, and killed nine or ten of the people; and the rest hardly escaped into the garrisoned house. The next day, Capt. Bears with thirty six men was going to Northfield to secure the garrison there, when, about three miles on this side the town, he was waylaid by the enemy, and himself and about twenty of his men were killed, the rest flying back to Hadley. On the eighteenth of the same month, as Capt. Lathrop, with about eighty men, was guarding several carts, laden with corn and other goods, from Deerfield to Hadley, they were suddenly attacked, and almost all cut off, not above seven or eight escaping. On the spot where they were buried, at a place called Muddy-Brook, was erected a monument of stone, which now remains.
THESE things gave some alarm to the inhabitants of Springfield: though they were loath to distrust their own Indians, with whom they had lived in great peace and amity for the space of near forty years. However they were not wholly unprovided: they had some garrisons, though I believe, not more than three in the town. The inhabitants treated with the Indians, and received from them, the firmest assurance of their friendship: and the Indians gave some hostages as a security for their peaceable behavior; which hostages were sent to Hartford, there to remain. These hostages made their escape; and three hundred of Philip's Men were secretly received into the Indian fort upon Long-Hill. Their designs against the town were revealed by a Windsor Indian whose name was Toto; tidings of which, were in all haste sent to Springfield in the night: otherwise the inhabitants of the town probably had been cut off, as well as their substance destroyed. The town was thrown into great consternation, by the alarming advice from Windsor, and fled to their garrisons for safety. But two men, more unbelieving than the rest, (on the morning of the 5 th of October, 1675, according to old style, now the 16th, this day one hundred years since) resolved to go to the Indian fort▪ and see whether these things were so. They set out; but had not come to Mill-River, before the Indians fired upon them, killed one on the spot, and mortally wounded the other: However, he got back to a fort at the lower end of the street, and soon died. The Indians immediately set fire to the ungarrisoned houses, and to the barns; and on that day laid almost the whole town in ashes.
DEACON Burt, who was an eye witness, in a note made in the book of records, to perpetuate the memory of this melancholy event, says there were 29 dwelling houses burnt; the number of barns he does not ascertain. Major, afterwards Col. John Pynchon, who a few days before went to Hadley with a few soldiers to take care of the people in those parts, in a letter which he wrote 15 days after the destruction of the town, to his son Joseph then in England, gives a most melancholy account of their state; he says there were about 30 or 32 dwelling houses burnt, and 25 barns full of corn and hay▪ and that although his own dwelling house was spared, his mills and barns and out houses were all consumed, with all his corn and hay; so that he had nothing left for food for man or beast. This letter I have in my hands; and it breathes such a quiet, submissive, patient, excellent spirit, that were there time, I would read the whole of it to you. Doctor Mather says, there were above 30 dwelling houses, and above 20 out houses burnt. Mr. Hubbard says 32 houses were consumed. Whether any buildings in this part of the town, except the fortified houses, were saved, I am uncertain. Major Treat soon came from Westfield for their assistance, but for want of boats, could not pass the river. Major Pynchon with some forces from Hadley was with them as quick as possible, but too late to save the town.
BESIDES the two already mentioned, there was one woman killed, and several men wounded, one of which died soon after. There were some few inhabitants at Long-Meadow and I suppose some on the west side of the river; both these escaped.
IT is easy to see that this was a dismal day with the forefathers of this town; that they were reduced to great distress. It came upon them at a season when all the fruits of the earth were gathered in; so that their year's stock of provision was consumed, and they had little or nothing left for man or beast; and none near them had anything to spare to them. However, they did not faint: by the good providence of GOD they were carried through the winter. It was said by the ancient people, that the following winter was remarkably favorable; insomuch that they plowed their lands in the midst of winter. The town was soon rebuilt and returned to its former state; and has never since, suffered greatly by the Indians.
THERE was afterward a Leonard killed on the west side of the river; I suppose it was the father of those of that name who now reside there. At Pecowsick were six killed, the spring following the destruction of the town, three outright; two women with their children, who were captivated, were overtaken, and one woman with the children killed; the other woman wounded▪ but recovered, and lived to an advanced age. And within the memory of some of you, (July 26, 1708) three persons were killed in one house, at Skipmug; and a fourth that was captivated was soon after killed, and a lad, Benjamin Wright. Besides these, I do not know that the Indians have done any other mischief, except wounding one or two persons, and captivating a few.
THERE was, in the winter or spring following the destruction of the town, a youth of the name of Edward Stebbins, (the grandfather of some here present) taken captive by the Indians at Long-Meadow; which, because it was attended with some important consequences, I particularly mention. He was carried to the Indian headquarters, which were then at the falls in this river a few miles above Deerfield. This youth with another whose name was Gilbert, found means to make their escape, and gave notice of the Indians place of rendezvous, and of the security in which they lived. Whereupon Capt. Turner, who, I take it, had the command of the soldiers in the garrisons, and Capt. Holyoke of this town, collecting about 150 men, partly out of the garrisons and partly from among the inhabitants, went against them: and a little before break of day on the 19 th of May, 1676, fell upon the Indians undiscovered, fired into their wigwams, and killed many on the place, many others in their fright plunged into the river, were carried headlong down the falls, and perished in the waters; and many who took shelter under the bank of the river were killed with the swords of our men. Mr. Hubbard says, that Capt. Holyoke killed five here with his own hand. We lost 38 men in this fight; and some of their prisoners afterward owned, that they lost more than 300, some of them principal men, Sachems, and some of their best warriors. It is observed, that they never recovered this defeat, but their ruin immediately followed. In reward of this signal service, a township of land where the fight was, now called Bernardston, was granted to their posterity.
I cannot find that more than ten or twelve persons have been killed by the Indians, within the limits of this town: save that Mr. Hubbard says, six or seven of our people, after our mills were burnt, going to a mill at Westfield, and going without arms, three of them were killed by the enemy. I have not been able to get any account who they were, nor any further account of this matter.
BUT the town has labored under other, and grievous calamities at divers times. It is a grievous and mortal sickness which is now among us, and has put many parents into mourning. In the year 1760 and 1761, we were visited with a sore fever, which took off many useful and valuable men, in the midst of their usefulness, and greatly weakened our strength. But the most distressing time the town ever saw by reason of sickness, was in the year 1683, eight years after the town was burnt, (which by the ancient people of the town, was called the sickly winter) when a violent fever raged in the town, to that degree that there were scarcely enough well to tend the sick; the public worship was for some time suspended, and twenty grown persons died. In the year 1711, there was also a mortal sickness which in the winter season raged here, greatly distressed the people, and carried off a number of the principal men. It was a distressing time with you in the year 1733, when your worthy Pastor, and my Rev. Father and immediate predecessor, Mr. Brown, after having served you in the work of the ministry forty years, died, and with him a number of worthy men. Mr. Brewer was ordained your minister May 16, 1693, and continued with you till Nov. 5 th , 1733, when he departed this life.
To him, through the providence of GOD, I, though unworthy, succeeded. The first sermon I preached was on the 26th of May, 1734. I received ordination January 27 th , 1735, 6: And though exercised with much weakness and many infirmities, yet having obtained help from GOD, I continue until this time. I suppose, I have lived with you longer than either of my predecessors; and longer than any minister in any part of the town, except the Rev. Dr. Williams, who is here present in the 83d year of his age, and has nearly completed the 59th year of his ministry; in a comfortable state of health, and full possession of his intellectual powers, he promises to be useful for years yet to come.
SINCE my entrance into the ministry here 476 have died, 1034 have received baptism, 298 have been admitted to full communion; there are only four, who are now living and continue with us, that were communicants at the time of my ordination. My work is near to an end: may I ask your prayers, that I may be useful while I live, faithful to death, and then receive the crown of life.
THIS town is now 131 years old. The first settlers expected that the town would contain only 50 families at the most: but I presume there may be, at this day, 600 within the ancient limits of Springfield.
THE town was early divided into two parishes. In June 1698, a church was gathered in the 2d parish, and Mr. John Woodbridge ordained their Pastor. He continued 20 years in the ministry, and died in June, 1718. To him succeeded the Rev. Samuel Hopkins, who was ordained pastor June 1st, 1720, and died October 6, 1755: a truly worthy man, and much beloved and esteemed. On the 25th day of the following August, the Rev. Joseph Lathrop was ordained, pastor of that church: he still lives, and has entered upon the 20th year of his ministry.
ON Feb. 17, 1713, Long-Meadow was made a parish: on the 16th of October 1716 a church was gathered there, and the Rev. Stephen Williams was ordained their pastor.
ON June 24th, 1741, a church was gathered in the fourth parish in Springfield; and the Rev. Noah Merick was ordained their pastor. He is still living. This parish was made a town in the year 1763.
ON Sept. 27, 1752, a church was gathered in a fifth parish in the town; and the Rev. John M'Kinstry was ordained their pastor.
ON Nov. 10, 1762, a church was gathered in a sixth parish in Springfield; and on the 17th the Rev. Silvanus Griswold was ordained their pastor.
ABOUT two years since, another district was made in the town, by the name of Ludlow, which remains destitute of a settled minister. So that there are now, within the ancient limits of this town, seven worshiping assemblies, besides one who profess themselves Baptists.
How greatly are we increased beyond the expectation of our forefathers? The first settlers of the town, were they now upon earth, might with propriety adopt the language of Jacob and say, with our staves passed we through this wilderness, and now we are become, not two, but seven bands.
MAY we be suitably affected with all the dealings of divine providence towards our fathers and us, both merciful and corrective. We have mercies to speak of as well as judgments: we have enjoyed the gospel from the beginning; have had as much health as most towns; and perhaps no town has enjoyed more internal peace, with fewer interruptions, than the ancient town of Springfield. Though we have been divided into several parishes, for many years, and have had distinct interests; yet from my earliest acquaintance with the town, your fathers looked upon one another as brethren, and regard to the public interest was the governing principle. I have ever thought it a very happy circumstance, that the leading men of this town have, from time to time, been not only men of ability, but really friendly, both to your civil and religious interests.
FOR my own part, I have ever esteemed it a smile of Providence, that my lot was early cast in the town of Springfield; and hope I may never have occasion to change my sentiments. I came here in my youth, not 21 years of age; and shall ever retain a grateful remembrance of the candor with which your fathers treated me, and many kind offices which they did me. But few of that generation remain. They are in the grave: and I cannot forbear dropping a tear at the remembrance of them. They were a worthy set of people: but they are gone; and this place which has known them, shall know them no more. And the children are risen up in the stead of their fathers: may you, my dear people, prove yourselves worthy of such ancestors.
How short is human life! How quick does one generation succeed another! there are now upon the stage, some of the eighth generation of the family of the Pynchons in 139 years. My brethren, former generations are passed away, and this present generation must soon follow them, and make way for others. Within a few years, every single person in this assembly will be in the grave. It is extreme folly in us, to set our hearts upon a world we must so soon leave; and it is our highest wisdom to lay up treasure in heaven; and prepare for that eternal state, which succeeds this short life.
HOWEVER though we should not be careful of the many things of this world, to the neglect of the one thing needful, yet our present prosperity and happiness is not to be wholly overlooked. And we ought to carry our views beyond the time of our own continuance here, and confess the good and happiness of those who shall succeed us on the stage of life. If we regard the happiness of posterity, let us take care to give our children a religious education, and sit them to act their part well upon the theater of the world, after we are retired to rest and sleep with our faihers.
NEW-ENGLAND has seen days of prosperity; they have also had their seasons of adversity. In their troubles, they trusted in GOD, and he has repeatedly granted them signal deliverances. Our fathers greatest troubles were from the Natives, who, by the instigation of the French were often infesting our frontier settlements. And multitudes have died by their barbarous hands.
WHEN, by the blessing of GOD upon our arms, in the last war with France, Canady was subjected to the obedience of the Crown of Great-Britain, we were ready to flatter ourselves that our troubles were at an end; and that now we should enjoy continual sunshine and peace: but the clouds are soon gathered again. It is now a day of darkness, not only with New-England, but the cloud has overspread all America: though we may expect to bear the weight of the storm. Let us follow the good example of our pious progenitors: wait upon the LORD, and see to it that our ways please him, and we may hope that he will cause the enemies of America to be at peace with us.